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« on: July 22, 2019, 08:57:38 PM »
NOTES 363
the historic period in Egypt, where the divine name was used (and abused) in direct proportion to its sanctity. On the other hand, the names of certain ancient gods seem to have disappeared at a very early time. Thus the crocodile with an ostrich-feather, which once was worshipped in Denderah, remained on the standard of the nome, but its name was so completely lost that later it was held to symbolize the conquest of Seth (here boldly identified with Sobk) by Horus (in this instance explained as symbolized by the feather; see Mariette, Denderah, iii. 78). A divine name rendered in three contradictory ways {Pyr. 1017, 1719, etc.), so that we must conclude that it was unfamiliar to scholars as early as 30CX) b. c, may have many par- allels in names of doubtful occurrence or reading in the earliest hieroglyphic inscriptions.
9. Mariette, Les Mastaba, p. 112; Lepsius, Denkmdler, iii. 279 (near Memphis.'').
Chapter II
1. On his later role in the Osiris-myth as son, re-embodiment, and avenger of Osiris see pp. 102, 113, 11 5-1 8, where the now popular theory is criticized that the winged disk of Edfu is the earliest form of Horus (p. loi).
2. This interpretation is evidently based on an etymological con- nexion with the root khoper, "to become, to be formed." This ety- mology leads also to an explanation of the name as "the One who Forms Himself, the Self-Begotten," as the sun-god later was called. For the earliest orthography, Kheprer, see Pyr. 12 10, 2079.
3. A localization of Khepri at Heliopolis is scarcely original, for Atum(u) was the earlier solarized god of this place.
4. Some texts seem to understand the two sekhnui of the sun to be gangways, or something of the sort. Pyr. 337, for example, says, "Throw down the two gangways {sekhnui) of the sky for the sun- god that he may sail thereon toward the (eastern) horizon." Then their number is doubled, and they are located at the four cardinal points (see Pyr. 464), "These four clean gangways are laid down for Osiris' when he comes forth to the sky, sailing to the cool place." Later their name is transferred to the four pillars of heaven. The original meaning of the word seems very soon to have become odscure. In the earliest pictures (Petrie, Royal Tombs, ii. Plates X-XI) it is clearly a mat hanging from the prow of the solar ship.
5. Very late art even tries to make it a curtain of beads or an ornament symbolizing the rays of the sun (e. g. Benedite, Philae, Plate XLIII); or it may appear as a black tablet adorned with stars {Ani Papyrus).
364 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
6. Pyr. 1209. The numerical symbolism is interesting.
7. Later this expression loses its original force, so that all the righteous dead are expected to join the elect who sail in the boat of the sun (p. 26).
8. Bonomi and Sharpe, Oimenepthah, Plate XL
9. These wars belong more properly to the later mythology; see p. 106.
10. The earlier idea was that during the night the bark of the sun was drawn by jackals "in the mountain to a hidden place" {Harris Magic Papyrus, 5). This and the idea of the "jackal (lakes)" {Pyr. 1 164, 1457), or "jackal field(s)," into which the sun descends, seem to date from the time when the dog or jackal Anudis (already possibly identified with Ophois) was the only ruler of the nether world (see pp. 98, iio-ii). Cf. the jackals at "the lake of life" (Bonomi and Sharpe, Oimenepthah, Plate VIII). The rope around the neck of such jackal-gods seems to refer to their towing of the solar ship.
11. Later, by a misreading, the "flaming island," or "island of flames," is interpreted as the "lake of flames" or the "canal of flames." The former becomes the place of torment for the wicked; while the latter is evolved into that portion of the subterranean water-way where the sun battles with its diabolical adversary 'Apop (pp. 104-06). Theologians also seek to distinguish other parts of the ocean where the sun sets or rises, e.g. the "lakes of growing [or of Khepri.^], of Heqet, and of Sokari" (Virey, Tombeau de Rekhmara, Plate XXIV). Four lakes (ib. Plate XXVII) refer to the four sources of the Nile as the birthplace of the sun (p. 46).
12. Or Mese(n)ktet; cf. P. Lacau, in RT xxv. 152 (1903), on the doubtful pronunciation of this name.
13. This is a strange feature, since Heliopolis, the place of worship of this latter local form of the sun, was situated at the eastern frontier of the Delta, so that we should expect him to represent the morn- ing appearance. It is possible that Atum was the earliest solariza- tion of a local god in Lower Egypt, so that he could represent the old sun, quite as Re' did in some of the later myths (see the following Note). On the original sacred animal of Atum see p. 165.
14. See the myths recounting why the gods withdrew from earth (pp. 76-79). It is for this reason that very late texts equate Re' with the feeble and dethroned Kronos of Classical mythology.
15. The special name given to this ram-headed form, Ef, Euf, can- not yet be definitely explained. Later the sun, again like Khnum, is often represented with four rams' heads, probably on the analogy of the four mythological sources or subterranean branches of the Nile.
16. These numbers can be traced to the divisions of the month by seven and fourteen, which fit both the solar and the lunar chronology.
NOTES 36s
17. See E. Lefebure, Le Mythe osirien, i. Les Yeux d'Horus, Paris,
1874-
18. For a picture of the sun-god sitting on his stairs and with a single eye instead of a head see Mariette, Denderah, iv. 78.
19. It is difficult to determine the extent to which the Asiatic concept of the planet Venus as a daughter of the sun (pp. 54, loi) and the femininity of the sun in certain Asiatic languages and re- ligious systems may have affected the Egyptian development in this regard.
20. It is possible that the "female sun," Re'et, or "Re'et of the two countries" {RaH taui), originated from these individualizations of the solar eye; yet it may have been merely the tendency to divide gods, especially those of cosmic character, into a male divinity and his female consort, as we find Amon(u)-Amonet, Anup(u)-Anupet, etc. At all events, the divinity Re'et, who was worshipped as a minor deity at Heliopolis and some other places, is usually human- headed and is treated as analogous to the celestial goddesses, as is shown by her head-dress of horns and the solar disk; sometimes she is also analogous to the lion-headed Tefenet.
21. The original meaning of this symbolism was sometimes confused by the fact that Seth came from the "golden city" of Ombos.
22. Pyr. 391; similarly 1178. The two obelisks in heaven were also called "the two marks, or signs [i. e. limits], of power" {sekhmui), a phrase which the later Egyptians did not understand and interpreted mechanically as "two sceptres" (W. Spiegelberg, in RT xxvi. 163 [1904]).
23. On the divine descent and worship of all kings see pp. 170-71.
24. W. von Bissing, in RT xxxv. 167 (1902).
25. "The great (cosmic) source" in Heliopolis {Pyr. 810).
26. See the three hawks from Pe-Dep (Buto) and the three jackals from Nekhen (Hierakonpolis), these latter animals from the "Hawk City" forming a strange contradiction to its name (Lepsius, Denk- mdler, iv. 26, 77, 87, etc.).
27. For the name of these baboons, Hetu (feminine Hetet; cf. Hetet, Pyr. 505), see H. Schafer, in AZ xxxi. 117 (1893), and Lanzone, DizionariOy p. 505. The sacred qejden (or henti) monkeys seem to be little different. Female marmosets surround the morning star {Pyr. 286). Regarding the four baboons of Thout, especially as the judges and guardians of condemned souls, see p. 180.
366 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
Chapter III
1. The moon as the father of the heavenly god {Pyr. 1104) is an isolated thought.
2. Thus he ought to correspond to the planet Mercury in the mythologies of other nations (see Note 63, on Sebgu). Phoenician mythology borrowed his name, under the form Taaut, as the in- ventor of writing.
3. Later the baboon form of Thout was called "Esden," as at Denderah; but this appellation seems to be merely a copyist's cor- ruption of Esdes, the name of a god who is mentioned together with Thout as a wise counsellor and judge (for a collection of some early passages concerning Esdes see Erman, Gesprdch eines Lebensmilden mit seiner Seele, p. 28), the two being subsequently blended. Esdes is represented as having the head of a wolf or jackal (Mariette, Denderah, iv. 21; cf. also ChampoUion, Notices, i. 417, Lepsius, Denkmdler, i. 100, Diimichen, Patuamenap, iii. 28). It is possible that he was an earlier god of some necropolis who once wavered between identification with Thout and with Anubis, both being judges of the dead. If we were certain that he originally had a baboon's shape, we should assume that he was the god who trans- ferred it to Thout.
4. Even as early as this period Khonsu is sometimes identified with the clerk Thout (Erman, Gesprdch, p. 27).
5. Thus at Ombos Khons appears as the son of the solarized Sobk and of Hat-hor, the sky.
6. The symbol of the double bull has the value khens (e. g. Pyr. 416 as a constellation connected with hunting, as also on the "Hunt- er's Palette") and likewise seems to appear among constellations on the magic wands (p. 208). For the other symbol see on Dua, Ch. VII, Note 21.
7. For these female pillars see Mariette, Denderah, ii. 55; De Morgan, Ombos, i. 254. For other interpretations of the four pillars of heaven see p. 44 on Shu with the pillars, p. 39 on Hat-hor's tresses in the same function, Ch. II, Note 4, on the later name of the four pillars, and pp. 39, 111-13 on the sons or tresses of Horus. There were various other concepts of heaven which were less popular. Thus from the frequent idea of a ladder leading to the height of heaven {Pyr. 472, etc.) was developed the thought thsK. heaven itself is a great ladder (ib. 479), corresponding to the great stairway of the sun in other texts. Many of these ideas are not yet deafly understood. The concept of several superimposed heavens (as in Fig. 47) is rare; but Pyr. 514, "he has united the heavens," and Pyr. 279, 541, "the
NOTES 367
two heavens," may refer to the opposed skies of the upper and lower world.
8. Pyr. 1433, etc. For the two pillars as parallel to this idea see pp. 30-31 and Ch. II, Note 22.
9. Pyr. 1216.
10. The oldest texts speak more frequently of the heavenly wild bull, despite the Egyptian gender of the word pet; and this also seems to explain why so many gods (especially deities of a celestial char- acter) appear in the form of a black bull, since black and blue were felt to be the same colour. In Pyr. 470, for instance, mention is made of the heavenly bull with four horns, one for each cardinal point. Accordingly in earlier tradition Osiris often has the form of a bull. Thus the whole conception seems to be borrowed from coun- tries farther north, where the lowing of heaven, i. e. thunder was more common than in Egypt.
11. The later Egyptian theological interpretation of this name as "the (celestial) house of Horus," i.e. the goddess who includes the sun-god in his wanderings, is philologically impossible. Originally the term can have meant nothing more than "temple with a face," i.e. with the skull of a cow nailed over its entrance to ward off evil spirits. The head of the cow or ox as a religious symbol throughout the ancient world may be traced partly to the Egyptian personifica- tion of the sky and partly to earlier Asiatic motives. Later the primary signification was no longer understood in most countries outside Egypt, and the head of the cow or bull became a mere orna- ment, although the "bucranium" still seems to have been used preferably for religious decoration over the whole ancient world (see E. Lefebure, "Le Bucrane," in Sphinx, x. 67-129 [1906]).
12. The "green ray" above the horizon has been used as an ex- planation by modern scholars, but the daily rise and death of the sun in the green ocean would seem to furnish a more natural interpreta- tion. The Egyptians, however, were scarcely conscious of this origin of "the green." We again find the idea of the green bed of the sun in the story of Isis and the young sun in the green jungles of the Delta (pp. 1 15-16), in "Horus on his green" (ib.), and probably also in "the malachite lake(s)" in which the gods are sometimes said to dwell {Pyr. 1784, etc.). Malachite powder falls from the stars {Pyr. 567), just as the blue lapis lazuli is celestial in origin (ib. 513). Whether the goddess Hat-hor as the patroness of the malachite mines on the Sinai'tic peninsula (and of a "Malachite City," Mefkat, in Egypt) is intentionally thus identified with the green colour is less certain, because Hat-hor also rules over all foreign countries. On the other hand, the metal peculiar to the Asiatic Queen of Heaven (Astarte, etc.) is copper, from which the green colour of the ancient
368 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
Orientals was derived; but thus far we do not know whether this explanation was primary or secondary. We are equally unable to explain why the stars which cover the body of the heavenly cow in Egypt usually have four rays, while all other stars are depicted with five. Four is the special celestial or cosmic number (see e. g. Note 7, on the pillars of heaven).
13. When a leopard's skin forms the garment of the goddess (Mariette, Denderah, iii. 40), she is assimilated to the goddess of fate.
14. Cf., in this connexion, Pharaoh's dream of the seven cows proceeding from the floods and plants of the Nile to indicate the nature of the coming harvest (Genesis xli).
15. See Brugsch, Religion, p. 318, Mariette, Denderah, iii. 59, 76, Lepsius, Denkmdler, iv. 26, etc.
16. The reading Bat is furnished by Pyr. 1096, where her symbol is clearly a cow's head on a standard, difi'ering from Hat-hor's symbol only by the strong inward curve of the horns. The statement that Bat had "a double face" (ib.) is thus far unique.
17. The pronunciation of this name is very uncertain; It might also be read Nuet, Neyet, or Nunet, or in some other way contain- ing two w's. If the name of the ocean was Nun or Nunu, we should expect' Nunet, provided that the connexion of the goddess with the ocean was not merely an etymological play upon words, which is quite possible. Thus we retain a conventional error as pronuncia- tion. For the equally doubtful pronunciation of Nuu or NQn see infra, Note 38.
18. The earliest form of the name seems to have been Gebeb (K. Sethe, In AZ xlill. 147 [1906]). For the reading Gebk (based on the Greek transcription Kr?/3Kts) see W. Splegelberg, in AZ xlvi. 141-42 (1910), but cf. Note 63. The form Qeb Is here followed in harmony with the Greek transliterations Kot/3ts, Krj/S, etc. Seb, the reading of the early Egyptologists, is erroneous.
19. He cackles at night before he lays this eg^ {Harris Magic Papyrus, vli. 7). The ordinary laws of sex, of course, do not apply to the gods. See also p. 71 on the symbol of the &gg.
20. Thus as early as Pyr. 1464, etc. He is also master of snakes in Pyr. 439 and master of magic, Ib. 477.
21. Qeb and Aker are mentioned together as early as Pyr. 796, 1014, 1713.
22. The Babylonian Nergal, the god of the lower world. Is a single lion, but he may be, to a certain extent, parallel. Later we often find Aker with two difi"erentlated heads or as a single Hon, as when, for example In the accompanying picture (Lepsius, Denkmdler, iii. 266), Nut, bearing the sun in the form of a scarab, bends over
NOTES
369
Fig. 221. Nut, Aker, and Khepri
him as over her usual husband Qeb. Again, the source-god Khnum stands on the back of a lion, which thus represents the depths of the earth (Mariette, Denderah, iv. 80, etc.).
23. Champollion, Notices, ii.
584, 507-
24. See pp. 104-06. The thought that the underworld was a huge serpent, or that it was encircled by one (an idea that may have been derived from the similar representation of the ocean), seems to be still later and more vague.
25. The pronunciation is not quite certain; it may be Shou. The Greek renderings, 2co$, liwaos-, Swo-is, seem to presuppose also a pronunciation Shoshu, but this may be based on an artificial ety- mology from ashesh, "to spit out," to which allusion is made e.g. in the creation-myth (Pyr. 1071, etc.; cf. p. 69). The lion-shaped
rain-spouts of the temples perhaps represent Shu, although the later Egyptians were no longer conscious of this fact, but called them simply "storm-spouts" {shen\ Lepsius, Denkmdler, iv. 67, etc.).
26. When Shu is compared to the midday sun, this
seems to mean that the sun is most under his power
at noon, when the widest aerial space separates the
sun from the earth. This idea, perhaps combined
with an etymology from the verb showi, "to be dry,"
has led some Egyptologists to compare Shu to the
(dry.?) heat, the (drying.'') air; but in his prevalent
function as a god of air and wind he is often called
Fig. 222. the master of the cooling air-currents (cf. Fig. 71).
Shu with Four Whether another etymology, from shuo (or shuy ?),
Feathers u^^ I^^ empty, to empty," is the original reason for
his identification with Heh, "the empty space," or is only a secondary
etymological paronomasia like so many of the forced etymologies of
Egyptian theology (see Note 30 on Tefenet), is fully as doubtful.
His earliest cosmic function seems to have been solar (and is still
so, for example, in Orbiney Papyrus, v. 7); yielding to more recent
sun-gods, he had early to assume the inferior role of carrying these
deities.
27. The transition may frequently be seen in pictures which, as in Naville, Deir el Bahari, Plate XLVI, represent "Shu, the son of the sun," with four feathers. Cosmic explanations of this number easily suggest themselves (see Notes 7, 10, Ch. II, Note 15, Ch. V, Notes 27, 67).
XII — 25
302
« on: July 22, 2019, 08:56:57 PM »
238 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
"for whom the sixth day and the middle day of the month are honoured" (cf. p. 90). With endless repetitions it describes his crowns and emblems. After a time, however, the account of his activity as creator and sustainer resumes a modern, pietistic tone.
"The only one who made what is, Creator of all men, who made what doth exist! Men proceeded from his eyes, The gods sprang from his lips. Who maketh grass for the herds. The life-bearing trees for men; Who permitteth the fish to live in the river. The birds to touch (?) the sky. He giveth breath to that which is in the egg; He sustaineth the grasshopper And keepeth alive (even) the gnat,^^ The creeping and the flying things alike; Who maketh food for the mice in their holes And feedeth the flying (creatures) on every tree.
Hail to thee for all these things ! The one, the only one, with many hands,^^ Who lieth awake for all men when they sleep. Seeking what is best for his animals!"
It is clear that the Egyptian conception of the gods In the New Empire meant a great advance beyond the low, primitive Ideas which we have described on pp. 16, 202-04, ^^c. The deities of these later religious hymns have not only gained unlimited power over all nature, but appear as great moral forces, as the principles of love, thought, and justice — at least in the figure of the supreme divinity whom the religious thinkers and poets seek. If we could cleanse these Egyptian descriptions from polytheistic and pantheistic traits, their conception of a fa- therly and omnipotent deity would seem at times to approach the Biblical Idea of God.
On the other hand, we must constantly query how far the masses could follow so lofty an advance. Not even the priests had that ability, for they were unable to free the mythology
EGYPTIAN RELIGION 239
from the old objectionable traditions which described the gods as very weak and imperfect beings, both in morality and in power. ^^ In the magic of all periods the deities appear still more fallible. The late sorcerers are even particularly fond of preserving and emphasizing the traditional weaknesses of the divinities, as in the retention of objectionable myths in magic rites (p. 80). Sometimes they actually endeavour by threats to draw the gods from their celestial abodes (p. 201). Nevertheless they never completely return to the concep- tion of the local spirits which was current in the primitive age, and similar conflicts between higher and lower ideals of the gods can be found to continue in other religions than that of the Nile-land.
Foreign influences cannot be discovered in any of the de- velopments which we have thus far considered. The borrowing of Asiatic motifs by Egyptian mythology (p. 153) could never revolutionize Egyptian thought, nor could this be done by a few Asiatic deities which enjoyed worship in Egypt at one period (pp. 154-57). These foreign cults existed side by side with the ancient Egyptian worships, neither mingling with them nor aflFecting them. In later times the intrusion of many inas- similable elements of this kind only made Egyptian religion more conservative. This is equally true of the Greek period, when even the official Serapis cult (p. 98) advanced very slowly among the native Egyptians. It was only magic that was al- ways open to foreign influence (p. 207). In the Roman period, when the religion of Greece and Rome had been strangely Egyptianized, and when the spread of Christianity threatened every type of paganism alike, we perceive a certain amount of intermingling of the Egyptian and Grseco-Roman systems in the popular mind. This influence, however, was less strong in the temple cults, which still endeavoured, as best they could, to copy the most ancient models. The sun-god, once pictured at Philae as an archer, is one of the rare adaptations to Greek mythology; ^^ and the same statement holds true of a curious
240
EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
change of the old type of the god Antaeus (p. 130) to that of Sera- pis with a non-Egyptian halo, the dress and armour of a Roman soldier, etc. Anubis and Ophois, guarding a tomb near Alexan- dria, are represented in similar fashion; one of them, with the lower part of his body in the form of a serpent, may possibly be
explained as a curious reminiscence of the serpent in the underworld (p. 105); it is again quite a new liberty. The strange degeneration of the sacred uraeus serpent on the same tomb is equally non-Egyptian. Still bolder innovations can be found among the terra-cotta figures which adorned private houses of this period (see Plate II, i, 2 for specimens), but we know little about the meaning of such strange fancies.
The influence of the Egyptian re- ligion on neighbouring countries was strongest in Nubia, where such Egyp- tian divinities as were recognized throughout Egypt (i. e. the Theban and Osirian circles) were rendered popular by conquest, colonization, and the imposition of the official cults on the dark-skinned subject races. Amon especially, as being the highest divinity in the state cult, became the official god of Napata and Meroe, and of all the great Ethiopian Empire as well when it won its independ- ence. The Egyptian priests of the Greek period actually looked southward with envy and described the Ethiopians as the best, most pious, and, consequently, happiest men on earth. ^^ In particular the employment of oracles to direct politics and even to choose kings continued in Ethiopia until the Persian period, as it had in Egypt in days gone by
Fig. 218. Antaeus-Serapis
EGYPTIAN RELIGION
241
(p. 197). As the supreme official divinity of the conquering Egyptian empire between the Eighteenth and Twentieth Dy- nasties, the ram-headed Amon also became known as the high- est god in Libya, west of Egypt, as is shown by the name of the "Oasis of Amon" and its famous oracle in the Libyan Des- ert. The influence as manifested in Asia and earlier Europe was less direct, although Egyptian art imported many Nilotic motifs thither. Since Phoe- nician art was always much more strongly influenced by the Egyptian style
*u u ^1- -u r TD u 1 • Fig. 219. Guarjjian Deities on the Tomb of than by that of Babylonia, k6m-esh-Shugafa near Alexandria
we may assume that the
religion of Phoenicia likewise borrowed liberally from Egypt.
Thus Tammuz-Adonis was worshipped atByblos like Osiris with Egyptianizing forms of cult (Ch. V, Note 84), the Phoenicians gave the name of Taaut to the inventor of writing (Ch. Ill, Note 2), etc. In like manner we find, for example, the sacred musical instrument of Egypt, the sistrum, or rattle (p. 41), used in religious ceremonies in Crete as early as Minoan times, when it is 1^ pictured on the famous vase of Phaistos. Thus
Fig. 220. Guardian "^e are not Surprised that distinctly Egyptian Symbol from the traits are numerous in Greek mythology,
Same Tomb . 111
and some seem to have wandered even to northern Europe.
Despite all this, the Egyptians never propagated their re- ligion abroad by missionaries. After the time of Alexander
xn — 17
242 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
the Greeks, who had always been somewhat attracted by the mysterious worship of the Nile-land, began to imitate some of its cults in their entirety, even outside Egypt itself; in the Roman period these cults spread to Italy, and thence through the whole Roman Empire as far as Brittany. As we have al- ready seen (p. 121), this propagation of the Egyptian religion was almost exclusively restricted to the deities of the Osirian cycle, the most popular of the Egyptian divinities, and to the Graeco-Egyptian Serapis. In the dispersion the cults sought to imitate as closely as possible — though not always with success — the ancient traditions of the Nile-land. The archi- tecture and the hieroglyphs of the temples, the obelisks and sphinxes before the shrines, the strange linen vestments of the priests with their shaven heads and faces, the endless and obscure ritual, and the animal forms of some of the idols every- where filled the Classical world with peculiar awe, and wonderful mysteries were believed to be hidden under these Incomprehensibilities. It mattered not that some free-thinkers always scoffed at the animal worship and other strange features of this barbarous cult; the proselytes only clung to its mysteries with the greater zeal, and the "Isiac" religion proved a formi- dable competitor of rising Christianity.^^
The principal reason for this success must have been the strong impression which the tenacious conservatism of Egypt made on that skeptical age. While the ancient Grseco-Roman religion had lost all hold on the people and could be mocked with impunity, while the deities of old had become meaning- less names or shadowy philosophical abstractions, the Egyp- tians, in childlike faith, showed all the miraculous trees, lakes, rocks, etc., of mythology, the abode of the gods In their temples on this very earth, and the divinities themselves actually em- bodied In statues and in sacred animals. This staunch faith, combined with the mysterious forms of worship, gave strangers the conviction that Egypt was the holiest country in the world and that "in truth the gods dwelt there." A pilgrimage to the
EGYPTIAN RELIGION 243
Nile was always thought to bring marvellous revelations and spiritual blessings, and the pilgrims, returning with freshened zeal, spread at home the conviction that the profoundest reli- gious knowledge had its home in the gloom of those gigantic temples which, in their largely intact condition, impressed the Roman traveller even more than their ruins now affect the tourist from the West.
Nevertheless the Classical world, though longing for new religious thought, was unable to copy that same conservatism which it admired in the Egyptians. Even in Egypt the more popular divinities, especially of the Osirian cycle, had been in- vested, as we have already noted, with some non-Egyptian ideas in the cities with a larger Greek population; and in Eu- rope amalgamation with Greek and Asiatic names and myth- ologies, and with philosophic speculations, reduced them to vague, pantheistic personalities. At last Isis and Osiris-Sera- pis, as they were worshipped abroad in the mystic cult of secret " Isiac societies," retained little more of their Egyptian origin than their names and forms of worship. Strange new myths were also invented. The picture of Harpokrates, or "Horus the Child" (p. 117), putting his finger to his lips as a conventional sign of childhood (cf. Figs. 45, 48, and Plate II), was misinterpreted as commanding the faithful to be silent concerning the deep religious mysteries of Egypt, an interpre- tation which strongly appealed to proselytes to that faith. The so-called "Hermetic literature" blended Greek and Egyptian religion with great freedom. ^^ Even the specula- tions which Plutarch, in his treatise "On Isis and Osiris" (p. 92), sought to read into the names of the divinities of the Nile-land are Egyptian only in part. On the other hand, the masses, especially the women of the Roman world, clung, as we have said, at least to the outer forms of the Egyptian religion to the best of their ability, as when, for instance, the representation of the great mother Isis always retained the type which we can trace to the Pyramid Period.
244 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
In Egypt itself, for the first three centuries of the Christian era, the temples saw the old creed, the old cults, and the pious throngs of worshippers without revolutionary change. After that time Christianity spread far more rapidly, and when, near the end of the fourth century, the famous edict of Theo- dosius ordered the closing of the pagan shrines, the masses had abandoned the ancient faith so thoroughly that the populace even turned against the heathen priests and their few followers. The scanty remnants of Egyptian and Greek religion, much disfigured by amalgamation during this bitter period, as we have repeatedly stated, died in wild riots during the fifth cen- tury. It was only on the beautiful little island of Philae (p. 99) that the cult of Isis and her associates continued undisturbed and uncorrupted. The wild, brown, nomadic tribes of the Blemmyans and Nobadians, east and south of Egypt, still refused to accept Christianity, and by clinging to the old faith they forced the Roman government, which feared the raids of these barbarians and even paid tribute to keep them quiet, to tolerate a few priests of Isis in the temple at Philae, at the southern frontier. In the beginning of the sixth cen- tury, however, the powerful Emperor Justinian suppressed these remnants of paganism, closed the temple, imprisoned the priests, and propagated the preaching of the Christian religion among the Nubians. With the death of the last priest who could read and interpret the "writings of the words of the gods," as the hieroglyphs were called, the old faith sank Into oblivion. It was only In popular magic that some super- stitious practices lingered on as feeble and sporadic traces of what had been, a couple of centuries before, a faith which bade fair to become the universal religion; or a statue of Isis and Horus, which had escaped destruction, was Interpreted as a representation of the Madonna and Child. A vague senti- ment of admiration and of awe for this strangest of all pagan religions still survived, but from the very Incomplete inform- ation given by the Classical writers no clear idea of the van-
EGYPTIAN RELIGION 245
ished faith could be constructed, and when the thunder of Napoleon's cannon awoke knowledge of Egypt to new life, her religion proved the hardest task for the scholars who strove to decipher her inscriptions and papyri (pp. 8-9). Yet despite all difficulties which still remain, we venture to hope that our survey, unprejudiced and unbiassed, has shown that though the Egyptians can in no wise furnish us edification or be compared with the philosophic Greeks and Indians, or even with the more systematic Babylonians, the extremely primi- tive character of their faith makes it a most valuable and in- dispensable source of information for those who wish to study the origin and the growth of religion.
NOTES
EGYPTIAN
Introduction
1. For a collection of monotheistic expressions, which often, however, are only fallacious, see Pierret, Mythologie, viii; Brugsch, Religion, p. 96; Budge, Gods, pp. 120 ff. For the real approaches to monotheism, cf. Ch. XIII.
2. "Der agyptische Fetischdienst und Gotterglaube," in Zeit- schrift fur Ethnologie, x. 153-82 (1878). He had a predecessor in the work of the famous French scholar, C. de Brosses, Du culte des dieux fetiches, Paris, 1760.
3. If these factors were Asiatics who entered Egypt in consider- able numbers, we could understand that such conquerors or immi- grants would leave the religion of the natives absolutely untouched, as is shown by repeated parallels in the later history of Egypt. This explanation for the rapid development of Egypt is, however, at present merely a hypothesis which lacks confirmation from the monuments.
4. In similar fashion the costume of the kings affords reminiscences of primitive times, e. g. in such adornments as the long tail tied to their girdles, or the barbarous crowns.
Chapter I
1. See G. Maspero, The Dawn of Civilization, London, 1894, p. 121. Generally speaking, all serpents were supposed to embody spirits (pp. 166-67) or the one mentioned in the present connex- ion might be regarded as a manifestation of the harvest-goddess Renenutet (p. 66).
2. In many instances the phrase "souls of a city" is used instead of "its gods," especially for some of the very oldest cities, as for the two most ancient capitals, Buto and Hierakonpolis (Pe-Dep and Nekhen). It seems to be an archaic expression which was used with special reverence, or possibly it had a more general meaning than "gods." Pyr. 561 substitutes the word ka for "the souls of Pe," i. e. a word which is more distinctly used of defunct souls. Otherwise the divine nature of all departed souls is not so clear as in other animistic religions (cf. pp. 15-17).
362 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
3. Each Egyptian nome also had one or two tabus of its own. Thus in one place honey was the local "abomination," while in others a special piece of meat, such as the liver or even the hind quarters of all cattle, was tabu. In many places the head or the blood is mentioned as forbidden; but since both of these seem to have been avoided throughout Egypt, this may merely imply that the prohibition was more strictly observed in certain places, and the same statement probably holds true of some sexual sins mentioned in the lists of the nome tabus. Many prohibitions must have origi- nated from tabus of holiness, as that of hurting a sheep, which was forbidden in one district; certainly the abhorrence of the hawk, re- corded in one locality, does not denote its uncleanness, especially as the bird was sacred in all parts of Egypt. Other instances, as those in connexion with the hippopota mus, gazelle, etc., however, are to be understood as the consequences of curses. "Making light in day- time" is also declared to have been a local sin. The whole subject is thus far involved in much obscurity.
4. The religion of Babylonia likewise shows unmistakable evi- dences of an original animistic basis, although it was earlier adapted to cosmic theories and better systematized than was the religion of Egypt. Scholars have often tried to find traces of totemism in the symbols of the gods, the cities, and the districts of Egypt. Such an interpretation is especially tempting when these emblems, carried on a standard as the coat of arms of the nomes, represent an animal or a plant. The only statement which we can positively make is that the Egyptians in historic times were not conscious of a totem- istic explanation of these symbols. Their application was divine or local, never tribal like the totemistic symbols of primitive peoples. The interpretation of totemism in general is at present in a state of discussion and uncertainty.
5. Such triads were the rule in Babylonia as well. It is quite wrong to call the Egyptian or Babylonian triad a trinity in the Chris- tian sense,
6. Sometimes the Theban triad was Amon, Amonet, and Mut. In this instance the minor male god Kh6ns(u), who usually took the place here occupied by Amonet, was set aside to avoid exceeding the traditional number three.
7. This is always the meaning of the orthography in the Old Em- pire; it was only at a later period that the name was held to signify "Master of the West" (i. e. the region of the dead, amentei) or "the One before his (!) Westerners" {Pyr. 285). On the assimilation of Khent(i)-amentiu to Osiris see p. 98.
8. It is quite improbable that awe of pronouncing the sacrosanct name caused it to fall into desuetude. We do not find such fear in
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EGYPTIAN RELIGION 229
Thou hast created the earth according to thy heart —
Thou being alone —
Men, flocks, and all animals,
Whatsoever is on earth,
Going on feet,
Whatsoever is high in the air, flying with its wings,
The foreign lands, Syria and Ethiopia,
(And) the land of Egypt.
Thou assignest every man to his place,
Thou makest what they need.
Each one hath his food.
And his lifetime is counted.^^
The tongues are distinguished in speech;
Their forms and also their skins ^^ are differentiated;
(Thus) thou didst distinguish the strange nations.
Thou madest the Nile in the lower world.
Thou bringest him according to thy liking.
For furnishing life to mankind.
As thou hast made them for thyself,
Thou, their lord, (lord) of them all,
Resting among them,^^
Thou lord of every land
Who ariseth for them,
O sun-disk of the day, great of power!
All foreign countries, the remote.
Thou makest life for them;
(Because) thou hast placed a Nile in the sky,
It descendeth for them,
It maketh waves on the mountain like the great ocean,
Irrigating ^'^ their fields in their towns.
How excellent are thy plans, O lord of eternity!
Thou [hast established] *^ the Nile in the sky for the foreign lands
And for the wild beasts of every mountain country wandering on ^
their feet; (But) the Nile cometh from the underworld for Egypt.
Thy rays nourish ^^ every green spot; (When) thou risest, they live And they grow for thee.
230 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
Thou hast made the seasons
To produce all that thou makest;
The winter to cool them,
The (season of) heat (when) they (really) taste thee.
Thou didst make the sky far away to rise in it
And to behold all that thou makest.
Thou art alone, rising in thy forms as a living disk,
Appearing, shining, departing, and (again) drawing nigh.
Thou makest millions of forms from thyself alone.
Cities, villages, and tribes.
Highways and rivers;
Every eye beholdeth thee before them
(When) thou art the disk of day-time above [them]."
The text, apparently becoming corrupt after this strophe, has some very obscure sentences whose approximate meaning seems to be: "Thou hast not (?) gone away since (}) thine eye hath existed (which.?) thou hast created for (?) them that thou shouldst not see joy (.'')"; and it then continues in a more personal prayer.
"Thou art in my heart (i.e. understanding); None other is there who knoweth thee Except thy son, Akh-en-aten; Thou hast made him wise in thy plans and in thy power.^
The (whole) earth is at thy command
As thou hast made them.
When thou hast risen, they (feel) alive;
When thou hast set, they (feel) dead.
(Thus) in thyself ^^ thou art lifetime;
People live from thee;
(All) eyes (are fixed) on thy beauty until thou settest;
All work is stopped (when) thou settest in the west.
Arising, thou makest [everything good.^] grow for the king
[Who hath been a servant following thee.''],^^
For thou hast founded the earth
And raised it *'' up for thy son.
The one who came forth from thy limbs.
The king of Upper and Lower Egypt,
Living in ^^ truth, lord of both countries,
EGYPTIAN RELIGION 231
Nefer-khepru-re' [" the Best of the Forms of the Sun "; cf. p. 170],
Ua'-n-re' [" the Only One of the Sun "], Son of the sun, living in *^ truth, The lord of diadems, Akh-en-aten. Long (be) his life,
And the chief royal wife, beloved of him, The mistress of both countries, Nefer-nefru-aten, Nefert-iti, Who liveth and flourisheth for ever and for eternity."
There are some shorter hymns and prayers of this same period, usually abridged from the long hymn w^hich we have just quoted.'*^ All of them have the same character: they fol- low a modern, lyric style of poetic description, depicting nature with a minute observation of small details, but they present scarcely a religious thought which cannot be found In earlier literature. They might almost as well have been written of the solar deities of preceding generations.
The reaction which set In after the death of Amen-hotep IV re-established the old forms and names of the deities every- where and even sought to emphasize them more than before. It was easy to destroy the heresies of the schismatic Pharaoh since his short-lived reform had nowhere penetrated the masses. If the reformation left any trace, we might find It in the fact that the style of religious literature did not return to the dry formalism which had reigned before the New Empire; the warmer, pletlstic tone was maintained, and this could be done with Impunity since the heretical movement did not, strictly speaking. Inaugurate this style, which had had forerunners before the time of Amen-hotep IV. This lyric, personal tone ^^ seems to deepen even In the Nineteenth and Twentieth Dynasties, so that the worship of the ancient deities was, after all, not quite the same as In the days of the ancestors, and this wholly apart from the pantheistic syncretism of scholars. The texts reveal an increasing tendency to break away from formalism in worship and to Inculcate a personal devotion to the deity. They emphasize that the divinity loves
232
EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
Fig. 217. Prayer-Stele with Symbols of Hearing
man, not merely the human race, but each Individual, even the most humble; the very animals are objects of his fatherly care. Where earlier poetry praised the divine power exclusively and regarded It with awe alone, now the kindness of the gods
toward the poor and needy Is de- scribed. The sick, the orphan and the widow, and the unjustly accused win not pray in vain for deliverance from their misery (cf. p. 237). Such fatherly love must be reciprocated by a manifestation of man's love toward the deity and by devotion to him and to his worship. We no- where find it stated in plain words that sacrifices or ritual alone cannot save; yet the wise Anl,^^ who seems to have lived at the end of the Eighteenth Dynasty, at least de- nounces the belief that loud, formal, and lengthy prayers can compel the deity to do his worshipper's bidding.
"The sanctuary of the god,^^ shouting is Its abhorrence; Pray for thyself with a loving heart! All his (?) words ^* are in secret; He performeth thy cause; He heareth thy saying; He receiveth thy sacrifice."
With this lofty view of prayer we may contrast the con- temporary stelae which pilgrims erected and on which they depicted first one pair of ears to express the invocation, "May the god hear my supplication!" and then multiplied these sym- bols to show how intensely they desired to compel the deity to hearken, as In the accompanying cut, whose inscription reads, "Praise to the soul {ka) of Ptah, the lord of justice, great In might, (who) heareth prayer!"
Other advanced thinkers departed even further from formal-
EGYPTIAN RELIGION 233
ism by urging the silent, humble prayer of the contrite heart, as when we read:^'*
"Thou savest the silent, O Thout, Thou sweet well of water for him who is athirst in the desert! It is closed for the eloquent; ^^ It is open for the silent.
When the silent cometh, he findeth the well; The one that bumeth with heat, him dost thou refresh."
This does not mean that it is not man's duty to honour the gods by praise, for he must extol them constantly before men.
"I make praises for his name, I praise him to the height of heaven; As wide as the ground (of the earth) is I describe his power to them that go southward and northward." ^^
The wise AnI certainly would not destroy all formalism, for in his Maxims we read:^^
"Celebrate the feasts of thy god! Observe^* his (sacred) seasons! The god is wroth when he experienceth trespassing."
See also p. 178 for his admonition to sacrifice for the dead in the traditional way.
The deities expect not only loving worship, but also obedi- ence to their moral demands; if these be broken, affliction will follow as a speedy punishment.
"Beware of him! Tell it to (thy) son and to (thy) daughter. To the great and to the small! Report it t© the (present) generation And to the generation which hath not yet come! Report it to the fish in the deep. To the birds in the sky! Repeat it to him who doth not yet know it, And to him who knoweth it! Beware of him!" ^^
234 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
In remorse a man who seems to have sworn a false oath by the moon-god erects a stele to confess his sin:^°
"I am a man who had wrongly said, ' (As) he remaineth' to the moon concerning (?) the barrier (?). ^^ Then before the whole country he made me see how great his might is. I report thy power to the fish in the river And to the birds in the sky.
They (i.e. mankind) shall say to the children of their children, 'Beware of the moon, who can turn this (away) when he is appeased.'"
A similar case is described more pathetically.®^ A man grew blind, attributed his affliction to perjury which he had com- mitted, and implored the god's forgiveness in the following words :
"I am one who swore falsely by Ptah, the Lord of Justice; He made me see darkness in day-time. I shall tell his power to the one who knoweth him^^ not, as well as
to the one who knoweth, To the small and to the great. Beware of Ptah, the Lord of Justice! Behold, he doth not overlook a (wrong) deed of any man. Abstain from pronouncing Ptah's name wrongly! Lo, he who pronounceth it wrongly, Behold, he goeth to destruction.
He made me to be like a dog on the street; I was in his hand.
He made me to be a spectacle for men and for gods Since I have been a man who wrought abomination against his master.
Ptah, the Lord of Justice, is just to me; He hath afflicted me with punishment. Be merciful unto me! I have seen that thou art merciful."
Another man excuses himself before the deity In a more gen- eral way:^^ "I am an ignorant, heartless (i.e. stupid, brainless) man who knoweth not the difference between good and evil." Others declare that mankind as a whole is weak and helpless
EGYPTIAN RELIGION 235
before the gods. Even when no specific sin burdens the con- science, it is well to confess this human weakness before the divinities and to assume that they might easily discover faults if they were not so gracious and forgiving. This is the tone of the following hymn:^^
"Thou (art) the only one, O Har-akhti! There is none indeed like unto him, (Able to) protect millions And to shield hundreds of thousands, Thou protector of him who calleth for him!
Lord of Heliopolis, reproach me not for my many sins!
1 am one who knoweth not (anything) ,^^ Whose breast ^^ Is Ignorant;
I am a man without heart; ®^
I spend the whole time walking after my own mouth
As an ox (goeth) after the grass.
If I forget ( ?) my time, . . .
I walk . . . " «9
This pietistic tone penetrates even the oflftcial Inscriptions. We find Pharaohs who humbly pray to the gods for divine guidance and illumination where, according to the traditional theory of Egyptian kingship (p. 170), they should have spoken haughtily as being themselves incarnate divinities and masters of all wisdom. Thus one royal prayer runs : ''^ " Suffer me not to do that which thou hatest; save me from that which is wicked!" Nevertheless such humble confessions of royal fallibility and weakness are not so numerous as the parallel assertions of the older view, according to which the Pharaoh was too far above the level of ignorant and feeble humanity to commit sin. After 1000 b.c. the old formalism, generally speaking, stifled the pietistic tone more and more, especially after 750, when mechanical copying of the earliest forms was the prevailing tendency, and when Egyptian conservatism cele- brated Its greatest triumph. In Increasing measure it became the highest ambition of the theologians to search the ruins of temples and tombs for Inscriptions and papyri, and to gather
236 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
from them old and imperfectly known texts, as well as names and pictures of the gods whom the ancestors had worshipped, thus bringing to light many forgotten divinities. This archaiz- ing tendency begins with the Ethiopian kings of the eighth century b. c. and culminates in the fourth century with the reign of Nectanebo, a pious monarch famous in later tradition also as a scholar and magician, who has left a surprising num- ber of monuments illustrative of the pantheon and of the doctrines of the remote past (see p. 207).
To demonstrate the great contrast between the pietistic style in the religious poetry of the New Empire and the old poetic vein we quote a specimen from a long hymn to Amen-Re' which is preserved in a papyrus of the museum at Cairo.'^^ This hymn is composed of poetic fragments of various ages and thus exhibits the old formalism side by side with the more lyrical style. In it, accordingly, we find examples of the most stilted and archaic tone:
"Awake in health, Mln-Ainon,^^ Lord of eternity. Who hath made endless time! Lord of adoration, The one before . . .^^
Firm of horns,
Fair of face,
Lord of the crown,
With high feathers!
Fine with the ribbon on his head,'*
(Wearing) the white crown.
The serpent diadem and the two serpents of Buto ^^ belong to his
face. The ornaments (.^) of the one in the palace,'^ The double crown, the royal cap, and the helmet! Fine of face when he hath received the fourfold crown! Who loveth the Southern as well as the Northern crown! Master of the double crown who hath received the sceptre! Master of the club, holding the whip, The good ruler who appeareth with the white crown!"
EGYPTIAN RELIGION 237
Thus far the hymn merely describes the incredibly old statue of the god Min of Koptos (p. 139), of whose mythological char- acter the poet could say little, since he was obviously unwilling to follow the deity's later identification with Osiris (pp. 139, 156). At this point the style becomes slightly more vivid and modern, and passes over into a hymn to the sun.
"Lord of rays, maker of light, To whom the gods give praises, Who sendeth forth his arms as he will! His enemies fall by his flame. It is his eye which overthrew the wicked. It sent its spear to be swallowed by the abyss, It forced the impious dragon to spit forth what he had swallowed.^''
Hail to thee, O Re', lord of truth.
Whose shrine is mysterious, master of the gods!
Khepri In his ship,
Who uttered the command, and the gods were made!
Atumu, the creator of men.
Who distinguished their forms and made their life.
Distinguishing the form ^^ of one from (that of) the other!"
Now follows a section in the most modern, lyric vein:
"Who hearkeneth to the prayer of him that is In prison, Kind of heart when one crieth unto him! Who delivereth the timid from him that is violent of heart, Who judgeth the oppressed, the oppressed and the needy!
Lord of knowledge, on whose lips is wisdom,''^
At whose pleasure the Nile cometh!
Lord of pleasantness, great of love,
Who giveth *° life to men.
Who openeth every eye!
O thou (that wert) made in the abyss.
Who created pleasure and light!
The gods rejoice at the signs of his goodness, ^^
Their hearts revive when they behold him."
The next section of the hymn reverts to a jejune style which celebrates the deity, as worshipped In Thebes and Heliopolis,
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EGYPTIAN RELIGION 219 most part they show the priests quite as fettered by tradition- alism as were the people. The best illustration is the strange commentary and supercommentary contained In the seven- teenth chapter of the Book of the Dead^ which seems to have been considered a masterpiece of theological thought. Some- times it seems reasonable enough, as when the departed says,^ "I am the great god who became by himself," on which the commentary remarks, "What does this mean? It Is the water [according to other manuscripts, "the abyss, the father of the gods"]; another interpretation: it is the sun-god" (see pp. 44, 48, on the question who was the oldest god). We can at least follow the thought when the words, " I know the yesterday and the tomorrow," are glossed, "What is thls.^" The yesterday is Osiris, and the tomorrow is Re'," thus distinguishing the dead sun-god from the one who is reborn every day. Then, however, we find the text declaring, "I am Min at his appearance, my two feathers are given me on my head." These simple words the commentators endeavour to render more profound by the gloss: "MinisHorus, who avenged his father [cf. p. 117]; his appearances are his birth; his two feathers on his head are Isis and Nephthys, who went and placed themselves on his head when they were two birds [cf. p. 115], at the time when his head ached. Another interpretation: the two uraeus serpents [p. 29] are they before his father. Another interpretation: his two eyes were the feathers on his head." We perceive how difhcult It was for such minds to rise above a very shallow symbolism, and we are not surprised that wisdom of this type moved in a circle for several thousand years. Nevertheless here also we see the constant tendency toward a syncretistic comparison and identification of divinities. Thus we read again in a similar commentary:^ "The soul of Shu is Khnum, the soul of end- less space [Heh, p. 44] Is Shu (.''), the soul of (primeval) dark- ness Is night, the soul of Nuu is Re', that of Osiris is the Mendes, the souls of the Sobks are the crocodiles, the soul of every god Is In the serpents [cf. p. 166], that of 'Apop is 220 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY In (the land of) Bekh,^° that of Re' is over the whole earth." Here once more we note the endeavour, which gained ground In the New Empire, to identify the abyss (Nuu) with the sun (Re') and thus to explain the latter as "self-begotten" (p. 50) and as the essence of the whole world. In opposition to earlier doctrines (p. 50). We likewise observe that "soul" or "force" approximates the sense of "manifestation" or "antitype." More detailed In Its syncretistic speculations Is a document which claims to have been found on a worm-eaten and partially Illegible papyrus about 720 b. c. and which was then incised on a block of stone as a very wonderful specimen of ancestral thought.^^ It daringly reconciles the Memphltic and Hello- polltan doctrine. Ptah, the local deity of Memphis, was the earliest of all gods. He existed in eight forms, the oldest of which were Ptah-Nuu as the father and Ptah-Nekhbet as the mother (!) of Atum.^^ When this sun-god Atum propagated the rest of the ennead, as described on p. 216, these divinities were not only descendants of Ptah, but were In fact mere manifestations of him. In other words, as our text explains, Ptah, "the Great One," Is the heart and tongue of the ennead, and thought and speech (on whose mutual relations some speculations are added) represent the activity of every god. Consequently Ptah is the universal power. Then the "little ennead" of Heliopolls Is considered. Horus and Thout — the latter the organizer of the present pantheon — likewise "came from Ptah" both directly and Indirectly, and thus the whole universe has emanated from him and is ruled by him.^^ Such pantheistic tendencies are elsewhere attached to Re', to his parallels, Amen-Re' and Osiris, "the master of all things" (p. 96),^'* etc., but especially, from the Nineteenth Dynasty onward, to the Memphltic deity Ptah-Tatunen (whom we have mentioned above) and to his variant, Sokarl-Oslris. When Ptah is called "he who standeth on the earth and toucheth the sky with his head, he whose upper half Is the sky and whose lower half Is the underworld," etc.,^^ or when Osiris-Sokari EGYPTIAN RELIGION 221 ( = Ptah) is described not merely as the earth-god who gives life to plants, etc., or as ruler of the lower world, and at the same time producer of the air, but even as possessing solar faculties, ^^ we have the development of a conception of deity as the cosmic universe which cannot but end in a pantheistic belief in one god, though he manifests himself in a hundred forms and names. A clear expression of this doctrine is found in a late hymn ^^ in which the supreme god Amen-Re' is treated as the sun and thus is identified with such solar manifestations as Min, Atum, Khepri, Montu, and Har-shaf, perhaps even with androgynous combinations like Shu-Tefenet and Mut- Khonsu (line 37), and repeatedly with the universalized Ptah- Tatunen-Sokari. Consequently "Thy forms are Nile and Earth, Thou art the eldest, greater than the gods. Thou art the abyss when it stretched itself over the ground; Thou didst return in thy ripples (.''). Thou art the sky, thou art the earth, thou art the underworld, Thou art the water, thou art the air between them." It would be a mistake to see Iranian influence in this text merely because it chances to be preserved in a temple dating from the reign of Darius I; it was evidently written several centuries before, and its thoughts can be traced to a time even more remote. As early as the Nineteenth Dynasty the Litany of the Sun ^^ declares that the solar deity Re'-Hor manifests himself in practically all gods. Not only are all divinities who admit of solarization identical with him as his "power," but he is one with Nuu (the abyss), Qeb (the earth), Shay ("Des- tiny," see p. 52), the new "furnace-deity" (Ketuiti) which represents hell and the lower world (Ch. X, Note 21), and even with such female forces as Isis and Nephthys. All this enables us to understand a hymn to a mysterious cosmic god in which a magician wishes to express his idea of an unknown god greater than anyone had hitherto been able to imagine.^^ 222 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY "O thou dwarf of heaven (f),^'' Thou big-faced dwarf With high back, With weakly legs, The great pillar which (reacheth) from heaven (to) the lower world! O lord of the corpse which resteth in Heliopolis, great lord of life who resteth in Dedet! ^^ N. N., son of N. N., guard him by day, Watch him by night; Protect him as thou hast protected Osiris against [Seth?] ^^ On that day of (his) burial in Heliopolis! ^^ 1 am the lion in the ship ( ?) ^* of the Phoenix. Thy form is that of a monkey ^^ With the face of an old man. There were ( ?) witnesses when thou didst send (a message) to me, (When?) a resting-place was taken in the wall (i.e. of Memphis.^). Thus: may a chapel of one cubit be made for me! 'Art thou not a giant of seven cubits.'" I said to thee, 'Thou canst not enter into this chapel of one cubit; Art thou not a giant of seven cubits.?' (But) thou didst enter it and rest in it. [Fall (?), O flames which know (!) not the abyss! ^6 Thou chapel, open, open thyself! Thou who art in it with thy monkey face, Woe! Woe! Fire! Fire! Thou child of the maiden (?),2' Thou baboon!"] The last strophe seems to have no connexion with what precedes, and it has the appearance of an incongruous magic addition like the one translated on p. 83. Yet in the first part of the hymn we find the idea of a god who, like Osiris-Re' (i.e. the Heliopolitan god), represents the entire universe and has the outward form partly of the dwarf or giant Bes, and in greater degree that of his Memphitic variant, Ptah-Nuu- Sokari, as a dwarf (p. 64). Obviously the magician again re- gards the latter as the god of all nature, both infant and old man, the beginning and the end, the smallest and the greatest principle of nature, etc. Osiris, elsewhere the deity of universal EGYPTIAN RELIGION 223 nature, is here merely subordinate to this all-god and is, it would seem, only one of his manifestations. Thus we can also understand the origin and meaning of magic representations, dating from the latest period, of a mysterious, nameless deity. His pictures unite the portrayals ^:0: )°^<^=^« mjl^i^'^^w :^^\^\KK\^^\M^^^ Fig. 214. Late Nameless God of the Universe of the hawk Horus, and sometimes of the crocodile Sobk, the phallic divinity Min, and the similar picture of the "self-be- gotten" Amen-Re', etc.; but the principal source is Bes, who, as above, is the same as Sokari, who in turn equals Nuu-Ptah. The representation with innumerable eyes covering his body, somewhat like the Greek Argos,^^ has a forerunner in a deity who is described ^^ as having seventy-seven eyes and as many ears. The shoes are those of the primeval ogdoad (p. 48) ; the feet tread the abyss (in serpent-form; p. 104) and his helpers; 224 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY the surrounding flames shield this mysterious being from the profane world.^° It is an amalgamation of the greatest cosmic powers, as being all identical, into one new god of the universe. The hymn which we have translated above, with its striv- ing after a mysterious, nameless, all-embracing divinity of the entire universe, is found in a papyrus of the Twentieth Dynasty (twelfth century b. c), but the text has been copied from earlier sources. As we have repeatedly stated, the clear doctrinal formulation of pantheism, as in the- texts which we have quoted, seems to appear about the beginning of the New Empire, in the Eighteenth Dynasty. If the growth of pantheistic ideas in this epoch, the time after 1600 b. c, betrays a struggle against traditionalism, a groping for a new and larger conception of the godhead, and a tendency toward a solar explanation of the origin of all nature, we can understand how, not much later, an effort could be made violently to reform the religion of Egypt — the famous revolution of Pharaoh Amen-hotep (Amenophis) IV, about 1400 B. c. The pantheistic striving of scholars had at least prepared the way for the revolution. At all events this very interesting movement, the only violent religious reform of which we know, not only in Egypt, but in the entire pre-Chris- tian Orient outside Israel, must not be explained as due to Asiatic influences. Neither can it be understood as coming from the old Heliopolitan theology, as some scholars have supposed; contrary to Egyptian traditionalism, it did not seek to support itself by that most venerable school of tradition, but desired to be an entirely new doctrine. Like so many other religious revolutions, this also seems to have had a political basis. The King, being the son of a woman who was not of royal blood (Teye, the daughter of an ordinary priest), probably encountered opposition from the Theban hierarchy as not being quite legitimate, and he punished the priests by deposing Amon from his position as the official chief god. Wishing to suppress entirely the worship of Amon, the EGYPTIAN RELIGION 225 Pharaoh tried to bring oblivion on the divinity by erasing the deity's name and that of his consort Mut from all earlier monu- ments, even those of a private nature, such as old tombs. He himself moved from Amon's city of Thebes to a place in Middle Egypt near the site of the modern Tell Amarna, where he built a new capital. Thus breaking with all tradition and finding ready to hand the concept that the sun-god was the master or, in real- ity, the only deity of the whole universe, the King was unwilling to employ any of the old names and representa- tions for this supreme divinity, but rational- istically called him simply Aten ("the Disk") and portrayed him in an entirely new manner as a plain disk with rays ending in hands (a symbolism indicative of activity.'*). To this new god he built a magnificent temple in the new capital, which he called "Horizon of the Disk" in Aten's honour (see Fig. 195 for a picture of the front of this sanctuary), and he even changed his own name from Amen-hotep ("Amon is Satisfied") to Akh-en-aten ("Splendour of the Disk").^^ Parallel with these innovations free scope was given to a certain realistic modernism in art, etc. These violent reforms met with much opposition, and after the King's death so strong a reaction set in that his successors were constrained to return hurriedly to the old faith and to re-establish the worship of the Theban triad. The memory of the heretic and of his god was persecuted as mercilessly as he XII — 16 Fig. 215. Amen-hotep IV and his Wife Sacrific- ing TO THE Solar Disk 226 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY had repressed the religion of Amon, and in particular the schismatic temple of the sun was razed to the ground. Thus we know little about Amen-hotep's new "doctrine" to which his Inscriptions proudly allude; few texts have survived con- cerning it, and these documents are only hymns which vaguely extol the sun as the benefactor of all animate nature. The revolution does not seem to have been quite so radical a solar monotheism as modern writers often state. We have no evidence that any cults outside the divine triad of Thebes were persecuted. Some old names and forms of solar deities were still re- tained in the new royal worship (es- pecially Horus and Har-akhti), or at least were tolerated (Atum). Thus the system may have been henothe- istic or monolatristic rather than monotheistic. Neither was It icono- clastic to the extent of strict avold- FiG. 216. Profile of Amen- ^nce of the human or animal types of the deities who were retained or tolerated. Nevertheless It remains a very remarkable rational- istic attempt, and it reveals independence of thought by re- fusing the support of the pantheistic amalgamations of old names and forms which we have described above.^^ It is quite true that the only motive of Amen-hotep in avoiding this pantheism seems to have been, not philosophical thought, but simply the fear that he might be compelled to retain all the traditional names and cults, and thus to admit Amon also as a manifestation of the universal god of the free-thinkers. Yet we must give him credit for breaking away from the crude old beliefs which, after theoretically re- moving the deities to heaven, had In reality kept them on earth within the touch of man and In the human and animal forms of primitive tradition. Although the thought was far from new, nevertheless It was a radical step actually to remove EGYPTIAN RELIGION 227 the supreme divinity to the sky and to worship him only in the form in which the sun appears daily to every eye. This break with traditionalism, however, was the fatal difficulty. The conservative mind of the masses was unable to abandon the time-hallowed names and cults of the forefathers. We may admire the great boldness of the King's step, may view it with sympathy, and may regret its failure, yet Amen-hotep IV must not be overrated and compared with the great thinkers and reformers in the world's history. As an illustration of his doctrine and of the literature developed at his court we here quote his famous hymn to the sun.^^ "The praise of the sun-god [by the King N. N.j: Thou appearest beautiful in the horizon of the sky, O living Disk, beginning of life! r \:;:^ J\ ^^ jlj When thou risest in the eastern horizon, >AJV*>— *• vj/^frv^jk^ \MJi>/\ Thou fillest every land with thy beauty. Thou art beautiful, great, Resplendent and exalted over every land. Thy rays encompass the lands To the extent of all things which thou hast made; (Since) thou art Re', thou bringest them all. Thou subjectest them to thy beloved son (i. e. to the Pharaoh). (Though) thou art afar, thy rays are on earth; Thou art on their faces [and thus they feel.^] thy steps. (When) thou goest to rest in the western horizon, The earth is in darkness, in the condition of death. (Men) lie in their chambers with their heads wrapped up; One eye seeth not the other. Their belongings are stolen (even when) lying under their heads. And they notice it not. Every lion cometh from his den, All serpents bite. Darkness [is their protection.^], The earth (resteth) in silence (While) he who made them is in his horizon. The earth is bright when thou risest on the horizon, Resplendent as the sun-disk in day-time. 228 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY Thou removest darkness (When) thou sendest thy rays. Both lands (i. e. Egypt) are in festival joy, Awakening and standing on (their) feet; Thou hast raised them up. Their limbs being bathed, they take (their) clothing; Their arms are (lifted) in worship at thy rising; (Thereupon) all the land perform their toil. All cattle rejoice in their grass; Trees and herbs are greening; ^* The birds are flying from their nests {seshu), Their wings are (lifted) in worship to thy being; All (wild) animals skip on their feet; The birds and all things fluttering (Feel) alive when thou hast arisen for them. The ships sail (on) the stream up and down alike; Every way is open when thou arisest. The fish in the rivers leap {!) before thee; Thy rays are (even) in the innermost of the great ocean. Creator of issue in women, Maker of seed in men. Who preserveth alive the son in his mother's womb And keepeth him quiet that he weep not, A nurse (for him even) in the (maternal) womb. Who giveth breath to keep alive all that he maketh; (When) it descendeth from the womb, [thou showest care for it.''] on the day of its birth; Thou openest its mouth, giving it voice; Thou makest what it doth need. The young bird crieth in the shell (Because) thou givest it breath within to preserve its life. When thou hast given it strength ^^ to open ^^ the &^^, It Cometh from the egg To cry with full strength. It runneth on its feet When it cometh forth from it. How manifold are (the things) which thou hast made! They are mysteries before [us.'']. Thou only god. Whose place none else can take!
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2IO EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
As an example of a longer mythological story narrated by the magician to form an analogy to the magic effect which he desires we give
THE LEGEND OF ISIS AND THE SCORPION.^
"I, Isis, left the mansion in which my brother Seth had placed me. Tljout, the great one, commander of justice in heaven and earth,
spake to me: *Come, O Isis, O goddess, for it is good to listen, And one liveth when another acteth as guide. Hide thyself with thy little son ! He will come to us when his limbs have grown, And his full strength (hath developed?). Make him take his place then on the throne of his father. Hand over to him the dignity of the ruler of both countries!'
I went forth at the time of evening.
Seven scorpions were my followers and furnished me aid;
Tefen and Ben were behind me;
Mestet and Mest-(yo?)tef were near me;
Petet, Tetet, and Matet prepared the way for me.
I gave orders to them aloud, my voice found access to their ears thus:
'Know that obedience in worship . . .
Distinguisheth a son of somebody from a subject.*^
Let your face be below on the road
As companions and guides seeking for me.'
We reached the city of Pso'is ^^ and the City of the Two Sisters
At the beginning of the (Delta) marshes as far as (.^) the city of Deb.
I approached the houses of the most respectable women.^^
The noblest saw me on my way;
She closed her door to me,
Suspicious of my companions.
These, therefore, took counsel.
They placed their poison all together on the tail of Tefen.
A poor woman opened her door for me,
I entered into her house.
Tefen secretly ( ?) entered under the wings of the door,
She stung the son of the rich woman.
[Fire broke forth in the house of the rich woman;
There was no water to quench it.
Neither was there rain against it in the house of the rich woman;
It was not the season for this.] ^^
This was because she had not opened to me.
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Her heart was in grief,
She knew not (how to save) his life;
She roamed around (?) in her city lamenting;
There was not one who came at her voice.
Therefore my heart was grieved for the sake of the child;
(Wishing) to restore the innocent being to life,
I called her: 'To me! Come to me! Come to me!
Behold, my mouth holdeth life;
I am a daughter well known in her city.
Through whose word the bite (?) is stilled.
(The word) which my father taught me,
That should be known;
I am his true daughter.'
Isis put her hands on the child
To revive that which had no more breath ( ?) :
'O poison, O Tefen, come!
Come forth on the ground ! Go not on !
The poison shall not penetrate!
Befnet, come!
Come forth on the ground!
1 am Isis the goddess.
The mistress of magic who doth magic, The best one to speak (?) words.
Listen to me, ye reptiles of all kinds that bite!
Fall down, thou poison of Mestet!
The poison of Mest-(yo?)tef shall run no farther.
The poison of Petet and Tetet shall not rise!
Thou shalt not enter, Matet!
Fall down, do not bite!'"
After this "Isis the goddess, greatest in magic among the gods" (cf. pp. 82, 200), begins another address to the scor- pions. The terms of this are very obscure,^° but the lines which we have quoted are sufficient to show that the ma- gician merely narrates the story to keep all scorpions away from the house or to render their bites harmless.^^
CHAPTER XIII
DEVELOPMENT AND PROPAGATION OF EGYPTIAN RELIGION
AT first glance it would seem that the religion of ancient -ZjL Egypt had been successfully stereotyped in prehistoric times, and that the priests had completely re;alized their aims of following the same ideas, worshipping the same gods, and using the same forms of adoration as the blessed ancestors of that incredibly remote age from which the bulk of their religious beliefs must date. It is perhaps true that the Egyptians present the most extreme case of religious conservatism that we know; yet on closer examination we observe that even they could not entirely resist the various influences which, in course of time, are common to religion. We may thus observe many gradual changes in religious thought and may watch the growth or decay of creeds and forms of worship both in smaller and in larger circles of the ancient Egyptians. Here, however, we can sketch only the most salient features of such developments.
The representations of the gods in sacred art are, indeed, the most remarkable instance of conservatism. The majority of artistic types dated from the prehistoric period and underwent very little alteration; it was only in Roman days that slight adaptations to Grseco-Roman types of the divinities, were to be found (see Fig. 218).^ Beginning with the New Empire many (or even most) gods receive wings (Ch. V, Note 58), or at least have indications of them, wrapped Hke shawls around the body; or some parts of the dress have feather patterns as an indication of celestial nature (cf. the type of Onuris-An-horet as pictured in Fig. 146). The more archaic and primitive a statue was, the
EGYPTIAN RELIGION 213
more venerable it appeared (see p. 139, on Min, and p. 144, on Ptah). In many instances, of course, the later artists did not understand old models, but misinterpreted them to a consider- able degree. -
The greater part of the religious development of Egypt lies long before historic times, as is shown by the conflicting views which meet us in the Pyramid Texts of the Fifth and Sixth Dynasties. These texts were taken from books which, in part, evidently were understood only imperfectly by the Egyptians of 2800 B.C., and they are, consequently, the most ancient religious texts of the whole world. At the same time a warning must be uttered against the tendency, which is now prevalent, to overrate too strongly their general antiquity. Some por- tions may, it is true, date even from predynastic times, but the bulk of the texts, according to the Osirian theology which is dominant in them (p. 120), was written in the early Pyramid Age, about 3000 b. c. The contradictory teachings of these texts, especially in regard to cosmic forces and the life after death, seem, as we have just said, to imply previous millenniums of religious thought; but thus far it would be very hazardous to date such views from these documents according to any impressions of crude or advanced ideas which we may receive from them. Are we quite certain, for example, that one of the most primitive specimens of religious fancy, that the king's soul lives by cannibalism on other souls, even those of the gods (p. 202), goes back to the time before 5000 b. c, when the dwellers in the valley of the Nile may well have been real can- nibals.^ Could not a loyal magician's fancy wander thus far even in the age of highest civilization.^ On the other hand, it is not safe to assume that some isolated and remarkable advances of thought in these texts, e.g. a certain moral standard de- manded even for the king if he is to be admitted to the realm of the gods (p. 180), could not be much earlier than the great development of Egyptian civilization which begins about 3000 b. c. The Egyptians themselves could not classify the
214 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
traditions. Wherever we find the theologians wrestHng with the problem of reconciling the worst contradictions among the religious traditions of the ancients, their thought, fettered by the fear of losing anything derived from antiquity, could move only in strange circles, increasing the number of inconsisten- cies by awkward attempts to harmonize them and invariably ending in what appears to us to be utter confusion (see, for example, the myth of the lost eye of the sun, pp. 29, 90, or the conflicting views on the ocean, pp. 47, 106). This helpless attitude toward the traditions remains characteristic of Egyptian theology in all periods.
It is clear that the purely animistic stage which we presup- pose as the very earliest stratum of religious thought (p. 15) was far prior to the historic period. Even in the remote days when the first attempts were made to reduce religious poetry to writing (i. e., probably, before 4000 b. c.) the Egyptians must have outgrown this primitive stage of pure animism. Nevertheless that system of thought left strong traces in the religion of all the millenniums which followed, and its expres- sion in so many small isolated local cults actually remained the most characteristic feature of Egyptian religion through- out its history (p. 18). We may suppose that the next step, probably some time before the historic period, was marked by a tendency which sought to remove all the old local spirits and fetishes from this earth and to place them in heaven.^ It would seem, therefore, that the tendency to make the gods cosmic (i. e. to distribute the forces of nature among them) must be dated somewhat later still, since it implies the initial steps toward a philosophic conception of the universe.
Before any real system had developed from these attempts at primitive philosophy, they were crippled by the exaggerated position given to the sun in the cosmic pantheon (p. 24). No cosmic function seemed desirable for any local deity except that of the sun, the lord of heaven. The solarization of the pantheon is traceable at least as early as the First Dynasty
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(see p. 26 for the blending of different Ideas regarding the sun- god which we find at that period). Re' appears to have become solar at an earHer period than Horus, whose cosmic explanation hovered even later between the celestial and the solar Interpreta- tion (p. 28). The increasing emphasis laid on the official role of these two blended solar deities as protector, type, ancestor, and even soul of the king (p. 170) did not stop the free trans- ference of this kind of cosmic conception, and later It proceeded more rapidly (see e. g. p. 149 for Sokarl's solarlzation In the Pyramid Texts). In the Middle and New Empires few deities escaped some degree of assimilation to It. In particular Amon of Thebes, advancing to the position of lord of the pantheon, became an Imitation of Horus-Re' which was called Amen-Re' (p. 129); and most goddesses were solarized as the "daughter" or "eye" or "diadem" of the sun (p. 29). Lunarlzation of divinities, on the other hand, remained a rare process (p. 34). The other cosmic functions were distributed only in very in- complete and unsuccessful fashion, as has been shown In Ch. III. Repetitions of such functions, therefore, never caused serious difficulty to the Egyptian theologians.
It is not easy to estimate the enormous number of divinities in the Egyptian pantheon at the beginning of history. Fortu- nately many deities whose popularity decreased in comparison with the "great gods" fell Into oblivion; and this diminution, which continued In the historic period, must have made con- siderable progress long before the days of the pyramid-builders. Xhe'priests never hastened this process of reduction violently; all that they could do to bring the bewildering mass of divine names into some degree of system was to endeavour to form at least approximate groupings of the deities and to place them in mutual relation on the model of a human genealogy. The numerous triads (p. 20) may represent the beginning of this classification and may have satisfied the smaller local centres for a long time. At the place which was the most important for the theological history of Egypt, Heliopolis (p. 31), a wider-
2i6 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
reaching grouping of the nine most important divinities of all Egypt was undertaken, possibly somewhat before the beginning of the Pyramid Period. This "ennead" (perhaps a triple triad in origin) consisted of the following genealogy: ^
Sun (Atum or Re')
A
Shu
Tefen
A
Qeb
Nut
A
_A.
Osiris and Isis Seth and Nephthys
Imperfect as this system was, It was felt to be a great step forward. Parallel with this "great ennead," therefore, a "little ennead" was later formed in which the other gods of the Osirian cycle and Thout found a place, together with various minor divinities. Sometimes the double ennead of eighteen gods was expanded into a triple one of twenty-seven. The ennead of Heliopolis and its duplication became known and mentioned everywhere, but the priests could not follow it strictly if it did not include the local divinity, or if it failed to give this deity his proper eminence. Accordingly local imitations sprang up, as when, for example, at Memphis one began with Ptah as the earliest and the foremost god. Everywhere the priests tended to ascribe nine followers to their principal deity or to make him the chief of eight other gods. Thus the term "ennead" finally lost its numerical meaning and became synonymous with "circle of associated gods." The unsystematic character of the Egyptian mind clearly revealed itself in these attempts at some methodical arrangement.^
As for the kaleidoscopic character of the mythology, there never was a rationalizing wish to change it. We children of an over-rationalistic age too easily forget that most mythologies once had this indistinctness of character and that to the ancient mind it was not a disadvantage, but a beauty. In like manner
EGYPTIAN RELIGION 217
the Egyptians, proud of the wealth of fanciful variants which distinguished their mythology above those of all the neigh- bouring countries were careful not to correct this mystic confusion, which we find so bewildering. Even in Plutarch's systematizing account of the Osiris-myth we see how seldom the necessity of harmonizing contradictory variants was felt.
The next mode of adapting the incoherent cults of the an- cestors to the mind of a more advanced age was always the comparison and identification (syncretism) of similar gods. The assimilation of deities must have been in progress even before the time when cosmic ideas were made to underlie the old names. It was impossible not to compare and identify divinities with the same animal form or with similar symbols or dress. Thus the lionesses Sekhmet, Tefenet, and Pekhet, for example, were treated as manifestations of one and the same personality at an early date, and soon the cat Ubastet joined them. Next, identical functions led to identification. When almost all fe- male divinities assumed the character of personifications of the sky (Ch. VIII, Note 2), it was natural to ask whether they were not merely different forms or names of one great goddess. The male pantheon did not lend itself to identifications quite so easily, for more individuality was exhibited in it; nevertheless it could be reduced to a very limited number of types. When the solarization which we have just described was applied to almost any of these types, it became possible to fuse them all into one god of the universe. As the first steps rather bold in- stances occur as early as the Pyramid Texts, where several divinities not too similar in character are declared to differ only in name.^ This contradiction of the theory that the name is the most essential thing in a deity was reconciled with it by the doctrine that all names and personifications are not alike; some are greater, and one is the greatest, most true, original, and essential (p. 201). This permitted the full preservation of local names and cults; the priests of each local divinity or the worshippers of a special patron could claim that their deity
21 8 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
was the oldest and best of all "names" or manifestations of that god whom the king officially recognized as the leader or father of the pantheon. Side by side with such religious par- ticularism, however, the process of assimilation and identi- fication went on unhindered until, after 1600 b. c, it ended in the most radical syncretism, in a pantheistic approach to monotheism which will be described below.
It must not be forgotten, however, that all such speculations remained the property of a few priests of the highest rank of education who had mastered the whole realm of traditional theology with so much success that they were able to reach beyond it. Ordinary people said their prayers and deposited their offerings at the local temple without speculations on the nature of the deity whom they thus worshipped. His adora- tion had continued from time immemorial, and this was reason enough for following the trodden path, leaving the interpreta- tion of the venerable traditions to the theologians. Yet, con- trary to the opinion often held by modern writers, the teach- ings of these learned priests were not mysteries withheld from the laity. There was no secrecy about them; they were gener- ally inscribed on temple walls where they might be read by all who could do so; and they were repeated in places which were even more easily accessible. The limited number of those who could read difficult texts and the conservatism of the masses sufficed to prevent the spread of ideas which might sometimes have become dangerous to traditionalism. It was only some funerary texts of a semi-magic character which pretended to be "a book great in secrecy," as when we read in one later -^chapter of the Book of the Dead^ "Allow no human eye to see it; a forbidden thing it is to know it; hide it." Yet ultimately any one might buy this mysterious literature for his dead (cf. p. 199).
These speculations of learned priests, furthermore, ordina- rily moved along strange lines, as we have stated on p. 214. It is only in rare instances that they are philosophical, and for the
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The calendars of lucky and unlucky days^ plainly belong to the category of useful religious knowledge even more than to that of witchcraft. They set forth which days are propitious and which are so unlucky that on them it is advisable for one not to leave his house at all, or on which certain occupations should be avoided, e. g. the making of a new fire, which al- ways remains an especially important action.^ Often the mythological reasons are given. Children born on certain un- lucky days will die a violent death; birth on one specified day, for example, condemns the individual In question to be killed by a crocodile. Lucky dates of birth bring long life and luxury, the most enviable death predicted being one In Intoxication. Astrological oracles and horoscopes, on the other hand, are known only In the latest period and follow Babylonian models.^
Considering the usefulness of magic In so many respects and bearing In mind its religious character, it is no cause for wonder that the gods also rule the world by magic, I. e. by hidden wisdom (see pp. 44, 151 for some of these deities who are called "magicians" or "great in magic"). The master of sorcery among the male divinities Is Thout. Among the goddesses his counterpart is not the stern "book-goddess" Sekha(u)It (pp. 52-53), whom we should expect, but rather Isis, who even, according to a myth which we have translated on pp. 80-83, wrested the secret name, and thus omniscience (which practi- cally means supreme power), from the aged and Infirm sun-god by a cruel ruse which shows that honesty was not an essential characteristic of the divinities.
If the deities themselves were not particularly scrupulous In the acquisition and use of such power, we need not wonder that the Egyptian theologians were not content to learn the will of the gods or to Implore their aid, but that they often sought to force the divinities to lend their power to the magi- cian. From promises of sacrifices the sorcerer goes on to threaten that the offerings will be withdrawn, so that the gods will be hungry.^" If the magician speaks In the name of a certain deity,
MAGIC 20I
or claims to be Identical with him, then the other gods cannot refuse his request without endangering the whole divine order of things. Thus the Incantation may warn them that the entire course of nature will stop. The sun and the moon will be dark- ened, and the Nile will dry up; heaven will be turned Into Hades; and the divinities will lose all their power and exist- ence. When the magician can speak In the name of a higher god, the lower pantheon must obey, and hence the sorcerer constantly desires to learn the hidden, real names of the very highest gods. This secret is so profound that none has ever heard it; the owner of the name alone knows It, and even his mother may be ignorant of It. When the deity has revealed this wonderful name, it means power over the whole universe for him who can pronounce the marvellous word. Thus in the story of Isis and the old ruler of the universe, the sun-god (pp. 80-83), we see how the betrayal of the name divests the formerly mysterious deity of his power and subjects him to the will of the sorcerer. Generally speaking, the name is the essence of everything. Many materials or objects in ordinary life have a hidden force which comes under the control of him who can call them by their true name, unknown to the ordinary man. Accordingly it Is the highest aim of the scholars to know the real name of everything in the whole world, first of each super- natural being, and then of all forces of nature. The endeavour to accomplish this brings the sage in touch with every depart- ment of science. Thus the word and the thought of man can rule the universe and can accomplish more than some gods can do, possibly transcending even the power of the greatest divinities.
Such a desire to surpass the deities themselves is not impiety, and If a scholar acquires such wonderful knowledge, he feels no scruples In applying it. The very gods rule the world by their power rather than by their holiness, as we have already seen; although emphasis is often laid on the opposite conception of the divinities as representing absolute morality.
202 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
A section of the Pyramid Texts ^^ describes the apotheosis of the king and his advancement to the highest power among the gods In the following fanciful hymn which Is very Instruc- tive for the light which It casts on the low Egyptian view of the gods and of religion (cf. also p. i6).
"The sky Is darkened by clouds,
The stars by rain (?);^^
The constellations become disordered,
The bones of the earth-god ^^ tremble.
The carriers (?) shut their mouth
When they see King N. N., , When (his) ^^ soul ariseth as a god, 1 Living on his fathers, I Feasting on his mothers. i
N. N. Is a lord of wisdom
Whose mother (even) knoweth not his name;
His glory is in the sky,
His might is in the horizon,
Like Atumu, his father who begat him.
After he had begotten N. N.,
N. N. was stronger than he.
N. N. Is the bull of the sky,
Fierce in hisTieart,
Living on the essence of every god
And eating their intestines,
When they come, having filled their bellies
With magic from the Island of flames. ^^
He judgeth the word together with the one whose name is hidden
On the day of slaughtering the eldest ones.
N. N. is a master of sacrifices
Whose offerings are prepared (f) by himself.
N. N. is one who eateth men and liveth on gods,
A master of tribute
Who graspeth (?) presents sent by messengers.
The 'Grasper of Locks' ^^ in Kehau,
He lassoeth them for N. N.
The serpent 'Wide (Reaching) Head' it Is
Who watcheth them and driveth them back (into the fold) for him.
MAGIC 203
The 'One on the Willows' (?) ^^ bindeth them for N. N.
The 'One Hunting All Knife-Bearing (Spirits)'*^ strangleth (?)
them for N. N.; He taketh out their entrails,
He is the messenger whom N. N. sendeth for punishment (?). Shesmu ^^ cutteth them up for N. N., He cooketh a part of them In his kettles as supper [or, in his supper-kettles].
N. N. eateth their magic qualities
And devoureth their illuminated souls.
Their great ones are for (his) morning portion,
Their middling ones for his evening meal,
Their little ones for his night meal.
Their old ones, male and female, for his burning.
At the north pole of the sky the great ones '^^
Put fire to kettles full of them
With the legs of their oldest ones.^^
Those that are in the sky run around (?) ^- for N. N.;
With the legs of their women the kettles are filled for him.
N. N. hath encircled the two skies together.
He hath gone around the two regions (i. e. Egypt).
N. N. is the great, the mighty one
Who is powerful among the powerful [or, overpowereth the power-
full; N. N. is the great, the strong one.
Whomsoever he findeth on his way
He eateth up immediately (?).
His safe place is before all the noble (dead)
Who are in the horizon.
N. N. is a god, older than the oldest.
Thousands (of sacrifices) come for N. N.;
Hundreds are off^ered to him (as sacrifices).
A position as 'the great, the mighty one'
Is given him by Orion, the father of the gods.
N. N. ariseth again in the sky.
He shineth like a star (?), as master of the horizon.
He hath counted the joints (?) of . . ., He hath taken away the hearts of the gods; He hath eaten the red (blood); He hath swallowed the fresh (juice?); He hath feasted on lungs (?);
204 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
The sacrifice of N. N. to his satisfaction
Meaneth living on hearts and their magic power.
Their magic is in his belly.
His wisdom ^^ is not taken away from him.
He hath swallowed the knowledge of every god.
The lifetime of N. N. is eternity,
His end is everlasting time in this his dignity
Of the one who doth what he will,
And doth not what he will not,
Who liveth in the limits of the horizon
Forever and for eternity.
Their (soul-) force (is) in his belly, Their souls are with him; V/More abundant is his portion than that of the gods. His fuel is of their bones; Their (soul-) force is with N, N., Their shadows are with their companions."
This strange hymn seems to betray its great antiquity by the difficulties which it apparently presented to the scholars of the Fifth Dynasty and by its many repetitious accretions. It harks back again and again to the crude fancy of a new divinity who will show his power over the old pantheon in a barbarous fash- ion, recklessly depriving the gods of their magic potencies. It looks, indeed, like a survival from the most primitive age, from the purely animistic religion whose deities were lurking spirits rather than gods (p. i6), and which held very pessimistic views concerning the souls of the dead.^^ On the other hand, it is re- markable that this old text still appealed to the Egyptian mind after 3000 b. c, a fact which again shows the lack of a moral basis for the divinities of the Egyptians and is significant of their inclination toward a magic conception of religion, as we have said on p. 198. Other passages of these ancient funeral texts in the Pyramids (p. 180) are somewhat parallel, such as the one which wishes the king to have unlimited power in heaven "so that at his heart's desire he may take any woman away from her husband." The Pharaoh's royal power on
MAGIC 205
earth may have been despotic enough, but the inscriptions would scarcely" boast of this particular ability; when such wishes were reduced to writing, they were preferably hidden in the obscure burial chamber and may be regarded as approximating magic.
Here we enter the realm of true black art, i. e. forbidden magic. We must remember that sorcery in itself was not held to be wrong. Even the most ordinary Egyptian layman was ex- pected to wear a number of amulets for his health and good fortune, to protect his home against dangerous animals and spirits by other charms, and to do many more things which often cannot well be termed religious ceremonies, although, as we have said on p. 199, the Egyptians may still have felt them to be such. Spells of this character came under a ban only when they were used to injure others. The wicked brought disease and death on their enemies by torturing and killing them in efRgy, a custom which is traceable throughout the world. Thus we read of a terrible criminal who wished to murder his benign sovereign, the Pharaoh, by making wax figures which represented the King, and then piercing them; to increase the heinousness of this offence he had stolen from the royal library itself a magic book. This book evidently con- tained awful formulae to accomplish the end at which he aimed, but in the divine hands of the king their use meant no wrong. Evil effects could be obtained by merely cursing one's adver- sary, whence such maledictions were considered sinful, es- pecially if they were directed against the gods or the king. The "evil eye" was much dreaded, and "He Who Averts (seta) the Evil Eye" was a popular personal name.
Though cruel punishment was meted out for all such abuses of magic, we may be sure that they were extremely common. Above all, love-charms and love-philtres were not treated with as much severity by public opinion as by strict theology.^^ The extant magic papyri prove that the sorcerers collected useful knowledge of all kinds without drawing a line between
2o6 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
medicine and magic, between the forbidden and the beneficent. The largest of all these papyri,^^ e, g., contains the most harm- less medical prescriptions, like the treatment of warts, gout, dog bites, etc., and notes about medicinal plants and minerals, mixed with subjects of a forbidden character, e.g. numerous erotic charms and prescriptions (with their antidotes), advice for separating man and wife, and even more dangerous matters, such as sending madness on an enemy, as well as many methods of divination for consulting gods or spirits, for dis- covering a thief, etc. Again we see that in ancient times all sciences formed a unity and centred in religion (p. 201).
It was, of course, believed that magic could accomplish practically everything. Thus some famous sages, according to a popular story, once made a living crocodile of wax which caught an evil-doer, kept him living seven days under water, set him free, and became wax again; a lake was rolled up like a blanket; a head was cut off and replaced, etc.^^ Such scholars possess books written by the gods themselves. Ac- cording to another Egyptian tale, one of these volumes was discovered in the Nile, enclosed in six boxes of metal and defended by monsters. He who read it "enchanted heaven, earth, the underworld, the mountains, the seas; he under- stood all that the birds of the heaven, the fishes of the sea, and the wild animals spoke; he saw the sun manifesting him- self in heaven with his cycle of gods, the moon appearing, and the stars in their forms," etc.^^ The extant magic papyri do not, of course, furnish quite such miraculous knowledge. Their most serious portions reveal the beginnings of hypno- tism, as when oracles are obtained by the sorcerer gazing, either directly or through a medium (usually an innocent boy), into a vessel filled with some fluid (especially oil) or into the flame of a lamp, as is still done in the Orient.^^ That the be- ginnings of natural science can be traced to such books has been mentioned above.
The language of the magic formulae is, as we should natu-
MAGIC
207
rally expect, one of stilted obscurity. Accordingly it likes to borrow from foreign languages and names, and especially from Asiatic sources. It plays on such words and sacred names by endlessly repeating, inverting, varying, and mutilating them (Note 32), and thus often degenerates into mere galimatias, yet for the most part we can still recognize invocations of deities in this seeming nonsense. There are no special gods for the sorcerers; it is only In the later period, when Seth is becom- ing a kind of Satan (p. 109), that his name readily lends itself to forbidden magic. As we have noted above, Asiatic deities were very popular in this black art, e. g. such Babylonian goddesses of the lower world as Ningal and Ereskigal, while in the latest period the highest rank as a divinity of this nature was taken by the strange and mysterious God of the Jews, who jealously allowed no god beside Him. Ethiopic deities do not seem to have been popular, although the Southland held mystic attractions (p. 91). The principal divine assistants of the magician were the forgotten and neglected divinities of whom there were so many. Such a god, whose temples have disappeared, and who has not received a sacrifice for a thousand years, must be more grateful for a cup of milk and a cake than a popular divinity may be for a holocaust of a hundred oxen; the for- gotten deity is, after all, a god and able to be useful. It was, therefore, considered wise, especially after 700 b. c, to collect all possible divine names and pictures from earlier monuments and to unite their reproductions; they might as a body prove a powerful aid for the man who had such a gallery of gods, or a single one of their number might show himself to be especially potent and grateful for having his forgotten picture reproduced.
Fig. 212. A Section of
THE MeTTERNICH StELE
2o8 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
Such a monument Is the famous Metternich Stele, a small sec- tion of which is here shown; this stone, covered with hundreds of minute divine figures and magic incantations, must have protected some very rich house against all evil influences (Fig. 214). Thus magic again returns to the purely religious basis from which it once started.
A great many features of this complicated and difficult sub- ject still require further examination. We do not know, for example, the mode of use of the magic wands of bone which date from the period subsequent to 2000 b. c. and which are covered with many pictures of gods, sometimes unusual and
frequently astral in origin.^" Yet they, too, show once more how all magic has a religious foundation to which it
Fig. 213. Fragment of a Magic Wand
ever reverts. To illustrate the character of Egyptian magic we give here a few specimens of texts of this nature, beginning with a
"SPELL FOR BRINGING A BONE FORTH FROM THE THROAT." «i
*' I am he whose head reacheth the sky, And whose feet reach the abyss,
Who hath awakened the crocodile of wax (.'') in Pe-zeme of Thebes; For I am So, Sime, Tamaho,^^ This is my correct name. Anuk, anuk! '^
For a hawk's egg is what Is In my mouth, An ibis's egg is what is in my belly.^* Therefore, bone of god. Bone of man, Bone of bird, Bone of fish. Bone of animal. Bone of anything, None being excepted; Therefore, that which is in thy belly, Let it come to thy chest!
MAGIC 209
That which is in thy chest,
Let it come to thy mouth !
That which is in thy mouth,
Let it come to my hand now!
For I am he who is in the seven heavens,
Who standeth in the seven sanctuaries,
For I am the son of the living god."
This must be said seven times over a cup of water; and when the patient drinks it, the bone will come out. Still more gibberish appears in a
"SPELL UTTERED OVER THE BITE OF A DOC'^s
"The spell of Amon and Triphis thus: I am this strong messenger (?),^^ Shlamala, Malet,
The mysterious one who hath reached the most mysterious one,'^ Greshei, Greshei,
The lord of Rent, Tahne, Bahne.^* This dog, this black one, The dog, the mysterious one, This dog of the four (bitch?) pups, ^^ The wild dog, son of Ophoi's, Son of Anubis, Relax *^ thy tooth. Stop *^ thy spittle!
Thou actest as the face of Seth against Osiris, / Thou actest as the face of 'Apop against Re'. Horus, the son of Osiris, born by Isis, Is he with whom thou didst fill thy mouth; ^ N. N., son of N. N.,
Is he with whom thou didst fill thy mouth. Listen to this speech, Horus, who healed burning,''^ Who went to the abyss. Who founded the earth; . Listen, O Yaho-Sabaho, j Abiaho*^ by name!"
The reader will recognize in the closing lines an especially clear invocation of " Jehovah of Hosts " (Hebrew YHVH S^bhdoth), the God of the Jews (cf. Note 32).
XII — 15
307
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ETHICS AND CULT 189
were combined, though not always under the same roof; the Idols of a triad (p. 20), at least, were generally united in a single adytum. Larger temples had kitchens for the offerings and festal meals, laboratories for the preparation of the sacred perfumes and cakes, shops for the manufacture of the amulets which were sold to pilgrims, etc.; and round them were houses for the priests and granaries for their food, so that they even formed large sacred cities.
In place of the divine statues, to whose simplicity we have already alluded (p. 12), we sometimes find pillars with the head of the divinity, like the Greek herms,^° or with divine emblems. Such "sceptres" or "columns," occasionally as tall as obe- lisks, are mentioned as objects of worship, and (Fig. 196) we find the king bringing sacrifices to them as "gods." ^^ Their more original meaning Is unknown, so that we cannot say to what ex- tent they were analogous to the sacred pillars of the Semites.
The decoration of the temples was very uniform In so far as the celling was always painted blue to represent the sky (usu- ally with indication of the stars and sometimes with elaborate pictures of the constellations), while the ground is green and blue like meadows or the Nile, so that each temple Is a repro- duction of the world, a microcosm. The outer walls represent the deeds of the royal builder, often his wars, for the laity; the inner walls depict the worship of the gods for the priests.
This description of the normal temple does not apply to all religious buildings. The funerary shrines for the cult of the souls of deceased kings present peculiarities,^^ as do those which commemorate exclusively the birth or enthronement of a king (p. 171) or the more extensive constructions which were erected when a Pharaoh celebrated the so-called "jubilee of thirty years," etc.^^ Some large sanctuaries built by the kings of the Fifth Dynasty are quite unique: on a large base, sur- rounded by courts with altars, stands a single obelisk, whose proportions are too huge to be monolithic. These were erected in honour of the sun-god, whose ship, constructed of bricks.
190
EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
,0
o
o
am:^i^mn m^^ m
ETHICS AND CULT
191
was in the immediate vicinity, or as his resting-place. The mural decorations of these sanctuaries are also unusual and depict very worldly scenes.
The priests were divided into vari- ous classes :^^ some officiated regularly, while others had secular employment and came to the temple only from time to time, the so-called ''priests for hours "; or their priesthood was purely nominal, as in the case of many nobles. In the earlier period the priesthood and the laity were not distinctly sep- arated. The king's position as the p,^ ,^7. ^he King Offering highest priest of the nation was due Incense and Keeping a
, . J. . .^ / \ TT 1 Meat-Offering Warm
to his divmity (p. 170). He was the
proper intercessor with the gods, and from time immemorial a "sacrifice offered by the king" was desired for every one who died, since it was sure to please the deities and to secure eternal life. Before long, however, this high-priesthood of the Pharaoh became merely a fiction, and in the New Empire we find sharp conflicts between the royal power and the hierarchy, while in later times the priests formed almost as distinct a class
as was the case in ancient Israel.
Priestesses were permitted only for female divinities, the greater number of these women being found in the earlier period; and their rank was in- ferior to that of male priests of the same cult. In the worship of male divinities women ordinarily formed only the choir which sang before the god, rattled sistra and peculiar chains, and danced; in later times noble women were fond of calling themselves "musicians of the god N. N." Herodotus correctly observes ^^ that women did not enjoy full priestly standing, and we must not be misled
Fig. 198. Temple Choir in U usual Costume
192
EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
by the later Greek usage of applying the name of "priest- esses" to those who performed the services which we have noted. ^^ A semi-priestly position was also held by the "twin sisters" in temples of Osiris, where they prob- ably represented the twins Isis and Nephthys. The exact status of other women, called "the harem of the god, the women bound" (i. e. to the temple), is not clear. Were they temple slaves.^ When the kings of later days dedi- cated one of their daughters to Amon under the title of "wife" or "worshipper of the god," Fig iqq ^^^^ seems to be nothing more than a pious
Two Women Rep- form for the sequestration of the excessive AND Nephthys as ^n^ount of land held by the Theban temple of Mourners at Amon; and thus the princess had a pleasant
Processions . . • n tt 1 • 1 • ?»
smecure tor occasionally playmg the sistrum before the god as his "wife." The position held in the earlier period in the temple of Amon by the solitary, fe- male personage called "the worshipper of the god" is uncertain.
Peculiar symbolic names were attached to the more important priestly offices, as when the high-priest of Heliopolis was called "the great seer" (i.e., prob- ably, astronomer; cf. p. 54), or the high-priest of Ptah was "the chief artificer" (p. 145). Even the lower orders of the priesthood sometimes received a wealth of such names, which were Intelligible only to the local scholars; and dress and insignia likewise had endless local variations. The incomes of the sanctuaries varied from princely wealth, derived from hundreds of villages of serfs with their fields, to meagre stipends for the one or two priests who constituted the whole staff of a little temple.
All priests were obliged to be scrupulously clean, especially for the sacrifices. Their shaven heads and beards, their white
Fig. 200. "The Wor- SH ipper of th e God"
ETHICS AND CULT
193
linen clothing, their special lustrations, and their abstention from certain foods, etc., were intended to prevent any defile- ment of the sacred places and ceremonies. Besides the washable garments, the leopard's skin played an important part in the ritual, being the regular vestment of some priestly classes, the ' wearers of the leopard's skin" (p. 134), evidently as a rem- nant of the primitive times when wild animals abounded in Egypt. Other details of priestly dress also date from a very early period, such as ^^ ^oi Priest the strange side-locks of some orders which the with the Book Egyptians of historic times retained only for small
boys, and later for royal sons. On the other hand, the shaving of the head and beard seems, in general, to be lacking in the Pyramid Age for priests. Cere- monial cleanness, however, appears at all times to have been almost more important than moral sanc- tity. Even the layman might not enter the temples
without carefully purifying himself; but in later times Fig. 202. 1 • 1 • 1
Archaistic this cleansmg became a per-
Priestly functory ceremony of sprink-
AdORNMENT ,. 'Ill r
Img With holy water from vessels at the entrance to the temple, or turning a brass wheel from which (originally.^) water ran, or merely pull- ing a brass ring at the gate.^^
In the temples the priests performed endless rites from early morning, when they broke the seals of clay which had protected the sacred rooms during the night, till evening fell; sometimes the night also was celebrated with lighted lamps, as on the eve of major festivals. Adoration of the deities by bowing, prostration, recitation of
hymns, burning of incense, libations, etc., was practically con- XII — 14
Fig. 203. A King Pulling the Ring at the Temple Door
194
EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
tinuous, and groups of priests took these services by turns. At certain times the idols had to be washed, anointed, and per- fumed with oil and in-
cense; their eyes were painted, ^^ and their clothing and golden decorations were changed. Sometimes they were taken out in procession to encircle the temple (p. 31) or to traverse the city, or even to visit a neigh- bouring divinity. On such excursions the god generally was carried on the shoulders of the priests; and usually the portable shrine had the form of a ship, not so much because travelling was done chiefly on the Nile as be- cause all the gods ought to sail on the heav- enly ocean (p. 34). The sacred lake near the temple (p. 31) often symbolized this ocean, the source of life, etc.; the god sailed on it or was bathed in it. Thus there were endless Fig reproductions of mythological scenes, whether quiet ceremonies in the adytum of the shrine, or long spec- tacular performances (especially of the Osiris-myth) for the
Fig. 204. A God Carried in Procession
205. A Small Portable Shrine
Fig. 206. Mythological Scenes from a Procession
public, frequently embellished with music, dancers, and acro- bats. Sometimes the general public might take part in these "miracle plays" and reproduce, for example, mythological
ETHICS AND CULT
195
Fig. 207. An Acrobat Following a Sacrifi- cial Animal
battles by a combat between two sides. Numerous festivals, occasionally lasting for several days, gave the populace an opportunity to eat and drink to excess in honour of the gods. Sometimes the sanctuary distributed bread to the multitude for this purpose, but the principal banquets to the glory of the di- vinity were held in the temple by the priests and some guests, either from the income of the shrine or from special donations.
The festival days varied, of course, according to the local cults. It would seem, however, that the great calendric feasts were observed in all, or almost all, sanctuaries, such as the five epagomenal days (p. 113), the New Year, the first, sixth, and middle (fifteenth) day of every month (pp. 90-91), etc., even when the deity worshipped in the temple was not associated with sun, moon, or sky.
The many and richly varied sacrifices of food which the monuments depict were evidently used for the maintenance of the priesthood after they had been spread be- fore the gods. Sending them to heaven by burning was always known, but was not so popular as in Asia, since the deities were almost invariably thought to be present.^" The original theory of the sacrifices seems to have been a simple feeding of the divinities; e. g. no oracles appear to have been sought from them. Never- theless much symbolism attached to them. Thus far we do not know why a sacrifice of the high- est type consisted of four bullocks of different colour (spotted, red, white, and black), or of four different sorts of game; and we are equally ignorant as to why at certain festivals a pig was offered at a time when this animal had already come to be considered very unclean, etc. Sometimes, as in foundation sacrifices,
Fig. 208. Small holoc austic Sacrifice on an Oven
196
EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
Images of pottery, etc., were substituted for the expensive sacrificial animals (cf. p. 175 for this custom of substitution, and see infra for its use Instead of human victims). In the
symbolism dominant In the Grseco- Roman period -^ the sacrificial ani- mals represent the enemies of the gods; red or brown animals or rep- tiles In particular symbolize Seth. Accordingly the object In killing and Fig. 209. Human Sacrifice at burning them was simply to please A Royal Tomb of the First the gods; the use of the meat as food
Dynasty •
is scarcely mentioned. Evidently this Is a late development of the holocaustic offerings, dependent principally on the transformation of Seth Into a Satan (p. 109); and It may also transfer to the animal victims a subsequent theory of human sacrifice. Concerning the latter type of offer- ings we possess almost no information. Nevertheless we may infer that It was employed in earlier times, since In the latest period cakes In the shape of men and animals were given to the gods as an avowed substitute for human sacrifices. We learn, moreover, that human victims were still burned at
Fig. 210. Nubian Slaves Strangled and Burned at a Funeral
Ellelthylaspolls even In the time of Plutarch. ^^ The former Im- portance of the offering of men is also manifest from certain pictures which show that once upon a time slaves were killed
ETHICS AND CULT 197
and buried near their defunct owner or were burned at the entrance to his tomb, not merely at the funeral of a king, but even at the burial of wealthy private citizens, as In Fig. 210.^^ It is possible that we have a trace of such occasional sacri- fices in some corpses found in the royal tombs of the Eight- eenth Dynasty, and this permits us to infer parallel usages in the divine cults.
The way in which oracles were given is likewise very obscure. For a long time they seem to have played a very minor part, at least politically. One of the earliest instances is a text in which Ramses II describes how he nominated the high-priest of Amon by consulting the god himself.^* The King enumerated before Amon the names of all officials capable of filling the post and asked the deity's assent; but "the god was not satisfied with one of them, except when I told him the name" (of the nom- inee). In the twelfth century b. c, however, when the priest- hood gained greater power than ever, the priests brought before the deity, either orally or in writing, all political questions and many legal cases, sometimes of very minor importance. He decided these problems, as we have just indicated, by saying "yes" or "no"; but how he did this is not described. Later we hear little of such direct consultations. Some prophetic and oracular writings have been preserved; their language is, naturally, very obscure.^^ The gods also communicated their will to men by dreams. For the knowledge of lucky and un- lucky days and for other practical wisdom of the theologians see the following chapter.
CHAPTER XII MAGIC
MAGIC played an Important role in ancient Egypt, where it was perhaps an even more vital factor than in Baby- lonia.^ It is, however, very difficult to state where religion ends and magic begins; and to the Egyptian mind magic was merely applied religion. The man who best knew the gods and under- stood how to please them could obtain from them what he de- sired. Great theologians were always believed to be sorcerers as well; e.g. the famous scholar Amen- hotep, son of Hapu,^ is reported to have been not only a prophet, but also the author of a magical book filled with especially unintelligible galimatias; and the great magicians of popular stories are always ''ritual priests." This theory of the identity of Fig. 211. witchcraft, scholarship, and theology is not specifi- A Ritual cally Egyptian, but has its parallels in many other
Priest .
religious systems as well. The very naive Egyptian spirit, which was so unable to dis- tinguish between the material and the supernatural, and the excessive formalism of the worship give us the impression that the whole religion of the Nile-land had a strongly magic char- acter. This is true of most religions which are based on animism (p. lo), yet we may easily go too far, as when, for example, some scholars brand as magic all the customs intended to secure eter- nal life for the dead or to improve their state (p. i8i). It Is quite true that the assertion of a funerary text that the dead goes to heaven ^ may be understood as a prayer; but a prayer which is sure to be efficacious, and a wish passing into reality in vivid Imagination, indeed border on magic, a statement
MAGIC 199
which is equally true of the numerous ceremonies and amulets which mechanically benefit the soul of the dead. The Book of the Dead, with its directions how to find the way to Osiris, what to say before him, what words to recite, and what mysterious names to give to the guardians of his realm, presents a close approximation to magic; yet, after all, it is no secret knowledge, but is open to all who can read, and, therefore, does not fall under the modern definition of sorcery; neither did the Egyptians themselves consider it magical.
In similar fashion the healing art is inseparably connected with magic and religion. No medicine will have full eff"ect with- out certain ceremonies and an incantation, which is usually repeated four times.'* The incantation may also be written down, washed off into the medicine, and drunk (p. 83), as is still done so commonly in the modern Orient. Ceremonies and incantations accompanying the healing usually have a religious character, and the man to apply them is the general scholar, the priest. He summons the gods to come and to cure the disease, or he speaks in their name, threatening or coaxing the evil spirits which are always believed to have caused the illness, as in every "strongly animistic religion. He often recites a story in which an analogous trouble was healed by the deities, and much of our mythological material is derived from such texts. Sometimes the divinities in person (i. e. their images) are brought to exorcize the demons, and we even hear of idols being sent to or brought from foreign countries to heal the illness of princes.^ Frequently, however, the medical in- cantations also assume a character which seems to us purely magical, and frequently they degenerate into mere gibberish; likewise many of the amulets, such as* cords with magic knots,^ used for expelling or preventing disease have no re- ligious meaning whatever. Nevertheless everything employed for controlling the supernatural world (i. e. the demons in the present connexion) becomes religious in the hands of the proper individual, the theologian, and is considered accordingly.
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LIFE AFTER DEATH
179
lace. Thus "followers of Horus" (or of Re' or Osiris) ^^ quickly came to mean simply "the blessed dead," although primarily it seems to have been restricted to the kings, who alone had a right to be ad- mitted to the solar bark. On the other hand, side by side with these extrava- gant desires we are told that the
hopes of some Fig. 186. The Dead before Osiris, the Balance of Jus- r ^1 1^1 tice, the Lake of Fire, and "the Swallower"
or the wealthy
would be satisfied if their souls might dwell in their spacious and comfortable tombs, sit on the green trees without, and drink from the artificial lake that lay there; nor were the very modest expectations of the peasants forgotten whose highest longing was to dig the grounds in the fields of Osiris (p. 177). The Book of the Dead describes all these hopes and desires that each and every one of them may be realized.
These pleasant promises are only for the worthy. The souls of the wicked are soon annihilated by the multitude of demons who inhabit the underworld or by the stern guardians who watch the roads and gates to the kingdom of Osiris. If they reach his tribunal, they are condemned to a second death. ^^^ ^ The forty- two terrible
•. Livvv^^j^ ...yj ^'^^?^^^ /y judges themselves may
A 'n l\ 1 // \ A 1 // ^^^^ them to pieces im-
/ V * ''^^^t^y^jy v!r^^^ mediately; or the mon-
' • ;;v^ - ;^-v;-i.i- \v strous watch-dog of
Fig. 187. The^C^^demned ""before t^^^o^ OsirIs,"the swallower," ^8
or "swallower of the west" — a mixture of crocodile, lion, and hippopotamus — may devour them; or they may be cast before a fire-breathing dragon who seems to be none other than the dragon 'Apop; or Anubis
i8o
EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
Fig. i88. Shades Swimming in THE Abyss
or the baboon of Thout will lead them, sometimes in the de- grading form of a pig (apparently usually female), to the place of punishment, "the place of slaughter." The doom of these
sinners is a hell filled with flames and biting serpents, or the depths of the abyss in which they will be drowned, ^^ or lakes of flames (or of flames in the form of fiery serpents) or of boiling water, or ovens in which we see the burning of heads (as the seats of life) or of the shades (as in the accompanying picture; cf. p. 174); or swarms of evil spirits, armed with knives (p. 175) to behead or dissect the souls, will execute the wicked. At the place of torture Thout, as the god of justice, has his four baboons ^° who watch the lake of fire or catch the souls of the condemned in a net to deliver them to torment (for the net cf. p. 109). These punishments mean instantaneous annihilation or long agony, as does also life with one's head hanging downward, although eternal torture is nowhere so clearly stated as eternal bliss. ^^
The view that only virtue and piety toward the gods free man from such an evil fate and secure him bliss can be traced in its beginnings to the Pyramid Period, and officially it pre- dominates in gen- eral after the Mid- dle Empire. Even kings are subject to it and expect to re- cite tne INegailve p^^ ^g^ ^ Female Guardian with Fiery Breath Confession" before Watches Souls, Symbolized by Shades and Heads, ,, ^ r r\ • IN the Ovens of Hell
the tribunal 01 Usi-
ris, although in our chapter on magic we shall find some strange passages which place the Pharaoh beyond all justice and above the gods themselves, thus forming a marked contrast to the
LIFE AFTER DEATH
i8i
general teaching. This ethical theory, however, was never able entirely to displace the more primitive view that bliss for the dead could be mechanically secured after death by sacrifices, prayers, and religious ceremonies which might be considered magical from the point of view of a more advanced religion. The equipment of the dead with endless amulets and with writings and pictures of a semi-magic character, such as we have described on p. 175, is likewise quite essential for every one. In later times embalmment also was counted among these mechanical means (p. iii), for It had been forgotten that the only object of the mummification of the body and the preservation of the most important viscera In canopic vases (p. 112) was to keep an abode for the soul. It was then believed that Osiris was the first to be mummified, and that embalmment by the fingers of Anubis had secured for him eternal life. This seems likewise to have been the purpose of a strange and diamet- rically opposite custom which was ir- regularly applied to the dead from prehistoric times to the Pyramid Period and according to which the corpse was cut into a larger or smaller number of pieces. The Idea seems to have been that If Osiris met such a fate, and if the fragments of his body were afterward put together for a blessed life (pp. 1 14-15), it was wise to imitate this feature of the Osiris-tradi- tion and thus to provide perfect Identity with the king of the dead.^^ At the funeral the priest and the sacred scribe may have appeared to the popular mind mostly as sorcerers whose paid services were more important for the future of the de- parted than his past virtues. Thus when with a strange hook the priest touched the mouth of the dead "to open it," it was wrong to doubt that he gave the mummy power to speak In the other world, etc. It is quite possible that all these mechanical
Fig. 190. Thout's Baboons Fishing Souls
l82
EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
means were even considered capable of cheating the divine judges of the dead, although their omniscience was affirmed with sufficient clearness. Such a conflict of ideas can, however,
be found in many other religions as well.
The details of the cult of the dead cannot be described here. The ceremonies at the burial were endless and were
Fig. 191. Dancers and a Buffoon at a Funeral ^ery complicated in
character, frequently representing the thought and the customs of very difi^erent ages. Thus at funerals of the wealthy in the sixteenth cen- tury B. c. companies of wailing women, beating their breasts and filling the air with their cries, accompanied the funeral pro- cession, together with male dancers, tumblers, and bufl"oons, some of them in strange costume. Equally endless were the preparations for the comfort of the dead in their tombs or in the other world. As we have already said (p. 172), however, the leading idea of the entire cult of the dead was merely the feeding and com- fort of the souls, not worship of the ances- tors as divine. This also accounts for the heartless neglect of the dead who did not belong to the family. Households of wealth
could not do enough ^^^- ^9^- Large Sacrifice Brought before a
Sepulchral Chapel in the Pyramid Period
for their members,
e. g. by sumptuous burial and by the erection of costly tombs decorated by the best efi"orts of painters and sculptors, and filled with furniture, ornaments, etc., for the use of the de-
LIFE AFTER DEATH 183
parted;^' at certain festivals the altars of the memorial chapels seem to have been heaped with food, and for the maintenance of these cults large foundations of fields, money, and slaves were often established. Yet when all had died who took a personal interest in these particular departed, no one was ashamed to appropriate the unprotected tomb for his own dead, to replace the name of the first proprietor by new inscriptions, and to use certain parts of the funerary outfit a second time. It is less surprising that most tombs con- taining valuables were plundered in antiquity and that even great numbers of police were unable constantly to protect the jewellery in royal tombs; there was too much poverty in the ancient Orient. Even kings showed piety only toward the buildings of their nearest ancestors and were not ashamed to efface the names of earlier monarchs from their ancient monu- ments to replace them by their own titles, or to pull down the older buildings and to use the stones, though they thus aban- doned the victims of their recklessness to oblivion, a most dreadful fate which entailed neglect and hunger for their souls (p. 177). Sooner or later sequestration was the fate of founda- tions for sacrifices to souls, even those of the Pharaohs of past dynasties. This proves that there was no really serious fear of the dead and that the deification of the departed to which we have repeatedly alluded must not be overestimated. In this also we again recognize the crude animism from which the religion had developed.
CHAPTER XI ETHICS AND CULT
THIS chapter may be connected with the preceding by a hymn which, according to the Book of the Dead^ the de- parted is supposed to address to Osiris and his tribunal when he is brought before them.
"Hail to thee, O great god, lord of the judges! I have come to thee, my lord; I have been brought to see thy beauty. I know thee and the names of the forty-two gods Who are with thee in the court of judges. Who live cutting the sinful in pieces,^ Who fill themselves with their blood
On that day of taking account of words before Unen-nofer (p. 97) Near his [variant: thy] two daughters, (his) two eyes.^ Lord of Justice is thy name. I have come to thee, I have brought justice to thee, I have removed wickedness away for thee. I have not done wrong to men, I did not oppress [variant: kill] relatives, I did not commit deceit in the place of justice, I did not know transgression [variant: worthless things]."
The text then rambles on in an enumeration of special sins which the deceased declares that he has not committed, one of the so-called "Negative Confessions" (see p. 176 and below).
It is very difficult to judge the morality of a nation from a distance of several thousand years and from scanty material derived chiefly from cemeteries. Such inscriptions create an exaggerated impression of piety by which we must not be de- ceived, just as we must not permit ourselves to be misled by the elaborate preparations for life after death. This latter
ETHICS AND CULT 185
feature did not make the Egyptians a nation of stern philos- ophers, as modern people so often believe. On the contrary, their manners were gay to the point of frivolity, and their many superstitions were but a feeble barrier to their light-hearted- ness. The most popular song at banquets^ was an exhortation to use every day for pleasure and to enjoy life "until the day shall come to depart for the land whence none returns." It is better to use one's means for luxuries than for the grave; even the tombs of the greatest and wisest, like the deified I-m-hotep (p. 171), are now deserted and forgotten. This contradiction of the dominant view of the value of care for the dead is no more flagrant than the conflict between the rules for the conduct of life, as laid down in the books of the wise,^ and the actual ob- servance of these rules. All the sages, for example, warn against drunkenness from a practical point of view, yet drunkenness seems to have been the most common vice in ancient Egypt; ^ and similar conditions may be proved to have existed in many things forbidden by the moral as well as by the religious books. On the other hand, the code of morals of these sources is theoretically of the very highest type. Thus the "Negative Confessions" of the Book of the Dead ^ include among cardinal sins even falsehood, slander, gossip, (excessive.?) grief, cursing, boasting, unkindness to animals (even to harmless wild ones), extinguishing the fire (when needed by others.?), damming water (for private use), polluting the river, etc. Other texts inform us that it was considered (by some.?) sinful to destroy life even in the egg. Formal restrictions about clean and unclean things seem to have been numerous, although we know little about them. When, for instance, we read in Genesis xliii. 32 that "the Egyptians might not eat bread with the Hebrews; for that is an abomination unto the Egyptians," this probably means that all foreigners were held to be cere- monially unclean. It is strange that the prohibition of pork does not seem to have developed until later, probably after 1600 B. c. (for the reasons see Ch. V, Note 33) ; but subsequently
1 86 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
the pig was the most unclean animal imaginable, completely defiling whatever it touched. Greek writers state that cows were not killed, evidently because of the celestial cow (p. 37) and the goddesses identified with her. Many kinds of fish were forbidden (p. 169) — in some localities all fish — and then (in most places?) the heads of killed animals were prohibited, not because they were unclean, but because, as the seat of life, they belonged to the gods, so that the head was regularly offered at sacrifices. Blood was, perhaps, only locally unclean for the Egyptians. At present it is difficult to decide which of these rules for clean and unclean were really local in origin, and which sprang from tabus of holiness rather than from tabus of abhorrence (see Ch. I, Note 3). Special laws of clean and unclean existed for the sacrificial animals. Some rules, e. g. for the uncleanness of women at certain times, are general. Circumcision existed in Egypt from time imme- morial, but had no religious character and was merely a preparation for marriage; it applied to girls as well as to boys. Restrictions of marriage because of kinship seem scarcely to have existed. Marriage with a sister was a very common custom (p. 119), and Ramses II appears to have taken his own daughter, Bent-'anat, to wife. Polygamy was unlimited in theory, though not very extensive in practice.
If we may believe the epitaphs, charity to the needy — "giving bread to the hungry, water to the thirsty, clothing to the naked, a ship to the stranded" — protection of the weak, honesty, etc., were observed in a manner which would satisfy even the highest moral demands.^ Unfortunately, however, we also read of many crimes, especially of wicked and op- pressive officials; and among the nations the reputation of the Egyptians was never brilliant. Practically they appear, as we have already stated (p. 185), to have been of rather lax morality in many respects.
One of the reasons for this may be found in the dry formalism of the religion. Being too strongly fettered to the imperfect
ETHICS AND CULT
187
Fig.
193. Temples of the Earliest Period
beliefs of crude ancestors by the bonds of traditionalism, re- ligion could not attain sufficient spiritual development, and thus failed to emphasize the ethical side as seriously as some other pagan faiths. It is quite true that, as we have already seen (p. 180), the belief that the soul's salvation de- pends principally on a moral life is old, and that after 2000 B.C. it was formu- lated with increasing clearness. Yet the earliest forerunner of the "Negative Confession," a passage in the Pyramid Texts, which claims that a man's soul can as- cend to heaven because of his morality, still rests on a purely formal righteousness.
"He hath not cursed the King; He hath not mocked (?) the goddess Ubastet; He hath not danced at the tomb of Osiris (?)." '
When, therefore, we learn that the ferryman of the gods will transport to heaven only the "just dead," we must not think of justice in the sense of the New Testament (for the funerary formalism which conflicts with the idea of ethical justice see p. 181). Some development toward higher ethical ideals and a
more personal piety
^,— >. ^ ' r\ r^ ^^^Y^ however, be
*" '^ *^ " ' * traced after 1500
B.C., as we shall see in our concluding chapter.
The temples of
Fig. 194. Guardian Statues and Guardian Serpents prehistoric times OF A Temple ^^^^ ^^^^ j^^^g ^f
primitive form and light material (mats, wicker-work, or straw) enclosing an Idol. A fence and, perhaps, a small court pro- tected the entrance, which one of our pictures represents decorated with horns above and with poles at the sides. Later
EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
the wonderful development of architecture made the temples large buildings of stone; only the outer courts usually had walls of mud bricks. The road leading to the temple was gen- erally spacious, well kept for processions, and lined with statues (principally sphinxes and other sacred animals) to guard the entrance against evil powers (cf. pp. 166-67 on the guardian serpents). The front wall formed two high, tower-like buildings,
the so-called pylons, which, decorated with flagstaffs and pictures of large dimensions, flanked the entrance. Before them usually stood two obe- lisks of granite, whose most important part was the py- ramidal point, the benben, or pyramidion, which was some- times made of metal (for the cosmic signification of the obe- lisk, which was probably re- peated in the pylon, see p. 31). Behind the pylons generally Fig. 195. Front of a Temple accorjjing came a large court where the
TO AN Egyptian Picture , • . , ^ 1 1 , .
laity might assemble and wit- ness sacrifices, next there was a dimly lighted, columned hall In which the priests gathered, and finally the holiest place of all, a dark chamber (the adytum), accessible to the higher priest- hood alone. Here the principal Idol or the sacred animal dwelt, often housed In a chapel-like shrine, or naos, which, if possible, was cut from a single stone. Round the adytum were small magazines in which some of the divine outfit and ceremonial utensils and books were kept. In larger temples the number of rooms might be greater, but those which we have just mentioned were the essential parts. Where several gods were worshipped In one temple, each divinity might have a special adytum, so that practically several parallel shrines
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EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
beings pictured by magicians side by side with real gods, whether because the sorcerers kept up old traditions, or because
Fig. 179. The Birth of a King Protected by Gods
they returned to forgotten divinities. The sphinx, originally a picture of Hu, the god of wisdom (p. Gy), survived as an em- blem of royalty and in its strictly Egyptian form was always represented as male (for the foreign female sphinz see p. 156 and cf. Fig. 162).
This brings us to the question how far men were worshipped. The most prominent examples of the adoration of human beings were the kings." Every Pharaoh claimed to be a divine incar- nation; according to the prevailing official theory he was a "form," or "double," or "soul," or "living representation," etc., of the sun-god, the many souls of this deity (pp. 28, 160) facilitating such a belief. As the living image of the sun the king might also claim to have himself many souls or "doubles" (ka), the number of these being as high as fourteen. 2^ Accordingly we find such ^ o t-
o ^ •' r iG. 180. 1 HE
royal names as "Firm is the Form of the Sun- Ka of a King, God" (Men-kheper-reS i. e. Thutmosis III), or li::^'Z,'''l "Finest of the Forms of the Sun-God" (Nefr- Staff - Symbol
, , ^, . . , Ti 7- 1 r 1 • 1 N Indicating Life
khepru-re , i.e. Amen-hotep IV before his heresy),
etc. The pompous titles of the monarchs as "the good god,"
etc., were no mere poetic licence, but were meant to be taken
PLATE III
I. Amen-hotep
The divinization of men is by no means restricted to Egyptian mythology. For an interesting parallel in Indo-Chinese religion see infra, p. 260, and for the corresponding artistic development see Plate V.
2. I-M-HOTEP
This scholar became so famous that ultimately he was believed to be of divine ancestry and was regarded as a son of the god Ptah.
3. The Zodiacal Signs
This picture, dating from the Roman period, shows the blending of Egyptian and Classical con- ceptions. See pp. 57, 65.
*>;»?-
I
\S^ V-3 ^»C> '?\2Bi*^ "/7r
PUBLIC Liii^LAliY
ASTOB, LENOX AND TILDBN FOlANDAriiNS
WORSHIP OF ANIMALS AND MEN 171
quite literally. "Birth-temples" were erected to commemo- rate the birth of each new king and to describe and glorify in inscription and in picture the conception and advent of the new divinity sent from the skies to be the terrestrial repre- sentative of the gods and to rule that land which reproduced heaven on earth. ^^ The full divinity of the Pharaoh was mani- fested, however, only at his coronation, which was accordingly commemorated similarly in memorial temples. We also find kings sacrificing and praying to the divine spirit resident in themselves, or to their own ka ("double," or "soul"), which was distinguished from their earthly personality and which was thought to follow them as a kind of guardian spirit. After death the Pharaoh was held to be a new manifestation of Osiris, and In some cases the worship of the dead ruler sought to excel the honour which had been paid him while he was alive. This was the case, e. g., with the short-lived Amen-hotep I, who became the divine ruler of a part of the Theban necropolis, for which his burial probably opened a new tract of land. In similar fashion great builders might receive divine honours near their monuments, as did "Pramarres" (Amen-em-het III, of the Twelfth Dynasty) In the Fayum, which he seems to have reclaimed from the lake.^° Even private citizens of extraordinary ability might receive worship as saints and subsequently rise to the rank of gods. The princely scholar I-m-hotep of the Fourth Dynasty became so famous for his learning that In the latest period he was the patron of all scholars, and especially of physicians, whence the Greeks explained "Imuthes" as the Egyptian Asklepios. He is represented as a seated priest with shaven head, hold- ing a book on his knees. Here royal blood may have con- tributed somewhat, but we also find Amen-hotep, the son of Hap(u), the prime minister of Amen-hotep III, worshipped as a famous scholar at his memorial sanctuary at Der el-Medi- neh;'^ and there were some similar minor saints, such as two at Dandur in Nubia who were called "the genius" {shay; cf.
172 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
p. 52 for this expression) of the locality and "Osiris, much praised in the underworld." ^^
Generally speaking, all the dead might be worshipped on the theory that as blessed spirits they lived with the gods in a state of illumination and sanctification. Their chapels were, however, places to pray for them rather than to pray to them; and the sacrifices offered there were not to win their interces- sion, but served merely to maintain their hungry souls (p. 177). Contrary to the usual belief, therefore, the worship of an- cestors, as we shall see in the following chapter, was not so clearly and strongly developed in ancient Egypt as among some other peoples.
CHAPTER X LIFE AFTER DEATH
THE doctrine of life after death ^ was so richly developed In ancient Egypt that here we can sketch only a few of Its most remarkable features. It would require an entire volume to do justice to this chapter, for no people ever showed so much care for the dead as the Egyptians, or so much Imagination about the life hereafter.
Even In the earliest prehistoric times the soul was believed to be Immortal, as Is shown by the gifts of food, drink, and ornaments found In all graves of that period. There only a large tray or pot placed over the bodies, which were Interred in a crouching position, or a few stones or mud bricks show gradual efforts to guard the dead against the animals of the desert; but the large tombs of the kings at the beginning of the Dynastic Period commence to betray precisely the same care for the existence of the departed as was manifested In later times. In the Pyramid Period embalmment begins with the kings, increasing care Is given to the tombs of private citizens, and rich Inscriptions reveal to us most of the views about life after death which the later Egyptians kept so faithfully. We see from them that in the earhest period as well as In the latest the most contradictory views reigned concerning life after death. In harmony with the general character of Egyptian religion, which desired to preserve all ancestral opinions as equally sacred without examining them too closely and with- out systematizing them.
We may Infer that the most primitive period held that the spirits of the dead haunted the wide desert where the graves
174 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
were situated, filling the stony mountains of this inhospitable
region by night. In consequence of their miserable abode and
hard existence such spirits were not very safe company for the
wanderer in the desert. The best wish for the soul
of one's relatives may have been that it might become
the most dangerous among all those demons, feared
and respected by the rest. The custom of placing all Fig. i8i. ...^ ,-iiii i--
The Soul- kmds oi weapons beside the dead to protect him m
^^^^ this life of danger, in which he is hunted by the ter- rible demons of the desert or of the underworld, also looks like a remnant of such primitive ideas, although it survived until the New Empire.^
The soul of man is usually depicted as a human-headed bird fluttering from his mouth at death. An earlier term for "soul," ka (or kai ?),^ the hieroglyphic symbol of which is two uplifted arms, as in Fig. i8o, seems to imply that the soul continues to live in the form of a shadowy double of the body. In the New Empire especially the defunct soul is distinctly identified with the shadow, which is symbolized by the silhouette of the body or by the hieroglyph of a parasol (cf. Fig. 189). Some very late theologians sought to dis- tinguish the three synonyms, "double," "soul," and "shadow," as different parts of the soul and occasionally even added as a fourth element the "illuminated soul," or ikh{u). No decision was ever reached as to whether the soul continued to live in the corpse, returning, some believed, from the realm of the dead after its purification (i. e. mummification), either forever or from time to time; or whether it stayed in or near the grave, or roamed in the „ desert, or went far hence to the place of Osiris. The Soul Return- The funerary texts and burial preparations of the wealthier classes tried to take all these different views into account, although they gave preference to the last theory, as being the most advanced. For the first possibility all care is
LIFE AFTER DEATH
175
taken to protect and preserve the corpse;^ if, nevertheless, the body should decay, the soul may settle In one or more portrait statues placed in the grave. There food is prepared, either actually (meat being sometimes embalmed), or in imitations in stone, clay, or wood, or in pic- tures and written magic formulae, these ma- terial offerings being renewed on festival days. Prayefs also express the wish that the dead may be able to leave his tomb and to appear not merely by night, when all spirits are freed to p^^ jg ^.^^ haunt the earth, but also by day, taking what- Soul Returns
, . , -r' ^1 • ^1 1 r TO THE GrAVE
ever form it may choose, ror this the shape 01 several birds is preferred, although even the crocodile, the snake, the grasshopper, and the flower are considered.^ The spirit desires to visit his home — a belief which is not always pleasant for the superstitious inmates^ — or if it roams in the desert, the tomb ought to open Itself to house it again. A little ladder assists the dead to ascend to heaven, or a small model of a ship enables him to sail to or over it, or prayer and magic help his soul to fly up to the stars. The way to the re- mote realm of Osiris is indeed blocked by many difficulties. Evil spirits threaten to devour the soul; dozens of gates are watched by monstrous guardians armed with knives (the "knife-bearers") or with sharp teeth and claws; broad rivers
and steep mountains must be passed, etc. Magic formulae and pictures for overcoming all these obstacles are placed on the walls of the tomb or on the sar- cophagus, are later included in books laid near the mummy or inside it (e. g.
Fig. 184. The Dead Visits in Its arm-pit), and finally are even HIS House . , . , ,
written on the wrappings round the
mummy. Thus the rich literature of semi-magic illustrated guide-books for the dead developed, above all the great collec- tion which we call the Book of the Dead.''
I I L / /
I n ' / /
176 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
These texts and other magic aids assisted the dead to over- come all obstacles, to be carried by strange ferries across the Stygian river or the ocean, to fly to heaven in the form of a bird or of an insect or to be transported thither on the wings of gods or of their messengers, to climb to the celestial heights by the heavenly tree or by a ladder or to walk to them over the moun- tains of the west, to open the door of heaven or to descend the long subterranean roads leading to the underworld. The last and most serious difiiculty awaited the departed when finally he approached the judgement hall or court of Osiris for exam- ination of his life on earth. There he expected to be brought M before the throne of this god and his as- sembly of forty-two assessors,^ most of whom were monsters of horrible aspect and ter- rible names, such as "Blood-Drinker," "Bone-Breaker," or "Shadow-Swallower." ^ His heart was weighed by Thout and his ~ cynocephalous baboon (p. 33)^° and by Wanders over a Anubis (p. Ill); and he himself read from his Mountain to the guide-book the "Negative Confession," enu-
Seat of Osiris • r • r 1 • 1 1 1 1
meratmg forty-two sms of which he declared himself guiltless, triumphantly exclaiming at the end, "I am pure, I am pure." He was then admitted to the realm of Osiris, which is described as situated in heaven or in a deep hole {tephet) under the earth, or between sky and earth; accord- ing to the earliest theory, it ascended and descended in the stars (p. 97) which form the "divine fields." In the oldest texts the ferry to that land is usually described as sailing on the dark waters which come from the realm of Khnum (the lower world), i. e. on the subterranean Nile and the abyss (p. 89); the latter, however, leads to the great terrestrial ocean and its continuation in the sky, which likewise receive description as being the way to Osiris (p. 95), For the strange ferryman "who looks backward, whose face is backward," see p. 58. In company with the gods the departed lead a life of luxury,
LIFE AFTER DEATH 177
clad in fine linen and eating especially grapes and figs "from the divine garden," " bread from the granary of the deities, or even more miraculous food, as from the tree of life or similar wonderful plants which grow in the various "meadows" or " fields ";^^ sometimes they are even expected to drink milk from the breasts of the goddesses or water from the fountain of life (Fig. 89), which was often identified with the source of the Nile (p. 95). Such food gives eternal life and divine nature. More modest is the expectation of a farmer's life in prolific fields which the dead plough, sow, and reap under the direc- tion of Osiris. Since this still remains a laborious existence, subsequently little proxies of wood or earthenware, the ushehtiu (" answerers "),^^ are expected to answer for the de- parted when Osiris calls his name, bidding him work and wield the wooden hoe in the heavenly fields. While the peasants will be glad to toil for Osiris as they did in their earthly existence, the nobles desire a new life of greater leisure. Various pastimes are considered in the other world, as when the dead wishes to play at draughts (sometimes, according to later texts, with his own soul).^"* In the belief of the period from 3000 to 1800 b. c. the figures of bakers, butchers, and other servants which were put into the grave provided for the food and comfort of the dead, saving him from toil; and the human sacrifices described below may have had the same purpose of furnishing servants for the departed.
This brings us back to the fact that, after all, man dares not depend entirely on celestial nourishment. Do not the gods themselves, though surrounded by all kinds 'of miraculous food and drink, need the sacrifices of man.^ From such beliefs arise the many preparations which we have described for feed- ing the soul in or near the grave, or for providing food even for its life in the more remote other- world. Precautions for all con- tingencies are advisable, since no fate of a soul is more sad for it than to be compelled, in its ravenous hunger and thirst,
to live on oflFal and even to swallow its own excreta. Accord- XII— 13
178 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
Ingly it was the anxious wish of every Egyptian to have chil- dren to provide sacrifices for his soul; and the first duty of each man, according to the moral maxims of Ani, was, "Pour liba- tions of water for thy father and thy mother, who rest In the valley. . . . Thy son shall do the same for thee." Wretched indeed is the soul of the childless, who has none to remember him!
This care for the feeding of the departed seems to us, of course. In flagrant contradiction to the condition which the dead ought to enjoy according to the higher views. They are not merely with the gods, but they completely share their life of luxury. They sit on thrones in the circumpolar region of the sky, where the highest divinities dwell (p. 55); or they perch like birds on the branches of the celestial tree, i. e. they become stars (p. 35), even some very prominent stellar bodies which are usually identified with the greatest deities. As rowers or soldiers they take a place In the ship In which the sun-god sails over the celestial ocean, ^^ or they sit In the cabin as hon- oured guests and are rowed by the god, as in Fig. 7. They actually become like Osiris, the personification of resurrection, to such an extent that they are kings and judges of the de- parted, wherefore each one who has passed away, whether male or female. Is addressed as "Osiris N. N." Deceased women are later styled also "Hat-hor N. N." With Osiris the dead may assume a solar, lunar, or stellar character and may appear as this same deity In the other manifestations of nature. The Book of the Dead, however, prays also that the deceased may become In general a god and that he may be Identified with Ptah, etc.^^
Many of these expectations were originally suitable only for the kings, who, being divine In their lifetime, claimed an exalted position after death; yet just as the costly burial customs were gradually extended from the Pharaohs to the nobles and thence to the common folk, those high hopes of future life were soon appropriated by the nobility and finally by the ordinary popu-
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Next in reputation was the Mnevis (Egyptian Nem-uer, "Great Wanderer"), the sacred animal of Heliop-olis, who was explained as "the living sun-god Re'" or "the (living) repro- duction of Re'" and also of Osiris. His name reveals the early comparison with celestial phenomena. He was a black and white bull, somewhat similar to Apis. In later times the black sacred bull of Montu, which was called Bekh or Bokh (the Bax^'i, Ba«:;)j^i?, or, better, Bovxi^, of the Greeks) at Her- monthis,^ was likewise called "the living soul of Re'" or of Osiris (whence he also took the name Osorbuchis); he is pic- tured much like Apis. Regarding the (white.?) bull of Min (p. 139), the cow of Momemphis, the bull (perhaps of Osiris- Horus) at Pharbaethos,^" etc., we know little. ^^ Fig. 168. BucHis 164 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY Fig. 169. TheMendes Ram and his Plant Sym- bol A very curious problem is presented by the sacred ram (?) of the city of Mendes in the Delta, called Bi-neb-ded(u) (muti- lated in Greek as Mev8r]< , i. e. "Soul of the Lord of Busiris." Thus he was understood to embody the soul of the god Osiris of the neighbouring city Busiris ;^^ occasionally he was also called "soul of Re'." ^^ The divine incarnation in him likewise was manifested by bodily marks "as described in the sacred books," which the priests "recognized according to the holy writings." He seems to have been worshipped as a god of fecundity like Osiris; and accordingly his emblem also was an ear of grain. The Classical stories about sexual intercourse of these sacred animals with women are probably due to misunderstandings of the interpretation of Mendes as a sym- bol of fertility or to errors regarding ceremonies relating to such symbolism. Strangely enough, all Graeco-Roman sources agree in describing Mendes as a he-goat. This contradiction to every Egyptian representation has not yet been explained in a satis- factory way.^^ The ram of other gods, e. g. of Khnum(u), does not enjoy any prominence; and although in later times Amon had a ram instead of his earlier goose (p. 129), its worship was not very marked. A lion was kept, we are told, at Leontopolis for Shu (p. 44) ; a she-cat was probably honoured at Bubastos (cf. p. 150); and a baboon, in Fig. 171. Atum of all likelihood, represented Thout at some place Heliopolis , \ A 1- 1 1 (pp. 33-34). Accordmgly we may assume the existence of many other sacred animals, arguing from the repre- sentations of gods in animal form or with the heads of animals. Fig. 170. Amon as a Ram WORSHIP OF ANIMALS AND MEN i6s None of these creatures, however, gained a prominence com- parable with the importance of the animal gods which have been mentioned above. At Denderah we find, not a single cow of Hat-hor, but a whole herd of kine, the Tentet. Among rarer mammals of smaller size the most interesting is the ichneumon, which once embodied the god Atum of Heliopolis. This deity, who so very quickly assumed solar func- tions and a human form (p. 27), nevertheless Fig 172 "Atum appears in animal guise in some pictures from the Spirit of which we see that the later artists were in doubt as to what this creature was; e.g. one statue, carrying weap- ons, has a weasel-like head, or he is shown as an enigmatic ^yfi^rx. animal in the interesting picture of the evening sun, reproduced in Fig. 11. "Atum, the spirit ika) of Heliopolis," is clearly an ichneumon.^^ The like statements apply to a god Shed (more probably to be pronounced Shedeti, "the One from the City of Shedet" in the Fayum); i. e., analogously, we later find incorrect pictures of him like Fig. 174 besides the ichneumon type (Fig. 173)? which was probably original. After 2000 B.C., curiously enough, this deity bears a Semitic name, Khaturi, or Khatuli ("the Weasel [i*]-Like").^^ Mummies of Ichneumons have also been found at various places in the Delta, and in later times the whole species seems to have been sacred. The shrew-mouse Is said to have been dedicated to the Horus of Chemmis. Among sacred birds the most important apparently was the phoe- nix {benu; read bin, boin) ^'' of Heliopolis, a species of heron with long crest feathers. It symbolized the sun-god under the -=^^2 Fig. 173. Shedeti Fig. 174. Khatuli-Shedeti Fig. 175. The Phoenix 1 66 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY r<*r names of Re' and Osiris (p. 95) and in later times was also their embodiment in the planet Venus (p. 54). In the morning, according to Egyptian belief, the heron, "creating himself," rises in a fragrant flame (p. 28) over the celestial sycamore (or its local representative, the Per sea of Heliopolis), or as "the soul of Osiris" it rests (at night?) on this tree above the sarcophagus of Osiris, as in the accompanying picture. This forms the transition to the fanciful Greek stories ^^ T, r >.T- c n " ,„ that the phoenix came from Fig. 176. The Soul of Osiris in ^ A Sacred Tree Overshadowing Arabia (i. e. the region of SUnrise) HIS Sarcophagus-like Shrine ^ ^1 ^ 1 r tt i- i* to the temple or Jrieliopolis, em- balmed his father (i.e. Osiris) in an ^^% (the sun?), and then burned himself. The Greek misunderstanding of his appear- ance in Egypt only at the end of a long calendric period — variously given as 500, 540, 654, 1000, or 1461 years — seems to show that no heron was kept at Heliopolis in Classical times; but this proves nothing whatever for the earliest period, which was more materialistic in outlook,^® The tame crocodile of Sobk-Suchos which was honoured at Arsinoe has become especially famous through the graphic description which Strabo ^° gives of its feeding by pious visitors. According to this author, "it is called Suchos," so that it was regarded, at least by the laity of Roman times, as a real in- carnation of the local deity Sobk. Serpents, which are considered demoniac creatures in so many countries, were objects of especial awe In Egypt as well. Numerous goddesses were worshipped in the form of snakes, or could at least assume this shape, and the serpent was even used as the general hieroglyph for "goddess." It was probably for this reason that pictures of "erect ser- WORSHIP OF ANIMALS AND MEN 167 pents," standing free or In chapels, protected the entrance to the temples, and the geographical lists give the names of the principal "erect snake" kept alive, perhaps In a cage, at each Important shrine of the nome, evidently because a tutelary spirit of this form was thought to be necessary for every sacred place, exactly as each had to have a sacred tree. The temple of Denderah even had eight sacred serpents with carefully specified names, although It Is not clear whether these were living reptiles or mere Images. ^^ Mummified frogs, fish, and scarabs may be due rather to the sacredness of an entire species, on which we shall speak below. Granting that the Egyptians of the historic period had little understanding of the fragments of primitive religion preserved In these remnants of animal worship, we may nevertheless assume that their explanation of this phenomenon by incarna- tion of gods contains an Idea which Is partly correct. If stripped of cosmic theories. The unsatisfactory material at our com- mand, however, renders it difficult to determine why we cannot prove a worship of a living Incarnation for every deity who is represented on the monuments In a form either wholly or par- tially animal. We must wonder why, for example, the sacred hawk or hawks of Horus at Edfu (who never has human form) are scarcely mentioned. We might try to explain this by the cos- mic role which this Important god assumed at a very early time, so that he accordingly withdrew from earth; and thus we might suppose that the dog of Anubis and the wolf of Ophoi's lost some of their dignity when these deities were attached to the cosmic Ideas of the Osirian circle. On the other hand, Nekhbet and Heqet, for example, never became cosmic divinities to a degree which would enable us to explain why we hear nothing positive concerning the cult of their Incarnation in a vulture and in a frog. Thus it Is difficult to say why numerous local animal cults left only half-effaced traces, while others survived in rather primitive form. It would be wrong to distinguish between such modernized or half-forgotten cults and the few 1 68 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY sacred animals which, through the greater importance of their cities, attained high prominence and later enjoyed worship throughout Egypt; this would be a repetition of the error of Strabo,^^ who regarded the obscurer animals as merely sacred, not divine. We have already seen (p. i6i) that a distinction between sacred, symbolic animals and those which claimed to be real Incarnations of a divinity was too subtle for the Egyptian mind. Neither do the cosmic Interpretations of the prominent animals constitute a general difference. These explanations, as we have seen above, are suspiciously uniform and thus be- tray the Influence of the more advanced period. ^^ This epoch, seeking the gods In nature and In heaven, must have allowed many places to lose their animal cults, though the old pictures and names still revealed the barbarous origin of the local gods. It was only here and there. It would seem, that local tradition proved strong enough to maintain the ancestral cult without too much modernization. A different problem presents Itself when we consider the sacredness of a whole species of animals as contrasted with the Individual sanctity of which we have thus far spoken. It may be either local or universal. The Classical writers describe with sarcasm how a species of animal — the crocodile, for example — was venerated in one nome, while in the one adjoining it was even cursed and persecuted. In most Instances of this character we can see that the original sacredness of an individual animal had been extended to the species; a god's relatives also seemed to deserve worship. This explains the case of some creatures, whether wild or domesticated as pets, which were treated with more or less veneration throughout the whole country. Thus, for instance, the Greeks state that the ibis (of Thout), the hawk (of Horus), and the cat (of Bubastis) were everywhere so inviolable that even unintentional killing of them was punished by death (the mob usually lynching the offender), that they were fed by the population or by official keepers, and that after death they were embalmed and burled WORSHIP OF ANIMALS AND MEN 169 in collective tombs,^^ some being laid in central tombs at the capital of the nome, while the mummies of others were sent from the whole country to the most important place of wor- ship. Cats, for example, were usually interred in an immense cemetery devoted especially to them at Bubastos. It is quite true that these animals were considered to be merely sacred, and not divine, so that they could not receive prayers and offerings, but the popular mind often failed to observe this subtle distinction and actually termed such sacred creatures "gods." This cult of whole species attained this degree of prominence only in the latest period and seems to have devel- oped gradually from a local veneration of less intense char- acter; on the other hand, it again marks a reversion to some primitive ideas. In like manner, when the K,(7a,> snakes inhabiting a house are fed by the ^^W^ owner, the wish to gain protection through /A~~~-\r<f^<^ such demoniac beings rests on a most primi- \b^ « « tive animistic conception. When we learn, Fig. 178. Egyptian however, that various kinds of fish might not be eaten, it is not always clear whether this prohibition was based on their sacredness or on a curse. ^^ Mummified species of fish prove their sacredness only for later times. Fabulous beings which were believed to populate the desert belonged, of course, to the realm of the supernatural and formed the transition to the endless number of strangely mixed forms which more obviously were part of the divine world, inhabiting the sky or the lower regions. We may suppose, moreover, that earthly creatures which fanciful hunters imag- ined that they had seen in the desert or in the mountains, ^^ such as the griffin, the chimera (a winged leopard with a human head projecting from its back), and the lion or leopard with a serpent's neck, which was so popular in the prehistoric period (pp. 64-65), were indistinct recollections of representations which were once worshipped, as well as the double-faced bull (Fig. 2 (d)) and the double lion (p. 43). Indeed, we find all these fabulous lyo
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CHAPTER VIII FOREIGN GODS
THE Egyptians of the earlier period did not feel it necessary to bring foreign gods to their country; when they went to Syria and Nubia, they temporarily worshipped the local divinities of those lands, without abandoning their own deities.^ It is true that concepts of Asiatic mythology con- stantly passed freely into the religion of Egypt,^ and, in particular, the fairy stories of the New Empire not only employed Asiatic motifs very liberally, but often placed their scenes in Asia, thus frankly confessing their dependence on Asi- atic material. Accordingly the Story of the Two Brothers (Ch. V, Note io6) is laid largely on the "cedar mountain" of the Syrian coast; and the Story of the Haunted Prince makes the hero wander as a hunter to the remote East, the country of Naharina (corresponding approximately to Mesopotamia), to win the princess there. This prince, who is doomed to be killed by his dog (a non-Egyptian explanation of Sirius) or by a serpent (Hydra), represents a northern idea of the hunter Orion; and his wife, whom he gains in a jumping-match, is clearly Astarte- Venus-Virgo, who rescues him by restraining Hydra. ^ From folk-lore and magic sooner or later such ideas finally passed into the official theology; and future scholars will ultimately recognize that a very considerable part of Egyptian religious thought was derived from or influenced by the mythology of Asia. Tracing such motifs to the Pyramid Period cer- tainly does not prove that they were autochthonous. The earliest centre of Egyptian religion, the ancient city of On- Heliopolis (p. 31), was situated at the entrance of the great
154
EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
caravan route from the East, and there we must assume a constant interchange of ideas even in the most remote periods. In the present state of our knowledge, however, we cannot pass very positive judgement on the many prehistoric loans of this nature,* and these borrowings, moreover, consist of religious motifs alone. The actual gods of Asia, or at least their names, could not well be appropriated by a nation which leaned so strongly on ancient local traditions as did the Egyptian in the more primitive stages of its history.
The only early exception was the goddess of the holiest city of Phoenicia, the famous Ba alath of Gebal-Byblos, who became known and venerated in Egypt soon after 2000 b. c, when she was identified with Hat-hor, the Egyptian divinity most similar to the Asiatic type of heavenly goddesses (p. 40), or was worshipped simply as "the Mistress of Byblos," a remarkable acknowledgement of the fame of her city. Thus a statuette of the New Empire in the museum of Turin represents an Egyptian holding a pillar of "Hat-hor, the mistress of peace, the mistress OF THE Museum ^f j^^ [ordinarily Kupni, i. e. Byblos] and
OF Turin Show- *^ .
iNG Hat-hor of of Wawa [a part of Nubia]." Thus far the ^^^°^ admission of the connexion of that city with
the worship of Osiris (p. 120 and Ch. V, Note no) cannot be traced to quite so early a date, but it may be much more ancient; the period of the Old and Middle Empires was still reluctant to confess loans from Asia.
In the New Empire, however, after 1600 b. c, when Egypt underwent great changes and wished to appear as a military state and a conquering empire on Asiatic models, and when the customs and the language of Canaan thus spread through-
157. Statuette
FOREIGN GODS
155
Fig. 158. Reshpu
out the Nile-land, the worship of Asiatic deities became fashionable, being propagated by many immigrants, merce- naries, merchants, etc., from Syria. The warlike character of the gods of Asia and the rich mythology at- tached to them made them especially attrac- tive to the Egyptian mind.^
Ba'al (Semitic Lord") is described as the god of thunder, dwelling on mountains or in the sky, and terrible in battle, so that the Egyptians often identified him with their warlike god Seth (see the next divinity).
Resheph, or Reshpu (Semitic "Lightning") was represented as a man wearing a high, conical cap (some- times resembling the crown of Upper Egypt) ,^ often tied with a long ribbon falling over his back "^ and ornamented above the forehead with the head of a gazelle, probably to indicate that he was a hunter. He carries shield, spear, and club, and sometimes has a quiver on his back. Once he is called Reshpu Sharamana, i. e. he is identified with another Syrian god, Shalman or Shalmon.^ As we shall see, he was associated with Astarte-Qedesh. One form, marked by a long tassel hanging from the top of the cap, which we here reproduce after a monument of the museum of Berlin, is there identified with Seth, "the one great of strength." Thus Seth, as the general patron of Asiatics and of warriors (p. 103), was considered to manifest himself in all the male deities of Asia.
Some female divinities from Asia were even more popular.
Astarte ( Astart) had her chief temple in Memphis,^ although she was also worshipped in the city of Ramses and elsewhere. This " mistress of heaven " was scarcely known as a goddess of love in Egypt, where she was, rather, the deity of war, "the mistress of horses and of the
Fig. 159. Resheph Seth
156
EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
chariot." ^° She usually wears the conical crown of all Asiatic divinities, with two feathers as an Egyptian addition. The two following deities evidently constitute mere manifesta- tions of Astarte. In Asiatlzing art she seems to be represented also by the non-Egyptian female sphinx, whose head is marked by long tresses and a peculiar kerchief, such as was worn by Syrian women.
Qedesh (Semitic "the Holy, Awful One") is pictured like the nude god- desses of Babylonian art, standing on a lion and holding flowers and a serpent "Astarte, Mistress OF Horses which often degenerates into another AND OF THE Chariot " fl^^^^. . u j^^ keeping with hcr title, " mis- tress of heaven," she wears the sun and moon on her head. Her two lovers, the youthful Tammuz-Adonis and his warlike rival, appear on either side of her, the latter as Resheph-Reshpu, and the former as the Egyptian god Min, who thus again shows himself to be like Osiris (p. 139).
Asit always rides on horseback. The name may be nothing more than a pop- ular form of Astarte when pronounced As[t]eyt, but in any case 'Asit was treated as a separate divinity,
Anat has a similar dress
and equipment, but is not
found with the horse. Like
Astarte she is warlike and
sensual,/yet eternally virgin.
Ba'alt ("Mistress"; see p. 154 on the identical name
Ba alath) was the feminine counterpart of Ba'al, and we
also find a Ba'alt Zapuna ("Ba'alt of the North").
Fig. 161. Astarte
Fig. 162. Astarte as a Sphinx
FOREIGN GODS
157
Rarer goddesses of this kind were Atum(a), who seems to have been the female form of the Canaanitish god Edom; Nukara, or Nugara, i. e. the Babylonian NIngal, the deity of the underworld; Amait, who was worshipped in Memphis; etc. See pp. 207-09 for the numerous names of deities borrowed from Asia by the sorcerers. We are, however, uncertain how far those divinities really found worship in popular circles.
The African neighbours of Egypt to the west scarcely influenced the pantheon in the historic '^' ^ ^' ^^^^^^ period; after 1000 B.C. only one goddess, Shahdidi, seems to have come from Libya. It is, however, a fact which has not yet been observed by Egyptologists that the Egyptians of the earliest times worshipped some Nubian gods. This was due less to Egyptian conquests of Nubia in prehistoric days, like those of the Fourth, Sixth, Twelfth, and Eighteenth Dy- nasties, than to the strong cultural (and perhaps ethnological) connexions which ex- isted between the prehistoric Egyptians and the tribes to the south of them, as excavations in Nubia have recently shown. It is likewise probable that as mercenaries the Nubians played the same important part in the history of pre-dynastic Egypt that they had later, when several dynasties of the Pyra- mid Period appear to have been of Nubian descent. Thus the goddess Selqet (p. 147 ) had her local worship south of the Cataract region, and yet was a very important Egyp- tian divinity, connected with the Osiris-myth. In like fashion Dedun, a god in human form, originally pictured as a bird on a crescent-shaped twig, was worshipped at remote Semneh in Nubia, near the Second
Fig. 164. 'AsiT
165. 'Anat
158 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
Cataract, as "the youth of the south who came forth from Nubia," and yet it seems that kings of the Sixth Dynasty still called themselves after this foreign god.^^ The hieroglyphs of Dedun and Selqet appear combined on remarkable vessels of the earliest dynastic period. ^^ Thus we r(,.y see that the frontier of Egypt could once be drawn rather far north of the First Cataract, or else at this Cataract (as was usually the case in historical times), or it Fig. i66. Hieroglyphs could be extended far south of it, even to
OF Dedun and Selqet
the Second Cataract, according to varying political conditions and the personal opinions of the ancient scholars.^*
After Alexander the Great the Greek gods of the ruling classes replaced the Egyptian divinities in some Hellenized places, but made little impression on the Egyptian pantheon where it was still maintained (see pp. 239-40, and for Serapis cf. p. 98).
CHAPTER IX WORSHIP OF ANIMALS AND MEN
FROM ancient times no feature of Egyptian religion has attracted so much attention as the wide-spread cult of animals.^ A few of the Classical writers viewed it with mystic awe, but the majority of them expressed dislike or sarcasm even before the Christians began to prove the diabolical nature of paganism by this worst madness of the Egyptians (pp. 7-8). Until very recently modern scholars themselves have found this curious element inexplicable. Some of them, over-zealous admirers of Egypt, attempted to excuse it as a later degenera- tion of a symbolism which the alleged "pure religion" of earli- est Egypt might have understood in a less materialistic sense. The precise opposite Is true, for animal worship constitutes a most prominent part of the primitive Egyptian beliefs. If we start from the theory that animism was the basis of the begin- nings of Egyptian religion, we have no difficulty in under- standing the role which animals played In It. When the major- ity of spirits worshipped by the rude, prehistoric Egyptians were clad with animal form, this agrees with the view of the brute creation which Is held by primitive man In general. It Is not the superior strength or swiftness of some creatures which causes them to be regarded with religious awe, and still less is It gratitude for the usefulness of the domestic animals; it is the fear that the seemingly dumb beasts possess reason and a language of their own which man cannot fathom and which consequently connect them with the mysterious, supernatural world. It Is true that the lion, the hawk, and the poisonous serpent predominate In the Egyptian pantheon, but the form
i6o EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
of the crocodile is limited to one or two gods; and the most terrible of wild animals, the leopard, and perhaps the hippo- potamus,^ are, possibly accidentally, wholly lacking, while, on the other hand, the little shrew-mouse appears. We have already explained the frequency of black bulls as belonging, in all probability, to the advanced stage of cosmic gods (Ch. Ill, Note lo), and the hawk may, likewise, indicate the same age in which the hawk-shaped sun-god was dominant. Hence we must be careful not to use these forms for explaining the primitive meaning of that phenomenon. Where the cult of an animal has survived in later times, it is repeatedly stated in clear words that the spirit of some god has taken possession of it (see p. 164, for instance, on the designation of the Mendes "ram" as the "soul" of a deity). That the later Egyptians thought at the same time of such divinities as residing in heaven presented no difficulty to them, for gods were not limited to one soul; a deity had several souls (or, rather, "forces")^ and might, therefore, live contemporaneously both in heaven and on earth, or might even appear in a number of earthly incarnations simultaneously. The inconsistencies of these theories of the incarnation of celestial beings show, however, that they were, after all, a secondary development. We see this with especial clearness In instances where the god, though said to be in- carnate in an animal, is never actually represented in that form, as is the case with Ptah, Osiris, Re', Min, etc.; or when, as we shall see, the later Egyptians no longer understood the connexion between the solarized god Montu and his original bull-form, the Buchis, but tried, on the analogy of the Apis, etc., to explain the latter animal as the embodiment of other, more obviously celestial divinities.
The earliest Egyptians, who scarcely sought their gods out- side the earth, must have worshipped such an animal, sup- posed to be possessed by an extraordinary spirit, as divine in itself. It was only the tendency of a more advanced age to invest the gods with some higher (i. e. cosmic) power and to
WORSHIP OF ANIMALS AND MEN i6i
remove them from the earthly sphere that compelled the theo- logians to resort to these theories of the incarnation of celestial divinities. A similar attempt to break away from the crudest conceptions of animal worship betrays itself likewise in the numerous mixed representations of the old animal-gods, i. e. with a human body and the head of an animal. Evidently the underlying idea was that these deities were in reality not animals, that they merely appeared (or had once appeared) on earth in such guise, but that as a matter of fact they lived in heaven in the form most becoming to gods, i. e. in an Idealized human shape. This modification of the old animistic religion can be traced to a date far anterior to the Pyramid Period,'* The prehistoric Egyptians, as we have said above, must have had the opposite view, namely, that the worthiest form for the gods was that of animals.
We have no information as to how the earliest period treated the succession of the divine animals which were adored in the temples. The later theory that reincarnations came from heaven in regular order, as we shall see when we consider the Apis bull, does not seem plausible for the original local cults of prehistoric times, since their means were so extremely lim- ited that it must have been very difficult for them to find an- other animal with the requisite physical characteristics. It is possible that some sacred animals did not have such a succes- sion. Some, like the crocodiles of Sobk, seem to have bred in the temples. It is possible that in later times certain of the sacred animals may primarily have been kept at the sanctuaries merely as symbols to remind men of the god who now dwelt in heaven after having once shown himself on earth as an animal in the days of the pious ancestors when divinities still walked in this world. The popular mind, however, anxious to have a palpable sign of the god's existence, could not draw the line between sacredness and real divinity, and soon regarded the symbolic animal as a supernatural being in itself, thus return- ing to the original conception of sacred animals.
1 62
EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
The great difficulty In the problem under consideration is that we know very little about the majority of the sacred ani- mals; only the most prominent cults, which were observed throughout Egypt, have left relatively full Information. Here we are largely dependent on the Grseco-Roman writers, to whom this feature of Egyptian religion seemed especially re- markable; unfortunately, the data which these more or less superficial observers record are not always trustworthy. The hieroglyphic inscriptions do not have much to say concern- ing the cult of animals, which is In itself a proof that the learned
priests could do little with this bequest of the ancestors. It remained a mys- tery to the generations that had out- grown the animistic stage. This very obscurity, however, seemed only a proof that such cults were peculiarly vener- able as transcending human under- n standing and Intellect, v,^ .<- Statuette of the ^^^ "^°^^ popular sacred animal was
Apis Showing his Sacred the ApIs (Egyptian Hp, pronounced
Hap, Hop; "the Runner") of Memphis, a black bull with certain special white marks, "resembling an eagle's wings," on his forehead and back, a "scarab-like" knot under (.'') his tongue, and other signs. According to later be- lief, he was conceived by a ray of light descending on a cow, I. e. he was an Incarnation of the sun. His discovery, his solemn escorting to Memphis, and his pompous installation as "the holy god, the living Apis," at the temple called the " Apiaeum" were celebrated throughout Egypt. He was kept In great luxury and gave oracles by the path which he chose, the food which he accepted or refused, etc. He was usually regarded as the embodiment of Ptah, the chief local god, being called "Ptah renewing himself" or "son of Ptah," but later he was considered more as an incarnation of Oslris-Sokarl, especially after his death. ^ He is depicted wearing the solar disk between
WORSHIP OF ANIMALS AND MEN
163
his horns and is thus connected not only with the sun (Re' or Atum) but also with the moon, whence it is obvious that, as we have noted above, he was originally a god himself without any connexion with nature. The fact that he was allowed to drink only from a well, not from the Nile, shows that he was compared likewise — though very secondarily — with Ha'pi, the Nile (or with Osiris in the same function?). The anniversary of his birth was celebrated for seven (?) days every year; when he died,^ great mourning was observed in the whole land, and he was sumptuously interred at Saqqarah, where the tombs of the Apis bulls and of their mothers, who had be- come sacred through the divine birth, were found by A, Mariette in 185 1. Soon after the seventy days^ of mourning over the loss of the god, a new Apis calf was discovered by the priests with suspicious promptness. ^
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143
days she, as "daughter and eye of the sun-god," was compared with the celestial divinities. The Greeks and Romans Identi- fied her with Eileithyia-Lucina, the lunar goddess who pro- tected birth, possibly because she later watched over Osiris and his resurrection; but distinct connexion of this deity with the moon cannot be proved from Egyp- tian sources. Her role as wife of the Nile-god (p. 46) is evidently in accord with a very old tradition which made the Egyptian course of that river begin at the capital, situated very near the southern frontier, since the two southern- most nomes must at that time have been populated by Nubian tribes. This seems again to explain her connexion with the birth of Osiris as the Nile. Whether a Greek transcription S/ii^t? referred to the name Nekhbet is open to question (see under Semtet).
Nemanus: see Nehem(t)-'auit.
Nesret ("the Flaming, Fiery [Ser- pent]"; p. 26) was a deity whose local- ization is doubtful, but who was later identified with the serpent-goddess Buto.
Onuris (Egyptian An-horet, "Guiding Fig. 146. Late Type of [on] the Highway") was localized in
This, Sebennytos, and elsewhere, and was usually represented as a man In a standing posture, holding a spear In his raised hand (or in both hands), and wearing four high feathers on his head. Since he was regarded as a warrior (whence the Greeks Identified him with Ares) who aided the sun-god In his struggle, his picture later protected the house against noxious animals and other evils. Thus he was regarded as the same as Horus and was likewise represented occasionally with the head of a hawk. The prevalent Identification, however, was with
144 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
Shu, the god of the air (p. 44), because of the similar head- dress of four feathers, so that it is possible that, like those feathers, "the highway" was interpreted celestially.
Ophois (Egyptian Up-ua(u)t, "Opener of the
Way"), the wolf-god of Lykopolis (Assiut),
This, and Sais, was frequently confused with
Anubis(pp. iio-ii). The Egyptians of the Greek
^ period explained his animal as a wolf, perhaps
^ .. because it was represented standing, whereas the Fig. 147. Ophois ^ ^ _ °'
jackal (?) of Anubis was recumbent. The war- like features of Ophois may be derived from his worship at the capital This, or from the weapons which decorate the bases of his pictures, or from celestial interpretations of his name. The Ophois of SaTs "follows the King of Lower Egypt," ^^ as the older form is the "jackal of the South."
Opet ( .'') (Greek 'flc^t?) was the goddess of a quarter of east- ern Thebes, whose hieroglyph she bears in the accompanying picture, together with celestial symbols.
Pekhet (Pakhet, once erroneously Pekhet?) was a lioness who was worshipped in Middle Egypt in the desert valley near Speos Artemidos, a name which shows that the Greeks iden- tified her with Artemis, probably because she was a huntress and roved in the desert. ^^
Peyet: see Note 19.
Ptah (Greek ^da), the god of Memphis (Egyp- tian Hat-ka-Ptah, "Place of the Soul of Ptah"), was pictured as a bearded man of unusually light (yellow) '^^ colour and as clad in white, close- fitting garments, a tassel from his neck holding his collar in position. His head is usually bare,
though later various royal crowns are worn by him, ' ^
. . . Fig. i^
and a sceptre is generally held in both his hands.
The feet, ordinarily united as though the deity were mummi- fied, reveal the very primitive antiquity of the artistic tradi- tion (cf. Figs. 136-37 for equally primitive, pillar-like statues of
THE OTHER PRINCIPAL GODS
145
Mm, and the archaic divine types, p. 12). His cult is, indeed, declared to be the oldest in Egypt, and he is called "the Ancient," ^^ while "the age of Ptah" and "the years of Ptah" are proverbial phrases. The divinity stands on a peculiar pedestal which was later explained as the hieroglyph of jus- tice,''^ and this pedestal is generally represented within a small chapel. Coming into prominence when the pyramid-builders moved their residence near his temple, he was called "the first of the gods," "the creator of the gods and of the world." He was the divine artist "who formed works of art" and was skilful in all material, especially in metal, so that the Greeks compared him to Hephaistos, and his high-priest had the title of "chief artificer." '^^ Therefore on a potter's wheel Ptah turned the solar and the lunar eggs (or, according to others, the cosmic egg, though this is doubtful). In his special capacity of creator he bears the name Ptah- Tatunen, being Identified with a local deity Tatu- nen, who appears in human form, wearing feathers and a ram's horn (cf. pp. 47, 150); and later he ^^' ^'*^' ^^^ is equated with the abyss (Ptah-Nuu) or with the Nile,'^® but also with the sun (Ptah-Aten, "Ptah the Solar Disk"), or with the air (Ptah-Shu), so that he becomes a god of all nature. When plants are said to grow on his back, this may come quite as well from his identification with Sokari, and from the subsequent blending of Ptah-Sokari with Osiris (p. 98), as from comparison with Qeb (p. 42). Sokhmet and Nefer-tem were associated with him as wife and son.'^^
Qebhet (Qebhut) was a serpent-goddess, and as "the daughter of Anubis" was localized near that divinity In the tenth nome. Her name ("the Cool One") gives rise at an early date to myths which connect her with sky or water. ^^
Qed was a deity with the head of an ox ^^ (cf. the decanal constellation Qed(u.^), which, however, has no human repre- sentation elsewhere).
146 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
Qerhet, a serpent-goddess, protected the eighth nome of Lower Egypt, the later land of Goshen,
Re'et: see Ch. II, Note 20.
Renenutet (Remenutet, Remutet): see pp. 66, 116.
Repit (Greek Tptcj)i<i; "Youthful One," "Maiden") was a very popular goddess in the latest period. She is often repre- sented as wearing on her head the hieroglyphic sign of a palm- branch, symbolizing fresh vegetation and youth (p. 89), which renders it difficult to separate her from the personification of time and the year (Ronpet.^), who has a similar symbol. ^^
Ronpet: see the preceding paragraph. For the Sothis-star, called "the year-goddess" as the regulator of time, cf. p. 56.
Ruruti: see Ch. Ill, Note 31.
Satet^^ (Greek 'Eari^) was worshipped at the First Cataract and was associated with Khnum. She is represented in human form and wears a high conical crown with the horns of a cow (cf. the picture given on p. 20); later she was occasionally compared with such celestial divinities as Isis and Hat-hor. Her name denotes "the Thrower, the Shooter," and hence she carries bow and arrows, although the original meaning referred, rather, to the falling waters of the Cataract.
Seb (.?) was a little-known deity who was worshipped in the form of a flying hawk.
Sebit (Sebait) was a goddess of whom little is known ^^ (identical with Asbet?).
Sekha(i)t-hor ("the One Who Thinks of Horus") was depicted as a recumbent cow and was worshipped in the third nome of Lower Egypt.^^ On account of her name, she was often identified with Isis.
Sekhmet ^® ("the Powerful"), a leontocephalous goddess, was adored at Memphis (cf. supra on Ptah and Nefer-tem as her associates) and at some other places, chiefly in the Delta, as well as in the thirteenth nome of Upper Egypt. Generally she wears the solar disk on her head, and the texts speak of her as a warlike manifestation of the sun, a solar
THE OTHER PRINCIPAL GODS 147
eye (p. 29), "the fiery one, emitting flames against the enemies" of the gods (cf. p. 75). She is often compared with the neighbouring cat, Ubastet, who is termed her friendly manifestation.
Selqet (Greek SeX^t?) was symbolized by a scorpion, al- though in later times she was usually represented in human form (see p. 60 and Fig. 60). Her name is abbreviated from Selqet Ehut ("Who Cools Throats")," one of the four god- desses who assist Nuu, the deity of the abyss, and protect or represent the four sources which he sends to the upper world. This confirms the tradition that Pselchis, in northern Nubia near the mythological sources of the Nile, was her original home.^^ With her sting she later protects the dead Osiris and the nursing Isis (with whom she is occa- sionally identified), so that some of the entrails of the embalmed, etc., are placed under her guardianship. As the patroness of magic power she is also called "mistress of the house of books," so that she seems Fig. 150. to have been felt to be analogous to the goddess of fate (p. 53) as dwelling, like her, in the extreme south, i. e. in the underworld. Accordingly she is associated with the sub- terranean serpent Neheb-kau.^^ Later she is sometimes termed the wife of Horus, a fact which corresponds with her occasional celestial and solar insignia. ^°
Sema-uer ("Great Wild Ox") was an old name of the celestial bull (Ch. Ill, Note 10).
Semtet is a goddess who reminds us of Smithis, but her name cannot be read with certainty. ^^
Sepa: see Sop.
Seqbet: see Note 100.
Ser ("Prince") was usually explained in later times as Osiris ^^ and was localized at Heliopolis.
Shemtet, a goddess mentioned only on rare occasions, had the head of a lioness. ^^
Shenet, whose name likewise seldom occurs, was pictured
148
EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
Fig. 151. SoKARi Hidden IN HIS Boat or Sledge
in human form, with long tresses like a child. ^* She was
probably" identical with the following divinity.
Shentet (later forms Shentit, Shentait) was a goddess whose earliest representation seems to have been a long-haired girl (holding a child }) . Later she Is treated as a variant of such celes- tial goddesses as Isis, and also appears In the form of a cow.^^ Her seat of worship was Hellopolis or Abydos (?). Cf. the preceding paragraph.
Shut (Shuet; "the One of Shu") Is a rare name for the lioness Tefenet.^^ Cf. names like Amonet, Anupet, etc. Smentet was a little-known goddess who was treated as
parallel to Isls.®^
Smithls : see under Nekhbet and Semtet. Sobk (Greek 'Eov'xo'i) ,^^ a crocodile-god,
seems originally to have ruled over the lake
and the country of the Fayum in the west- ^
ern part of Middle Egypt, whose capital IT
was Shedet(i)-KrokodIlopolIs. He was also
the lord of some other places along the
western frontier of the Delta (see p. 142
for his association with Neith) and likewise
enjoyed worship at an early period in Upper
Egypt at Ombos (where he was associated
with Hat-hor), Ptolemais, Her-monthis, etc.
Later he became, especially at Ombos, a
form of the solar deity Sobk-ReV^ ^nd at
other places still more strange attempts
were made to identify him with Osiris,
perhaps because crocodiles dwell in the
darkest depths of the water. ^°° Sobket: see Note 100. Sokar(i) (Greek '2oxapi<i)y a deity of a place near Memphis
Fig. 152. SoPD as an Asiatic Warrior
THE OTHER PRINCIPAL GODS 149
(whence the modern name Saqqarah may perhaps be derived) "at the bend {pezut) of the lake," ^°^ was at first regarded as a manifestation of Horus, the sun, and thus was represented as a hawk or falcon sitting in a strange bark on a sledge (henu) which was drawn around his temple at festivals as a solar bark.^°2 When this place became the necropolis of the great city of Memphis, "Sokari in his crypt {shetait) " was made a god of the dead and was identified with Ptah and Osiris, so that his temple Ro-setau ("Gate of Corridors") was explained as the entrance to the passages which led to the underworld. Thus, as the revived Osiris, ^°^ "Sokar, the lord of the ground "(!), became the earth-god as well (cf. p. 98 and above rrA
on the deity Ptah), M
Sonet-nofret (modernized form T-sonet-nof ret; "the Fine Sister"), a deity at Ombos, was identified with Tefenet, whence she was sometimes represented with the head of a lioness, though she usually appeared as p^'^' ^^^' human, resembling Hat-hor. Her husband was the Type of Horus of Ombos, and her son was (P)-neb-taui (p. 140).
Sop (earlier Sepa), a god who was worshipped in and near Heliopolis, was later identified with Osiris. This and the later pronunciation are shown by Osarsyph, the alleged Egyptian name which Manetho ascribes to Moses. ^°^
Sopd(u), "the lord of the east, the one who smites the Asiatics," was the deity of the twentieth nome of the Delta (later termed "the Arabian Nome") at the western entrance to the valley of Goshen, with the capital Pe(r)-sopd(u) ("House of Sopd"; also called "House of the Sycamore"), the modern Saft el-Hene. This warlike divinity is usually represented as a man wearing two high feathers on his head, and sometimes, as master of the Asiatics, he appears in an Asiatic type and bearded. He is also shown as a falcon In the archaic type (cf. Ch. V, Note 27), a fact which results in comparing him with Horus. Later he Is also pictured like a winged Bes (p. 61).^*'^ Khenset is his wife.
ISO
EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
Fig. 154. Tait Carrying Chests of Linen
Tait ("Mistress of Linen") was the goddess of weaving,
perhaps in Busiris, although this may be an artificial connexion
with Osiris, the divinity swathed in linen, whence she is also
called Isis-Tait.106
Tatunen (Tetenen, etc., perhaps
also Tanen, Tenen) was usually
identified with Ptah, and then
also with Nuu (pp. 47, 145). He
had human form and wore two
ostrich-feathers and two ram's
horns on his head.
Tebi was a name of a solarized
god.i"
Tekhi, a goddess in human
form, wore a pair of high feathers
(like Amon) and was patroness of the first month instead of
Thout, with whom she was likewise interchanged elsewhere. ^°^
This identification seems to be based principally on the vague
similarity of the name and does not appear to be ancient.
Temhit ("the Libyan") was a goddess who was worshipped
in Hellopolis {?).
Tenenet (later Tanenet) received adoration at Her-monthis,
where she was identified with Isis and Anit. Like the latter, she
wears two royal crowns or bending antennae (p. 130) on her head.
Triphis: see Repit.
Ubastet 1°^ ("the One of the City of Ubaset" [p. 21]) was
the cat-goddess of Bubastos, the Pi-beseth of Ezekiel
XXX. 17, but she also had an ancient sanctuary at
Thebes on the Asheru Lake near Karnak which was
later appropriated byMut. She is often identified with
Sekhmet (see, e. g., under Nefer-tem), whence her
head is frequently that of a lioness, as in the accom- .t'^' '^^' ^ •' ' Ubastet
panying cut, where the asp characterizes her as a "daughter of the sun-god" (p. 29). As an alleged huntress, the Greeks called her Artemis, like the lioness Pekhet (p. 144).
THE OTHER PRINCIPAL GODS 151
Ung (Ungi; "Sprout" [?]), a "son of the solar deity" or his messenger,^^" treated like Shu, was later identified with Osiris.
Unut (Unet) was a goddess said to have been worshipped at Unut (?), Hermopolis ("Hare-City"), Menhet, and Den- derah; she is not to be confused with "the hour-goddess" Unut (p. 66). A picture shows "the Unet of the South" in human form and lying on a bed as though dead, and "the Unet of the North" like Isis suckling Horus.^^^ The later Egyptians inferred from her name that she was a female hare, but we suspect that originally the name meant simply "the Heliopolitan" (see p. 31 on On-Heliopolis and cf. Note 37).
Upset was identified with Tefenet, Isis, and similar solar and celestial goddesses at Philae, etc.
Ur-heka ("Great in Magic") was a god in the form of a man (or of a serpent?).
Urt-hekau, a leontocephalous goddess, was called
"wife of the sun-god," possibly because she was
compared with Isis as a sorceress (p. 82). She is
also represented with a serpent's head, and is then ^^^- ^56-
Unut not easily distinguished from a male divinity of the
same name. Urt-hekau is likewise an epithet of Isis, Neith,
Nephthys, Epet, etc., so that this goddess is often confused
with them.
Usret ("Mighty One") was applied as an epithet to many goddesses, but in its special sense it was the name of a very popular divinity of the earlier period, who was, perhaps, in the shape of a serpent. She is described as "residing on the western height," ^^^ in the fifth nome of the Delta. Later she was little known, although once ^^^ she is called, curiously enough, "mother of Min."
Utet was a deity who possibly had the form of a heron. ^^^
Uzoit: see Buto.
Zedet (Zedut) : see Note 20.
Zend(u) (Zendr(u); "the Powerful One," "the Violent One") was a very ancient deity who, like Sokari, sat in a sacred sledge-
152 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
ship and, again like him, was compared with Osiris at an early date.ii^
The ambiguity of hieroglyphic letters makes the reading of some names especially doubtful, as in the following examples.
Igay (Egay) was the leading god of the Theban nome in earliest times. ^^^
lahes (Eahes), "the patron of the South," must have been worshipped near the southern frontier.^^^
lamet (Eamet) was a goddess who is described as nursing young divinities. ^^^
Ukhukh(.?), a god worshipped near the site of the modern Me'ir, was symbolized by a staff decorated with two feathers and two serpents."^
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Eri-hems-nofer (Ari-hems-nofer, Greek ^Apeva- vov(f)L<i; "the Companion Good to Dwell With") was the local deity of a small cataract island near Philae and was compared especially with the lion-shaped Shu.^^
Esdes: see Ch. HI, Note 3. Ha {^): see Note 40 on Khasti. Hat-mehit ^^ was the goddess of the nome of Mendes and, therefore, wore its hieroglyph, a Fig. 127. Ehi ^^j^^ ^^ ^^^ head. Associated with the (Osiris-) ram of Mendes, she became like Isis and was called the mother of Harpokrates ("the young Horus"). Later she was also associated with Horus as his wife.
Heka (late form Heke) was identified with Shu, as in Fig. 39. It is a question whether he is another deity than the divinity Heka ("Magic"; Fig. 10).
Heken was a hawk-god (identical with Har-heken "^^^^v^ [Ch. V, Note 28].?). 29 ' h \
Heknet ("the Praiseworthy"; earlier form Heknu- ' tet ^°) was a little-known goddess who was pictured Hat me^ i in various forms, principally with the head of a vulture.
Hemen, a hawk-god ^^ of Tuphion ( ?) in Upper Egypt, was widely known only in the Twelfth Dynasty.
Hem(.'')-hor ("Servant of Horus") was a lion-headed god.^^
Heqet,^^ a goddess with the shape or head of a frog, was
worshipped at the city of Her-uret near Edfu and later at
134 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
Abydos as well (p. 50). At an early date she was associated with her neighbour Khnum as the creator, whence she became a protector of birth (p. 52). Her cult was politi- cally important in the Pyramid Period.
Her-shef ("the Ram-Faced," Greek 'Apaa(f)7]'i, I. e. evidently a wrong etymology, based on a pronunciation which compared him with Horus)
was worshipped at Herakleopolis. Fig. 129. Hesat 1 • 1 ,.,,.•
Hesat was early explamed as a celestial divm-
ity like Hat-hor or Isis, being a cow-goddess.^* Her local cult
seems to have been on the site of the modern Atfiyeh.^^
Hetmet (or Hetmit, "the Destroyer "[?]) is once depicted like Epet, but with a lion's head.^®
Hu ("Taste, Feehng, Wisdom") was a god in the form of a man or of a sphinx. He often accompanied the solar deity in his boat (cf. Fig. 87). Hu, the divinity of plenty, cannot well be separated from him (pp. 66-67).
lu-s-'a-s ("She Who Comes is Great") was a goddess of northern Heliopolis ^^ and the wife of Har-akhti. She was, therefore, treated as a celestial goddess like Hat-hor, etc.
Kenemtef(i) ("the One Who Wears His Leopard's Skin") is usually reckoned among the four sons of Horus (p. 112), though he is sometimes identified with Horus himself.^^ The picture here given depicts him like a priest of the class called
Wearers of the Leopard's Skin." It is a question whether he may not be the same as the lost divinity Kenemt(i), who fills the first three decanal stations.^^
Kenemt(i): see Kenemtef(i).
Khasti (.?),'"' "the lord of the west," was adored in the city of Sheta (in the Delta.?). ^'''- '^°- Kenemtefi Because of his symbol (three mountains, the sign of foreign lands) he was also termed "lord of all foreign countries," whence his representations as a warrior arose. At an early date he was identified with Horus.
THE OTHER PRINCIPAL GODS 135
Khenset (Khensit), the wife of Sopd, being treated like the celestial goddesses, was pictured in the human shape of Hat- hor-Isis, or wearing a feather on her head as "Justice" (p. 100), or as a cow.
Khnemtet was usually understood to mean "the Nurse," whence her name was applied to the nursing goddesses Isis and Nephthys."*^ Later she was also explained as a divinity of bread and cakes (p. 66).'*^
Khnum(u) (Greek Xvov/Stq) ^^ was the deity of Elephantine, the Cataract region (" Lord of the Cool Water"), and some other places in Upper Egypt, such as Esneh, Shas-hetep, Herakleopo- lis, etc. He is represented as a ram or as ram-headed, and later he sometimes receives four rams' heads, probably symbolizing the four sources of the Nile. See pp. 28, 50-51, 89.
Ma'et, the goddess of justice, was char- acterized by an ostrich-feather (p. 100).
Mafdet ("Lynx") was a warlike goddess
. , . I .. Fig. 131. Old Symbol
Widely known m the early dynastic period.*^ of Mafdet
Ma-hos: see Mi-hos.
Mandulis: see Note 55 on Merui.
Matet, "the portress of the sky," was a goddess who later was nearly forgotten, but who was connected with a tree or shrub.^^
Matit ("the One Like a Lioness" [?]), a goddess adored under the form of a lioness in the twelfth (and fifth .'') nome of Upper Egypt, was later compared with Hat-hor.
Ma(t)-si-s ("the One Who Sees Her Son"), worshipped in the fifth and eleventh nomes of Upper Egypt, was later called, like so many other goddesses, a form or an epithet of Hat-hor.
Mehen (?) (Mehnet, Mehenit [?]; see also under Menehtet, infra) was a name for the mythological serpent which wound about the sun-god or about his head (p. 25). In later times "uraeus gods" (i. e. deities wearing the uraeus on their heads), both male and female, were called "followers of Mehen." '*^
136 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
Mehet was a lioness who was worshipped in the old city of
ThI
is
47
Mehi (Mehui ? '^^) was a deity of whom little was known and who was perhaps identified with Thout.
Meht-ueret ("Great Flood") was a name of the celestial cow (p. 39) and was perhaps localized in the fifteenth nome of Upper Egypt.
Menehtet (Menhet,Menhit), a leontocephalous goddess, some- times, like Sekhmet and other solarized divinities, wore the solar disk. She was worshipped at or near Heliopolis (.'') and was also identified with Neith and confused with the solar serpent Mehen, mentioned above.
Men'et, the lion-headed "Nurse," is men- tioned at Edfu and compared with Hat-hor as the wife of Horus (p. loi).
Menhu(i), a god in human form, is men- tioned as a special giver of food.^^ At Esneh he was confused with Menehtet in a ser- pent-headed form. Fig. 132. Meret IN Menkhet ("the Kind One") was wor- DouBLE Form shipped at Memphis and was identified with Isis (sometimes with Nephthys as well [Ch. V, Note 59]). The "linen-goddess" Menkhet is probably a different divinity.
Menqet, a goddess mentioned as producing vegetation and orthographlcally connected with a tree, is later pictured as a woman holding two pots and is often described as making beer and other drinks.^o It is uncertain whether she was thus com- pared to Hat-hor, who gives food and drink from the celestial tree (pp. 36, 39).
Meret wore a bush of aquatic plants on her head, like the Nile, and was, therefore, explained as a water-goddess.^^ Her name usually occurs in the dual number as Merti ("the two Merets"), or these are divided into "Meret of the South" and "Meret of the North," whence the pair are compared to the two Nlles (p. 46) or the two divine representatives of the
THE OTHER PRINCIPAL GODS
137
Fig. 133. Mi-Hos, Identified with Nefer-tem
two kingdoms of Buto and Nekhbet. One of them sometimes has a Hon's head,^^ and both are described as musicians.^^ The query arises whether they are "the two daughters of the Nile who split (?) the dragon" (i.e. divide the water of the abyss and the Nile into an upper and a lower course.?) ^'^ Such a conflict with the older Osirian theology, however, would not be unusual (pp. 95, 106).
Merhi, a divinity with the shape or the head of a bull, was worshipped in Lower Egypt.
Mert-seger ("the One Who Loves Silence") was patroness of a portion of the Theban ne- cropolis and was usually pictured in the guise of a serpent, though in rare instances she was represented also in human form like the great goddess Hat-hor.
Merui (.''), a deity in human form, though probably originally in the shape of a lion, was called "son of Horus" and was worshipped at Kalabsheh in Nubia, near the First Cataract.^^ Meskhenet was the goddess of fate and birth (p. 52) and was sometimes identified with Isis and similar deities, espe- cially with Tefenet (as coming from the deep.? cf. p. 90).
Mi-hos (inferior reading Ma-hos ; Greek Mtwo-i?; "the Grim- Looking Lion") was usually represented as a lion rising up in
the act of devouring a captive. He was worshipped in the tenth nome of Upper Egypt, and being regarded as the son of the solar deity Re' and the cat or lioness Ubastet, he was t;. TT c identified with the lion-god Shu
riG. 134. Hieroglyphic Symbols °
OF MiN FROM Prehistoric (p. 44) Or with Nefer-tSm, as in Objects t?-
Fig. 133. Min(u),^^ one of the oldest Egyptian gods, was worshipped at many places in Upper Egypt, where his hieroglyphic sym- bols, looking somewhat like a thunderbolt or a double harpoon, were wide-spread in prehistoric times; but the special sites
138
EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
of his cult were at Chemmis (i. e. Khem-min, or "Sanctuary of Min," the modern Akhmim) and at Koptos, where the
most important road to the Red Sea branches off to the desert. Hence he was called the patron of the wild in- habitants of the eastern desert, the Aritiu tribes (the Troglodytes, or Tro- godytes, of the Greeks), and even of regions farther to the south, such as the incense coast of Punt. These barbarians assembled at his festivals for a strange ceremony — a contest in
Fig. 135. Barbarians OF THE Desert Climb- dinibinp' Doles ^^ Min's iNG Poles before Min ° ^
oldest prehistoric statues ^^ show him standing erect, grasping his immense phallus with his left hand, and in his hanging right holding a fiagellum, while the back of his body is decorated with animals of the sea and of the desert. Later pictures make this ithyphallic god, whose colour was originally black,^^ lift his whip in his right hand; his head is ornamented with high feathers; and a fillet with a long pendant be- hind serves to keep these feath- ers upright, exactly like Amon of Thebes, who seems to be merely an old localized and slightly differentiated form of Min (pp. 21, 129). Behind him is pictured his chapel in various peculiar forms, or a grove is indicated by a group of tall trees (generally three in number) within an enclosure, or the grove and chapel
Fig. 136. The Earliest Sanctuaries OF Mm, Decorated with a Pecul- iar Standard
THE OTHER PRINCIPAL GODS
139
are combined. He is subsequently identified with Osiris, as be- ing likewise phallic,®" and thus is called a god of the harvest,®^ whence "Min, fair of face," is associated still later with the Asiatic goddess of love (see p. 156), Tra- dition also regards him as son of the sun (or of Osiris and Isis, or of Shu) and thus identi- fies him either with the young sun or with the moon. The Greek identification with the Hellenic shepherd-god. Pan, seems to depend on his pillar-like archaic statues. His sacred animal was a (white.'') bull.
Mont(u) (Greek Mcui^^), the deity of Her- monthis (Egyptian An-montu, the modern Erment) and other places south of Thebes, was also adored at Thebes in the earliest times and regained worship there in the latest period, when this city and its god, Amon, had lost their importance. He is usually pictured as a hawk or as a man ^^^- ^37- Mm before
. HIS Grove
With a hawk s head, wearmg two high feathers (like Min and Amon.^); he is frequently adorned with the solar disk, since he was identified with the sun-god at a very early date, so that he is also called Montu-Re'. His original form, however, which was later preserved at Zeret (perhaps to be identified with the modern Taud), had the head of a bull; and even at Her-monthis his sacred animal remained a black bull, called Buchis in the Roman period (see p. 163). His hawk's head was borrowed from the solar deity, Re'-Horus, and later Montu's bull was actually called "the soul of Re'" (or of Osiris).®^ All texts agree in describing Montu as terrible and warlike, alluding, evidently, to the weapons which he holds. At different places various goddesses were associated with him as his wife, such as Ra't-taui (Ch. II, Note 20), Enit, and Hat-hor.
Fig. 138. Montu
140
EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
Fig. 139. Oldest Type OF
MONTU
Mut ("Mother"), the later wife of Amon (pp. 129-30), was represented either as a vulture or in human form. She is to be distinguished from Mu(u)t "the Water-Flood" (p. 46).
Nebet (Nebit.?), i.e. "the Golden One," was the name of a local form of Hat-hor (cf. p. 30 on gold as solar).
Neb-taui (modernized as P-neb-taui), i.e. "the Lord of Both Countries," a local deity of Ombos, was treated as the son of Horus and Sonet-nofret (or T-sonet-nofret) and was depicted like the young Horus (with a human head) or like Khons (cf. Fig. 18).
Nebt-hotep ("Mistress of Peace" or "Mistress of the Lake of Peace") was later explained as a form of the goddess Hat-hor. Nebt-taui: see Amonet.
Nebt-uu ("Mistress of the Territory") was re- garded as another form of Hat-hor and received Fig. 140.
1 . ^ T? 1 MuT WITH A
adoration at Lsneh. Head -Dress
Nefer-ho(r) ("Fair of Face") was a Assimilating •ir rT~»i T\T 1-1 -1 HER to Amon
special lorm 01 rtah at Memphis, besides being an epithet of various other divinities, especially P of Osiris (pp. 113, 139).
Nefer-hotep ("Fine of Peace," i. e. " the Peaceful ") was a local form of the Theban deity Khons (u), although an independent divinity of this name also occurs in the seventh nome of Upper Egypt.
Nefer-tem, adored at Memphis, was grouped with Fig. 141. Ptah and Sekhmetas their son, while as the offspring
Nefer-tem r t ti i 111 • r n ^ ^ 1
01 Ubastet, the cat-headed variant 01 behkmet, he was also connected with Heliopolls. His emblem is very unusual, being an open lotus flower from which two tall feathers and
THE OTHER PRINCIPAL GODS
141
^
other ornaments project. The god, in the form either of a man or of a lion (cf. under Mi-hos, with whom he is identified), holds this symbol on a staff in his hand or wears it on his head. We know nothing about his functions, rY^
except that allusions ascribe a cosmic role to his fragrant and beautiful flower "before the nose of Re'" (possibly implying the cosmic flower, i. e. the ocean; pp. 39, 50), he is, ac- cordingly, identified with Horus.^^
Neha-ho(r) : see the following paragraph. Neheb-kau ("the Overturner of Doubles") was originally an evil spirit in the form of a Fig. 142. Emblem serpent ("with numerous windings ")6* who of Nefer-tem attacked and devoured the souls of the deceased in the under- world or on the way thither, south of the Cataracts (cf. under Selqet, infra). Later, however, he was honoured by being made one of the forty-two assessors in the law-court of Osiris, exactly like a similar serpent named Neha-ho(r) ("the One Turning the Face"), who subsequently was sometimes con- fused with the Satanic dragon Apop.^^
Nehem(t)-'auit ("the One Who Removes Violence, Delivers [from] Violence "[.?] ; Greek Ne/iai^ov? [.'']), a goddess associated with Thout, the divinity of wisdom, es- pecially at Hermopolis (and at Ba'h in Lower Egypt .^), Is pictured in human form, wearing the sistrum or pillar or other emblems of Hat-hor on her head. She must have been identified with this goddess at an early date, for she is also called "the one who is fond of music" (cf. p. 40),^^ "daughter of the sun," and the like.
Nehes ("Awake, Awakening"): see p. 6^ on
this abstraction as companion of the sun-god. A
similar epithet later applied to Seth seems to characterize him
as the watchful" dragon, lurking in the lower world (p. 106).
Neith (Greek pronunciation;^^ Egyptian orthography Nt,
Fig. 143.
Nehem(t) 'auit
142
EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
once Nrt) was a very ancient goddess who was known through- out Egypt even In the prehistoric period, when she extended her Influence from Sais, her centre of worship, over the entire western frontier of the Delta and up to the Fayum. Accordingly the local deity of the latter region, Sobk, was called her son (whence she Is represented as giving the breast to crocodiles); and she is even termed patroness of all Libyans. She is represented as a woman with the ordinary yellow (sometimes light green?) skin which characterizes her sex in Egyptian art and she wears the red crown of Lower Egypt; yet she often appears also as a cow, I. e. as a celestial divinity (p. 37). Because of her hieroglyph, two crossed arrows, she fre- quently bears bow and arrows ;^^ but later this sign was misunderstood as a weaver's shuttle,^^ so that she was connected with the art of weaving ^° and of tying magic knots as "a great sorceress" like Isls.
Nekhbet was the vulture-goddess of the earliest capital of Upper Egypt, the Eileithylaspolis of the Greeks and the modern el-Kab, and was, conse- quently, the oldest patroness of that portion of the land, the counterpart of Buto (p. 132). Accordingly she is regularly rep- resented as flying above the king and holding a ring or other royal
emblems. She likewise appears ^ig. 145- Nekhbet Protecting the
/ . ., King
as a woman (sometimes with a
vulture's head), and since she wears the white crown of Upper
Egypt, she is termed "the white one,"^^ and her cities Nekhbet
and Nekhen (cf. p. lOi) are called "the white city." In later
Fig. 144. Neith
THE OTHER PRINCIPAL GODS
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SOME TEXTS REFERRING TO OSIRIS-MYTHS 123 (But) thou doest not hear my voice. I am thy sister who hath loved thee on earth. None loveth thee more than I, The sister, the sister!' Nephthys saith: 'O good king, come to thy home! Make glad thy heart; all thy foes are not (longer in existence). Thy two sisters are beside thee Protecting thy funeral bed, Calling thee in tears. Thou art prostrate on thy funeral bed. Thou seest (our) tenderness; Speak with us, O king, our lord! Expel all grief which is in our hearts! Thy courtiers among gods and men, When they see thee, (exclaim) : "Give to us thy face, O king, our lord! It is life for us when we behold thy face. May thy face not turn from us ! Joyful are our hearts when we behold thee, good king, [joyful are] our hearts when we behold thee." I am Nephthys, thy sister who loveth thee. Thine enemy is overthrown, He is no more. 1 am with thee Protecting thy members for ever and in eternity.'" The hymn goes on in endless repetitions from which we select the following : ^ "Shine ^ for us in the sky, every day. We cease not to behold thy rays; Thout is thy protection; He establisheth thy soul in the bark of night In this thy name, 'Divine Moon.'" Thus Osiris is here called both sun (like Re' and Atum) and moon, the latter being merely another manifestation of the ruler of the day. Accordingly he is termed "master of the sixth day" (p. 90), and of him it is said not only that "thou comest to us as a little child every month" (i. e. as the crescent moon), 124 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY but also that "thy picture (?) is glorious in Orion (and?) the stars in the sky," i. e. all heavenly bodies are his manifestation. He represents all good in nature and appears principally in vegetation and in the Nile (p. 95). "Thy glorious emanation proceeding from thee Keepeth alive gods and men. Reptiles and (four-footed) animals Live from it. Thou approachest us from thy (dark) cave at thy season, Pouring out the water of thy soul-force ^ To increase sacrifices for thy double (i. e. soul), To nourish gods and men alike. Hail to (our) lord! There is not a god like thee; Heaven holdeth thy soul, The earth thy figure; The underworld is fitted out with thy mysteries." * H. THE PIG IN THE SUN'S EYE The myth which tells how a black pig penetrated into the eye of Horus, temporarily making him half blind, is the earliest trace of the identification of the pig with Seth (Ch. V, Note 33). Otherwise it is only a new version of the myth of the lost solar eye (p. 90), although the writer tries to distin- guish both ideas. So far as we can understand the very cor- rupt text of this remarkable story,^ it runs thus: "Re' said to Horus: 'Let me look at what is in thine eye [today].' He looked at it. Re' said to Horus: 'Look, pray, at that black pig yonder.' He looked [at it]; behold, his eye was hurt with a great disturbance. "Horus said to Re': 'Behold, mine eye (feeleth) like that stroke which Seth hath done against mine eye.' Behold, he felt grieved. Re' said to the gods: 'Put him on his bed; may he become well again! It is Seth who hath changed his form into a black pig. Behold, the wound in his eye burneth him.' Re' said to the gods: 'The pig is an abomination to Horus.'" The text then becomes confused, but it would seem that SOME TEXTS REFERRING TO OSIRIS-MYTHS 125 advice is given to cure (?) Horus by "a sacrifice of his oxen, his small cattle, his sheep." The name of "Horus on his green (plant)" ^° arose, according to line 13 of this same chapter, because Horus expressed the wish, "Let the earth be green, and let the heavenly disturbances (i. e. the thunder-storms) be quenched"; in other words, the old interpretation of Seth as the storm-clouds obscuring the sun is clearly applied here to a myth which originally, in all probability, referred to eclipses. III. THE TEARS OF ISIS Reference has already been made (p. 90) to a magic formula which describes the result of the tears of Isis when they fall in the Nile. The text itself runs as follows : " "Isis struck with her wing, She closed the mouth of the river, She made the fish lie still on the surface {?); ^^ Not a wave moistened it. (Thus) the water stood still, (but) it rose When her tear fell on '^ the water. Behold, Horus violated his mother- Her tear fell into the water, A cubit among the uz-fish. (And.'') in the mouth of the baboon; A cubit of shrubs reported (?) ^* in the mouth of Qeb (.^).^^ It is Isis who demanded it. No crocodile doth (anything.^). Magic protection is coming, protection!" The meaning seems to be that water and vegetation rise In a parallel way through the tears of Isis, exactly as Osiris Is visible in both forces of nature (p. 95). The uz- or zvoz-fish, to which a curse is attached, according to the Osiris-myth allude to the sin for which Horus-Osiris had to die (p. 119), and the baboon Thout seems to be a reference to the flight of Isis (as the lost solar eye) to Nubia (p. 90), whence the wise god brought her back, another explanation of the rising of the Nile 126 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY after the season of low water. The last three lines seek to turn these blended myths into a magic spell for safe travel on the river. IV. ISIS IN THE COMBAT OF HORUS AND StTW "The thirteenth day of the month Thout/^ a very bad day. Thou shah not do anything (7) on this day. It is the day of the combat which Horus waged with Seth. Behold, they struck each other, standing on their soles together, ( Making their shape that of two hippopotami, (At?) the temple (?) of the masters of Khar-'ahaut.^^ Then they spent three days and three nights thus. Then Isis let fall (9) their ^^ metal on them. It fell toward (?) Horus. He cried aloud, 'I am thy son Horus.' Isis called to the metal thus, 'Break away! break away (iii. i) from my son Horus!' She let another fall toward ( ?) her brother Seth. He cried aloud, 'Have pity (?)!' (2) She called to the metal thus, ['Stop!'].^'' He said to her many times, 'Have I [not] ^^ loved and honoured the son of my mother?' Her heart was filled with compassion for her elder brother. She called to the metal thus, 'Break away, break away, Because he is my elder brother!' The metal loosened itself from him; They stood there as two persons who would not speak^^ to each other The Majesty of Horus grew wroth with his mother Isis like a panther from the south; She fled (?) before him. This is the ordering (?) of a combat of (?) a storm.^^ He struck off the head of Isis; Then Thout gave (it) its form by magic, Fixing it upon a cow.^^ Let a sacrifice be brought to her name and to that of Thout on this day." We may note here that Plutarch ^^ also knew the story of how Horus tore off his mother's head because she had released SOME TEXTS REFERRING TO OSIRIS-MYTHS 127 Seth (p. 118), a legend which was very offensive to the Greek writer. V. THE DESTRUCTION OF THE DRAGON 'APOP ^e "The god ^^ great of magic saith: 'My soul {ka) is magic. I sent them ^* forth to annihilate my enemies with the best (words) on their lips. I sent those who arose from ^^ my limbs To conquer that wicked enemy.'" After this lame attempt to connect the text with the creation- myth which has been translated on pp. 68-69, the hymn begins : "He hath fallen by (?) the flame; A knife is in his head; His ear is cut off (.^); His name is not (any longer) on this earth. I ordered him stricken with wounds; I annihilated (?) his bones; I destroy his soul every day; I cut the vertebrae of his neck asunder, Opening with (my) knife, (And) separating his flesh, Cutting off (?) 3" his hide. He was given to the flame. Which overpowered him in her name, 'the Powerful One';^^ She hath lit on him in her name of 'the Lighting One.' (I?) have burned the enemy; I have ^2 annihilated (?) his soul, I have incinerated his bones; His members passed into the fire. Then I commanded Horus, the one great of strength. At the prow of the boat of Re' ; He fettered him. He fettered him with metal; He made his members So that he could not struggle at his time after his malice. He forced him to vomit what was in his stomach. ^^ He is guarded, fettered, bound; Aker took his strength away.^^ 128 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY I separated his members from his bones; I cut (?) his feet; I cut off his hands; I shut his mouth and his lips; I blunted (?) ^^ his teeth; I cut his tongue from his throat; (Thus) I took away his speech. I blinded his eyes; I took his hearing from him; I cut his heart from its place. I made him as though he never had been. His name is not any more (in existence); His children are not; He existeth no more, Nor his kindred. ^^ He existeth not, nor his record ;^^ He existeth not, nor his heir. His egg cannot grow, Nor is his seed (?) raised; His soul or body is not (longer in existence), Nor his spirit, nor his shadow, nor his magic (power)." The hymn, which was to be repeated during the rite of burn- ing a wax or papyrus figure of 'Apop,^^ after trampling it and spitting on it, wanders along in endless, jejune repetitions. It evidently dates from a much later time than the creation- myth (pp. 68-69), because the legend is here so lifeless. That the most contradictory views on the fate of the dragon are mentioned side by side, is, however, a phenomenon which is neither late nor unusual (see pp. 69, 71, etc.). An interesting fragment referring to Osiris and Seth has already been translated on p. 72. CHAPTER VII THE OTHER PRINCIPAL GODS BESIDES the Egyptian divinities who have been con- sidered in the preceding chapters, there were many others, whose names and characteristics are here given in alphabetic order.^ Ahi: see Ehi. Ahu (?), Ahuti (?) : see Note 40 on Khasti. Amon (earhest pronunciation Amonu, Amanu; In the Middle Empire rarely Amoni ^) was the chief god of Thebes. When he is represented in human form, he has blue skin and wears two very high feathers on his head. He was also called "Master of the Head-Band" from the fillet which holds these feathers straight and hangs down his back. Numerous pictures show that his earliest statues exactly Imitated those of Min, being blue-black and ithyphalllc, having one arm upraised, and with the same chapel and tree (or trees) behind him, etc.; his very name shows that he was a local dissimi- lation of the latter ancient god.^ At first his sacred animal was a goose, but after 1600 b. c. it became a ram, whence Amon himself is often represented in the shape of that animal or with its head."* He was then associated with Mut and Khonsu; and his early consort, Amonet, became a very obscure personality. Amon is an especially clear instance of solarization; and as a sun-god he became the highest divinity of the Egyptian pan- theon in the New Empire (p. 19), so that the Greeks called Fig. 123. Amon I30 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY Fig. 124. Amonet him Zeus, which caused him to be misinterpreted as the god of air.^ His temporary persecution will be considered in our last chapter (pp. 224-26), Amonet (Amenet), the earlier consort of Amon, was, as we have just seen, almost forgotten in the days of her husband's greatness. Her name seems to mean merely "the One of Amon, Amon's Wife." Curiously enough, she always wears the crown of Lower Egypt.^ She is also called Nebt-taui, or "Mistress of Both Countries." ^ 'Anezti, an ancient god wearing two ostrich-feathers on his head and carrying a royal flagellum and a crooked staff in his hands, was called "the one before the eastern districts" and (because of his insignia.'') was iden- tified with Osiris at an early date.^ An-horet: see Onuris. Anit (Enit), the spouse of Montu, was represented in human form, often wearing a symbol like the "antennae" of Mes- khenet (p. 52). Antaeus (Antaios) is known only by this classical name, though he can scarcely have shown much similarity to the wrestling giant of the Greek myth of Herakles. He was worshipped at Antai- opolis in Middle Egypt, where he was associated with Nephthys and some- times compared with Horus.^ Our only pictures of him date from the Roman period, when he was represented as a warrior or hunter of gazelles (reminding us of the Syrian god Reshpu, for whom see p. 155), with high feathers on his head and clad in very modern armour. For a remarkable picture of him see the Classical concept in Fig. 218.^° 'Anti was identified with Osiris at the temple on the site of the modern Gurna. Antaeus THE OTHER PRINCIPAL GODS 131 Anupet, once termed "the female greyhound," was the consort or female form of Anubis at Kynopolis (cf. the parallel Instance of Amon-Amonet) . 'Anuqet, a goddess of the Cataract region, and thus associ- ated with Khnum(u) (see Fig. i), is characterized by a feather crown of unusual shape and on rare occasions appears as a vulture." Why the Greeks compared her with Hestia, their divinity of the hearth, is obscure. Ari-hems-nofer : see Eri-hems-nofer. Asbet ("the Flaming One") was a goddess, perhaps in serpent-shape,^^ and possibly was the same as Sebit. Ash was a god in human form who was worshipped in the west of the Delta (?).^^ Babi (Babai, Bebi, Bibi[?]) must have been worshipped extensively in Upper Egypt from the earliest times, since his name is sometimes written with the white crown and the royal whip, O [y symbols of dominion over the whole southern country. / / \\ Accordingly his name still seems to have been used ^4 extensively as a proper name in the Middle Empire. The Pyramid Texts " term him "master of darkness" and compare him to a bull, as though he had once been a rival of Osiris or had been understood as another name for Osiris or Bati. Thus the Book of the Dead mentions him as "the first-born son of Osiris," ^^ though it usually describes him as a terrible persecutor and butcher of souls who guards the entrance to the lower world. ^^ A later passage of the same book already makes him a fiend somewhat parallel to Seth; and in the Greek period Bebon (or Babys) becomes synony- mous with Seth. For the confusion between Babi and Bati see the paragraph on the latter. Bast(et) : see Ubastet, which is the correct reading. Bati, another deity of the earliest period, was later wor- shipped only in the obscure town of Saka, where he received honour beside Anubis (Ch. V, Note 60) and Ubastet. The author of the Tale of the Two Brothers^ therefore, regards 132 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY Bati (not to be read Bata or Batau) as a celestial and solar divinity synonymous with Osiris. Manetho seems to refer to him as a mythical king Bytes. ^^ He appears to have been confused to a considerable extent with Babi.^^ Behdet, i.e. "the goddess of Edfu," as the con- sort of the Horus of that city (pp. 21, loi) was neces- sarily, according to later theology, like Hat-hor (pp. 39, 102). Bi-n-ded(u): see Mendes (p. 164). Breith: see Note 55 on Merui. Fig. 126. Buto (Egyptian Uazit, Uzoit) was the serpent- ^"™ shaped goddess of Pe(r)-uzoit, the Buto of the Greeks and the earliest capital of Lower Egypt. Accordingly, whether represented in serpent-form or as a woman, she usu- ally wears the crown and holds the sceptre of that region. She and the vulture-goddess Nekhbet, as two serpents (cf. pp. 26, 29), frequently symbolize Lower and Upper Egypt.^^ Dedet, "the One of Busiris," was worshipped at Busiris and at Mendes (at Sebennytos as well.^) and was later regarded as a celestial goddess like Isis-Hat-hor, though originally she was probably distinct from Isis.^° Depet: see Note 19. Dua(u) ("the Worshipper," or "Rising One"[.^]) was a deity whose name was written with a symbol closely resembling the one for Khons which has been discussed on p. 34, except that in the old passages the piece of meat which it seems to represent hangs down behind from the standard. If this god was adored at Herakleopolis, we have an inexplicable Greek comparison with Herakles, as in the case of Khons. ^^ Dua[-uer] ("the [Great] Worshipper" [.?]) was called, because of his hieroglyph, a bearded chin,^^ / \ /^"^ "the barber of the gods" or "the washer of ^H^ |J their faces." ^^ When termed "husband of the ^^ ^^ Sothis star," ^^ he seems to be confused, because of the similarity of names, with the morning star ("the Divine Worshipper") and with THE OTHER PRINCIPAL GODS 133 Orion-Horus. (The accompanying symbol of a full face , with a long beard ^^ appears to refer to a different deity.) Ehi (Ahi) was associated with the Hat-hor of Den- derah as her little son (p. 20), whence he was repre- sented like Horus; he often bears musical instruments. Ekhutet ("the Resplendent "[?]), an ancient goddess, was a deity of whom little was known.^^ Emesti: see p. 112. Enit: see Anit.
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THE OSIRIAN CYCLE
113
in Figs. 100-02. They also have an (immovable.^) place in the eastern horizon as patrons of the first four hours of the day. Their original meaning remains uncertain after all.
By combining the most important of the various fragmentary and widely divergent views about the group of gods who form the Osirian circle we can obtain the following connected myth, using Plutarch's sketch as a basis wherever possible and marking the most important variants by brackets,
Osiris, who was es- pecially "fine of face" and tall, was a child of the earth-god, Qeb, and the sky, Nut (p. 41), as a new im- personation of the sun. He was born on the first of the five epa- gomenal days which closed the year and which were regarded as particularly sacred.^" With him his twin sis- ter, Isis, saw the light [some sources, however, state that she was born on the fourth epagomenal day]. When his birth is described as from the ocean, like his son and double, the solar deity Horus,'^^ this is merely another interpretation of his mother, Nut, since there is little distinction between the ocean and Its continuation, the sky. Osiris created all life, especially mankind, and ruled over it. [Others later declared that he established civilization, teaching men religion and agriculture, particularly the culti- vation of his special plant, the vine (p. 36), etc. ,'^2 and abolish-
FiG. 117. Osiris under the Vine
114 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
ing barbarism; his reign was usually limited to Egypt, since the countries outside aroused little interest.] ^^ He provoked the jealousy of his [older] brother, Seth. According to the earliest tradition, Seth waylaid Osiris when he hunted gazelles in the desert and slew him.^^ [Later sources declare that Seth acted with a band of seventy-two confederates '^^ or, according to Plutarch, also with an Ethiopian queen named Aso;^^ and the conspirators placed Osiris, either murdered or alive, in a coffin which they threw into the river.] His faithful wife, Isis [who, Plutarch tells us, received her first information from the " Pans and Satyrs " of Chemmis, i. e. from the spirits who accom- panied the birth of the sun],'^ hunted for him, and finding him in the desert or river, she revived him with some kind of magic. [According to other versions, ^ , ^ she discovered that Seth had hacked
Fig. ii8. Isis (as Sothis or .
THE Morning Star?) and him mto fourteen '^^ pieccs, which she Selqet-NephthysGather- ^^ together with great care with the as-
ingBloodfrgmthe-^^ ° °
Mutilated Corpse of sistance of Anubis Or of the wise Thout.]
^'^'^ In the belief of later times, when all
gods were represented as winged, ^^ she fanned life [for a time only] into him with her wings. According to another (later) version, Isis did not unite the fragments, but buried them wherever she discovered them — a rationalistic attempt to ex- plain the relics of Osiris which were found all over Egypt ^° in the principal temples or special burial-places of Osiris, the so- called Serapeums. [Where the reuniting of these members is emphasized, the spot only is considered to be hallowed by the finding of one of them.] ^^ According to another (later) version, she followed the body in the coffin to the Phoenician coast, whither it had drifted. At Byblos, Plutarch tells us, it had been taken into the house of the royal couple, Melqart and Astarte (i. e. the two Byblian city-gods as Asiatic doublets of Osiris and Isis), as a beam [having been overgrown by an erica or tamarisk, or having become such a shrub or tree; other myths
THE OSIRIAN CYCLE 115
imply a reminiscence of a cedar containing Osiris or his heart or head^"]. On account of her sweet smell the ladles of the court engaged Isis as nurse to the infant prince, and she nursed him by putting her finger in his mouth, ^^ while at night she laid him aside in a "purifying fire"^"* and in the form of a swallow flew wailing around the wooden column which con- tained the body of Osiris. The queen surprised her one night, cried out when she saw the child amid the flames, and thus deprived it of immortality.^^ Revealing her divine nature, Isis obtained from the king the coveted column and cut the sarcophagus or the body out of the stem of the tree; the col- umn itself, wrapped in linen like a mummy and sprinkled with myrrh (cf. Fig. 83 ?), remained as an object of worship at Byblos.^^ Accompanied by her sister, Nephthys, Isis took the body, either alone or in the cofHn, back to Egypt to bewail it; as mourners both sisters were often represented in the form of birds. [Plutarch makes Seth, hunting by moonlight,^^ again find the body and cut it in pieces, which Isis Is obliged to reunite.]
According to some versions, Horus had been bom [or con- ceived] before his father's death [others maintained, however, that he was begotten while Osiris and Isis were yet In the womb of their mother, i. e. the sky]; but the prevalent theory was that from the corpse of Osiris, [temporarily] revived [with- out opening the coffin completely, or from the reunited body, or even from mere pieces of It], Isis conceived him, either in a human way, as when she Is often represented as sitting on the coffin and usually reassuming the form of a bird, or from blood oozing from the body, or from Its pieces (Fig. 118). [Earlier ideas are that she conceived from the fruit of the cosmic or fatal tree (usually the vine ^^) or from another part of this tree; these views are, however, applied also to the birth of Osiris, who Is after all, as we have so often observed. Identical with his son, though he tends to represent the pessimistic side of the myth.]
ii6 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
With her son Horns [still unborn, or new-born, or very young] Isis fled [from prison] to the marshes of Lower Egypt and [in the form of a cow (cf. pp. 37, 99)] hid herself from the persecu- tions of Seth in the green bushes of the jungles on an island [or on a floating island, whose name the Greeks rendered by Chemmis], where Horus, like other solar divinities, was born in green thickets. ^^ Various gods and goddesses, especially her sister, Nephthys, and the wise Thout,^° helped to protect and nurse her and the infant god (see p. 114 on the "Pans and Satyrs").
Some taught that to hide the child Isis placed it in a chest or basket, which she let float down the Nile. This conception permits the blending of the birth, death, and revivification of the two identified deities, Osiris and Horus, in the chest which swims in the abyss, or in the ocean, or Fig. 119. ijj i-j-g Egyptian counterpart, the Nile, repre-
Isis Nursing <->•' ^
Horus in the senting Osiris-Horus. This chest could also Marshes ^^ found in the sky in the constellation Argo
(p. 58), symbolizing the dead or infant deity floating in the ocean; and the principal star of this group, Canopus, could be regarded as the god himself. ^^ According to Plutarch, Horus was found in the river and was educated [at the bidding of Kronos, i. e. the old sun or the old year ^2] by a water- carrier [called Pamyles at Thebes, who was told to announce to the world the birth of the great divinity]. ^^ Another version seems to hold that the divine nurse Renenutet (Greek @€pfiovdi<;; cf. p. 66) took care of him in the lower regions of the sky until he could reveal himself to the world. ^^ The birth and education of Horus are localized at or near Buto, the earliest capital of the marshy Delta (see supra on the island of Chemmis). Some adventures embellish this period of his life, telling, for example, how the infant Horus was once stung by a scorpion ^^ and healed by his mother, the great magician, or by Thout; or narrating how, on the
PLATE II
I. Greek Terra-Cotta of the Young HoRus Floating in his Boat
The infant god has his finger raised to his lips as a conventional sign of childhood, though later this was misinterpreted as an admonition to maintain silence before divine mysteries. Cf. pp. 94, 243.
2. Bes in the Armour of a Roman Soldier
The divinity here appears in an apotropaic func- tion. A primitive god, and long obscure, he finally rose to such popularity that representations of him even influenced Classical conceptions of Silenus and the Satyrs. See pp. 61-64.
3. Zeus-Serapis
From a local divinity at Ded, in the Delta, Osiris became a god of changing nature in the widest sense. Among his many identifications was that with the bull Apis, called Hap in Egyptian; and hence arose Osor-hap, the Serapis of the Greeks. When the cult of Serapis became popular in the declining days of Classical religion, Serapis was naturally equated with the Greek Zeus as all-god and was represented in Classical style. Cf. pp. 92-93, 98, 239-40, 242-43.
THE NEW YOHK
PU&LIC LlBrtARY
ASTOR, LENOX AND TILDBN FOU-NUATiONS
THE OSIRIAN CYCLE 117
contrary, he enjoyed the protection of seven scorpions (cf. p. 147), etc.
In later times two forms of the young Horus were distin- guished: Har-uer (Greek 'Apovr]pt<;, "Great [i. e. adult, or elder?] Horus") and Har-pe-khrad (Greek 'ApiroKpart]^, "Horus the Child, Young Horus"). [The latter, who was the most popular form of Horus, especially in the Roman period, was confused by Plutarch with the dwarf gods (pp. 63- 64), since he alleged that the deity had been prematurely born.] Some regarded these two forms of Horus as two distinct personalities born at different times, or distinguished the elder Horus ^^ from Har-si-eset (Greek 'Apairjai^, "Horus, son of Isis"), but the oldest myth- ology knows only one Horus, who is the reincarnation of his father Osiris.
According to some sources, Isis also took care of Anubis, her sister's child [by Osiris, who
begat him through confusing Fig. 120. Osiris m the Basket and
Isis and Nephthys^^], and by in the Boat, and Isis
rearing him she gained a faithful companion, this legend being a reversion of the older variant that Anubis or Nephthys [or both] took care of the infant Horus in the underworld. ^^
When Horus attained manhood, "putting on his girdle (i. e. the sign of manhood) in the jungle" ^^ and resolving to be "his father's avenger" ^°° [being exhorted by his father's spirit], he ascended the Nile with a host [of smiths (cf. p. loi)] and "conquered his heritage." [He fought in the form of the winged disk of Edfu, or for the struggle he and Seth changed themselves into men or hippopotami.^"^] At the great battle [which lasted three days, or even longer] Seth hurt or put out an eye of Horus, but he lost his virility and finally was con- quered. According to most later texts, he [together with his
Ii8 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
followers in the form of wild animals ^°^] was annihilated by being burned or cut in pieces, or he was flayed [alive]. ^°^ Others explain the repetition of the combat as due to the fact that, being merely wounded and chained [or caught in a net (pp. io6, 109)], he broke loose again. [Isis set him free; or at least, according to another version which will be set forth below, she protected him against the death-blow; Horus decapitated his mother for this act — an explanation of the headless woman (p. 99) as Isis. Later her human body and cow's head in some pictures were interpreted as the result of the healing of that wound by the god Thout, who also cured the eye of Horus when it was injured by Seth (pp. "33, 90).] The confusion with the dragon ' Apop in the ocean or the lower world (p. 106) made the renewal of the struggle easily intelligible; thus it could be understood, as we have already seen, of tempests and clouds, of the stormy sea and the night, of the changes in the course of the sun or .moon, and (very dimly) ^°^ of the world's be- ginning; while in various ways it could be read in the stars (p. no).
Rather early the struggle between Horus and Seth was made a legal contest, an idea which evidently had its origin in the conception of Osiris as the great judge [and Isis as Justice (p. 100)], although the judgement is usually transferred to the wise Thout, who not only heals the wounds of the two con- testants, but also reconciles them after deciding their claims. Both Osiris and Horus are called "the one just of voice," i. e. justified, victorious in court, an expression which is likewise applied to the human dead to designate them as blessed souls, vindicated by Osiris, the judge. According to later theories, the legitimacy of the posthumous child Horus, contested by Seth, was proved, or his claim to the throne of Osiris was vindicated [or Thout or the earth-god Qeb decided that Egypt should be divided between Horus and Seth, so that the former inherited the north and the latter became the heir of the south].
THE OSIRIAN CYCLE
119
Fig. 121. HoRus Exe- cutes Seth (in the Form of an Ass) be- fore Osiris
Since Osiris was tlie type of righteousness, and thus was
worthy to initiate resurrection and eternal life, whether directly
in the lower world or indirectly in his son, the young solar
deity, the question seems sometimes to
have been asked, especially in the New
Empire, Why had he to die? Why did
death come on all humanity through
him? This pessimistic conception of
Osiris had to be explained by some wrong
deed. Wedlock with one's sister was a
general and ancient custom; therefore
it was not clear what guilt he contracted
by his marriage, except in some variants
which made Isis his daughter or mother^"^
(or, perhaps, inviolable as being "Jus- tice"). In these variants the fault was
usually laid on his wife [or daughter, or mother], who caused his death by her love, but the numerous diver- gent forms of this pessimistic speculation are only faintly preserved in more popular sources like fairy stories and magic texts ^°^ and are obscured in the official religion, so that we can understand them solely by comparison with the Asiatic myths of the Queen of Heaven, the mistress of love and life, who nevertheless brings death and misery to her lovers and all humanity. Traces of such thoughts about Osiris's death are, however, hinted at in the very earliest religious texts of Egypt and are, therefore, at any rate something more than late loans from Asia.
Though all the gods once lived and reigned
on earth, ^°'^ Osiris is often regarded as the first ruler of Egypt
and thus as analogous to the Pharaohs. The idea is that he,
who brought death among the gods, and whose tomb can be
Fig. 122. HoRUS Kills Seth as a Crocodile
I20 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
worshipped In this world (pp. 98, 114), Is the ancestor of man- kind, although several gods ought to have reigned again on earth after hlm.^°^ Accordingly the later Egyptians celebrated the jubilee of the reign of Osiris, thus treating him quite like a human king.^°^
From 1500 B. c. onward the Egyptians themselves appeared to be fully conscious of the similarity of the myths of Osiris and of Adonis-Tammuz and even liked to connect the story with romantic Asia, especially with the ancient holy city of Byblos.^^° Quite a number of evident reciprocal borrowings connect Osiris and the Asiatic dying god, Tammuz-Adonis (the Babylonian Dumuzu-Duzu), and make it difficult to decide the priority of Asia or Egypt."^ It Is probable that the worship of Osiris and Isis remained local in the Delta for a long time; it is even questionable whether It was officially recognized in Upper Egypt before the Second Dynasty, although the power with which It soon afterward spread through all Egypt and Influenced Its whole mythology makes us suspect that it played an important role at an earlier period, at least in popular religion. Until we know more completely the Babylonian form of the legend of Tammuz,^^^ It Is unsafe to derive the Osiris-myth wholly from Asia. It is quite probable that its primitive Ideas came from Asia; but If this be so, they had an early, rich, and rather independent development In Egypt, whence a portion of them wandered back to Asia. It Is particularly noteworthy that It was only In Egypt that Osiris fully developed Into a judge of the dead. Isis, on the other hand, Is a rather meaningless and colour- less character compared with her original, the Asiatic goddess of love.
When the Egyptian rehgion spread through the whole Classical world In the Roman period, it was almost entirely the Osirian circle which found so much Interest and worship, and the richly varied mythology which we have just sketched proved one of the strongest reasons for this success. This
THE OSIRIAN CYCLE 121
subject and the very un-Egyptian character which those Egyptian gods finally assumed in Europe will be discussed in the concluding chapter of our study. This superficial adop- tion of Egyptian divinities was, in reality, only a desperate attempt to bolster up Classical paganism in its declining days; but the spirits of Egypt and of Greece and Rome were too unlike for any true blending. The Isiac mysteries " could never possess the deep influence over the Classical mind which was exercised by the other two great religious impor- tations — the " Great Mother " of Asia Minor and the Mithra of Iran.
CHAPTER VI
SOME TEXTS REFERRING TO OSIRIS-MYTHS
I. THE DIRGE OF ISIS AND NEPHTHYS
"Hymn sung by the two divine sisters in the house of Osiris, the one before the west/ the great god, lord of Abydos, in the month of Choiak,^ the twenty-fifth day."
"Isis saith: ' Come to thy home, come to thy home.
Thou pillar-god (?),^ come to thy home!
Thy foes are not (longer in existence);
Thou good king, come to thy home,
That thou mayest see me!
I am thy sister who loveth thee.
Mayest thou not separate thyself from me (again),
beautiful youth!
Come to thy home immediately, immediately! (When) I see thee no (more), My heart bewaileth thee. Mine eyes seek thee;
1 search for thee to behold thee.
' How good it is to see thee, to see thee! O pillar-god (.''), how good to see thee! Come to thy love, come to thy love!
Un-nofer,^ thou blessed one! Come to thy sister.
Come to thy wife, come to thy wife.
Thou god whose heart standeth still, come to the mistress of thy house!
1 am thy sister of thy mother, Separate not thyself from me!
Gods and men, their faces are on thee, Beweeping thee all together when (they) see me.
I cry for thee with weeping
To the height of heaven.
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