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AuthorTopic: The Shaman Costume and its Significance - 1922 UNO H O L M B E R G  (Read 1734 times)

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https://archive.org/details/TheShamanCostumeAndItsSignificance

THE SHAMAN COSTUME
AND ITS SIGNIFICANCE


BY

UNO ITOLMBERG


TURKU 1922


































Helsinki 1922,

Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seuran Kirjapainon Osakeyhtio.


The Shaman Costume and its Significance.


It is unknown whether the ancient Finnish sorcerer, noiia,
who for the performance of his duties fell into »trances», pos¬
sessed any special magic equipment. The Finnish word kan-
nas, appearing in North-Finnish and Russian Carelian folklore
denotes the magic drum of the Lapps. Whether any other
Finno-Ugrians than the Lapps, and in addition, the Ostiaks
and Vog'ules in Siberia should have used these drums, we have
no information. Even in excavated graves no traces of them
have been found. Still more difficult is the tracing of a shaman
costume for the Finno-Ugrians, which costume, together
with the drum, formed the most important equipment of the
Siberian shaman.

It was believed, indeed, in Russian Carelia, that the pow¬
er of the noiia was transferred to his pupil, should the sor¬
cerer present the latter with his cap and tinder-box. Simul¬
taneously, the former owner of these articles lost his magic
powers. Also in some of the initiation ceremonies for a new
noiia, the!' head-dress had a certain significance attached to
it, therone performing the ceremony placing his cap on the
head of the one to be initiated. Further, attention is drawn
to the head-dress of the noiia by those folk-songs, in which
the word lakkipdd (’becapped’) is used as a variant for the
name of the sorcerer. Can it be possible that these slight items
of knowledge, in particular the last-mentioned, contain, as
Julius Krohn (Suomen suvun pak. jumalanpalv. 129) assu¬
med. »a memorial of a special shaman costume in Finland))?






























The belief that a person could transfer his powers to an¬
other along with some object with which he has for a longer
period been in close connection is based on a very common
magical conception, and need not as such presuppose any¬
thing out of the common in the article itself. The term, also,
lakkipaa, as a name for the sorcerer, need not imply the exis¬
tence of a special head-dress for the shaman, in some manner
connected with his activities. It may mean only that the noita
wore his cap in the performance of his duties. In this way we
know the Lapps to have acted. Among the old people in Fin¬
nish Lapland a memory still exists of the covering of the sor¬
cerer’s head each time he began his incantations (Appelgren,
Muinaism. Ylidist. Aikak. V, 60)./ But in spite of this there are
no traditions among the Lapps regarding the existence of a
special shaman-cap or costume. I he latter are unmentioned
in the accounts of missionaries dating from the close of the
seventeenth century and the beginning of the eighteenth,
neither is there any note of them in the earliest account of
all, written in the thirteenth century, which otherwise desci i-
bes in detail the magic ceremonies and the magic drum of the
Western Lapps, even to the pictures on the latter (P. A. Munch,
Symbolae ad historian! antiquiorem rerum norvegicarum, 4—5,
De finnis). All that is mentioned is that when the sorcerer
made his preparations for the task imposed on him by his posi¬
tion, he placed himself Hinder an outspread cloth» ( magus ex-
tenso panno sub quo se ad profundus veneficas incantationes
praeparet), which in all probability covered his head and fea¬
tures. The spread cloth cannot mean a regular shaman costume;
there is no doubt but that the alien eye-witness would have
mentioned the fact, had the Lapp shaman actually r dressed
himself in a special costume. On the base of information from
Russian Lapland, Satkov (Izv. Arkhang. O. d. Iz. R. Seveia,
1911, 486—7) speaks of a kind of shaman-belt in three colours
used there, which was girded on by the sorcerer before falling
asleep, in the belief that he would obtain desired information


The shaman costume and its significance.


5


during his sleep. The habit, of all to judge an isolated, private
one, is probably a later invention, as it is in conflict with at
least that conception of other Lapps, viz., that the noidde,
and even his assistant, as related by Leem (Beskrivelse, 475),
must take off their belts, which were obviously believed to
prevent the soul of the shaman from leaving his body. A simi¬
lar belief is met with in Siberia, e. g., among the Yakuts, whose
shaman Solovyev (Sbornik gaz. »Sibir» I, 410) says he lets
loose the bands of belts and even of hair. If thus we find no
trace or mention of any kind of shaman costume among the
Lapps, amongst whom the shaman with his drum has existed
up to a quite recent time, there is still less reason to suppose
the Finns proper, or the other Baltic Finns, to have preserved
a memory of a shaman costume, which in the mists of anti¬
quity may have been in use among them.

Neither do we find among the Volga peoples or the Per-
mians (Sirians and Votyakes) any signs hinting at the use
of a special shaman costume by their sorcerers. Not even in
the Life of St. Stefan (f 1396), the converter of the Sirians,
which otherwise contains valuable information regarding the
beliefs and customs of those times, among other matters a
mention of the famous sorcerer, Pam, is there anything said
which could point to the existence of special equipment among
these shamans of the earliest stage. Not until we come to the
Ugrian dwelling-places in Siberia do we find any mention of
such. Even here, however, the reports of the use of a shaman
costume are restricted to the most northern and eastern Ostiak
territories, and it is difficult to be quite certain whether the
custom in question relates to the Ostiaks or their neighbours,
the Samoyedes. Should the Ostiaks in some districts have
made use of shaman costumes, the custom might still, as Kar-
jalainen (Jugral. usk. 554) points out, be explained as having
sprung from an alien, Samoyede example.

Among the Samoyedes, shaman costumes are met with


















6


Uno Holmbekg.


already on the European side. Veniamin (Vestnik R. Geogr.
0. 1855, 118), whose account deals with the Yuraks of the
Mezen District in the Government of Archangel, relates that



Fig. 1. Yakut shaman costume seen from behind. Bird-type.
After E. Pekarskiy. (Note the ribs and the bones
of the arm hanging under the sleeves.)


the local shamans used a long chamois cloak of reindeer-skin,
which was »decorated with tassdls, iron figures, buttons, and
other pendants». As the most important feature of the shaman
costume he mentions a special head-dress, called the »eye-
coverer». Finscii (Reise, 55), who in his wanderings in the


The shaman costume and its significance.


7


seventies in Siberia saw a Samoyede shaman dressed in a soil¬
ed white cloak, decorated with galloons, relates having heard
that leather costumes fitted with iron plates were no longer
the fashion».

The Samoyede costume with »iron gewgaws» attached has,
however, in other places, been in use much later, although the
best preserved specimens are now perhaps collected already
in the museums. Closely related with these »iron costumes*)
is without doubt the one described by Beliavskiy in his work
»A Journey to the Arctic*), published in 1833. This costume,
called Ostiak by him, is »sewn of reindeer-skins, and is long
and fitted with sleeves. Its significance lies in the number
of metal hooks, rings, plates and rattles which, mostly of iron,
cover the costume so completely that it is impossible to see
of what material the latter is made*). In addition, he relates
of a special shaman head-dress, which was made of strips of
cloth of different colours. Sometimes the shaman would add
to the above an iron ring round his head »to show that other¬
wise the skull might burst with the power of his wizardry*
(Poyezdka, 115). Karjalainen (Jugr. usk. 552) assumed
that Beliavskiy no describes sights seen by him when he speaks
of »the iron material and the exaggerated number of gew¬
gaws*). However this may be, the foregoing description is
typical of the shaman costumes of many of the North Siberian
tribes.

Gazing at these costumes, the question arises — what
has been the original purport of these strange garments? Kar¬
jalainen discusses the question in his work »The Religion
of the Ugrians*) and comes to the conclusion that »the purpose
of the costume was apparently twofold; partly it was intended
to affect the spectator, but the main purpose was probably
directed towards the spirits. The effigies of animals are the
shaman’s assistants, containing thus his magic powers, the
rings and metal figures, little bells etc., give forth music.



















8


 


But m addition, according to the views prevalent in many


districts, it was essential for



Fig. 2.

Covering for the breast worn by
Yakut shaman. After
E. Pekarskiy.


a shaman to hide his everyday
apparition when performing his
duties, in order to be left in
peace at other times by the
spirits which he had called to
his assistance while practising
his art; the purpose of the co¬
stume was thus also to deceive
the spirits*) (Jugr. usk. 552; cfr.
Miiiailovskiy, Samanstvo, 72
—3). This explanation by Kar-
jalainen undoubtedly hits the
mark in its reading of the purp¬
ort of the animal effigies at¬
tached to the costume, but the
significance of the costume it¬
self would seem to be unclear
to him.

A closer insight into the mat¬
ter is possible only after the
sifting of a wide field of com¬
parative material. And for this
reason we will examine all the
shaman costumes which have
been in use among the large
Altaic race of Siberia. To this


same civilization, embracing the use of the shaman costume,
belong also the Yenisei-Ostiaks, the Samoyedes, and the Ug-
rians living in the vicinity of the latter, as far as they can
actually be said to have made use of shaman costumes. The
most eastern tribes of North Siberia, such as the Chukchee,


the Koriaks etc., who have also possessed shamans, but who
form another circle of civilization, fall outside of the bound¬
aries of this investigation. The tribes belonging to the Altaic


The shaman costume and its significance. 9

race whom we know to have used shaman costumes are thus:
the various Tungus tribes, the Yakuts and the Dolganes, small
Tartar tribes living in the vicinity of Altai mountains, the north¬
ern Mongols and the Buriats. Most probably these costumes
have earlier been used also by Kirghis and the other southern
Tartar tribes before their conversion to Islam, and similarly,
by the Kalmucks, before these went over to the religion of the
Thibetans. Many even of the Tartar tribes from around the
Altai have given up the use of shaman costumes, nor have the
Buriats preserved theirs, but the iron objects found in the
burial-places of the shamans show the latter to have dressed
themselves in earlier times in costumes similar to those used
even to-day among the more northern tribes.

Generally, shaman costumes are beginning to decline
everywhere, although the belief in shamanism still prevails.
Certain older sources already relate of Siberian shamans who
practised their art in everyday dress. These reports may pos¬
sibly have their foundation in the unwillingness of primitive
peoples, more especially their shamans,. to show their most
sacred possessions when this can be avoided, but it is also
known with certainty that the old costumes had in some di¬
stricts already at an early date lost their earlier importance,
as soon as their purpose had been forgotten. The other
magic instruments, such as the drum, would seem to have
been more essential to the shaman, and their use has there¬
fore been able to survive that of the costumes.

The development from a costumed shaman to one with¬
out. special garments has however proceeded, and still pro¬
ceeds, gradually. In the twinkling of an eye no old beliefs
or customs can altogether disappear. While the complete
shaman costume was composed earlier of many separate art¬
icles of clothing: the cloak itself, a covering for the breast
hung round the neck under the opening of - the cloak, high
footwear, these reaching at times high enough to cover the
thighs, gloves or gauntlets and a head-dress, one can observe





























10


Uno Holmbeeo.


during the degeneration of the costume how generally first the
gauntlets — if these have actually been everywhere in use —

and then the boots disappear. The cloak

# and the head-dress seem able to contend

for themselves longer, sometimes the
former, sometimes the latter remaining
behind as a memento of the ancient
costume of the shaman. The earlier head¬
dress has in some places been supersed¬
ed by gewgaws hung round an ordinary
cap or, as is the case with the Lebed-
Tartars, simply by a woman’s veil
wound round the head while practising
Bpdte the art of shamanism (Fig. 3; K. Hilden,

BP fpyt. Terra, 1916, 136 ff.). The Buriats have

,S' I:;'‘ r. . begun, in the place of the former co-

J stumc and drum, to use two sticks,
which they call »horses» (hobbyhorses),

Lebed-Tartar 3 ' shaman the handles of which they sometimes
in his present attire, carve into the shape of a horse’s head
After a photograph by an( j phe lower ends to resemble hoofs

(Fig. 14). At times, the middle of the
stick is made to look like a »knee» (Agapitov and Kiiangalov,
Izv. Yost.-Sib. 0. R. Geogr. 0. XIV, 1 —2, 42—3). A similar
method of communication has been known also to the Black-
forest Tartars, who called however only one of the sticks the
’horse’ (Potanin, Ocerki, IV, 54). Generally, small bells, the.
skins of small wild animals, etc., have been tied to these hobby¬


horses (cfr. Scand. ganritf).

The degeneration of the shaman costume among even
the northern tribes implies not only the disappearance of vari¬
ous parts of the costume, but also the falling-away and loss
of the articles made of iron and other materials which formerly


were hung on the costume. In older times the usual custom
on the death of a shaman was to array the latter in the costume


The shaman costume and its significance.


11




in which he had practised his art, the body being then placed
either in a burial-place on the ground or more often in the
aerial tomb generally used by Siberian tribes. Later, it has
become the habit in many places for the relatives to rip off
all the metal figures and gewgaws from the shaman’s costume
at his death, and to preserve them until a new shaman of the
same family appears, when the gewgaws are attached to his
costume, if possible, in their right places. It is possible, how¬
ever, for small mistakes to occur,(which are then handed down
in the family to the following costumes. The investigator need
not be led astray by these accidents, provided he has a suffi¬
ciency of costumes as material and can compare- these.

Fully complete shaman costumes with all the essential
parts intact and the various objects belonging to the same are
seldom met with nowadays even in the remotest districts of
Siberia. But in the museums at Yakutsk, Irkutsk, Minusinsk,
Krasnoyarsk etc and, above all, in the great museums at Petro-
grad, we can become acquainted with wealthy and invaluable
collections of costumes and objects, including complete sha¬
man costumes, the whole forming a material widely illustra¬
tive of shamanism. And with the help of these complete cos¬
tumes we can use for our investigation also other costumes,
more or less affected by the tooth of time; and in their light,
the scanty descriptions of shaman costumes met with here
and there in literature relating to Siberia become possessed
of great importance.

Starting from these different sources of information, our
collection of facts is wide enough to admit of an attempt at a
reconstruction of the intention of the said costumes. To reach
down to the marrow of the question we must first establish
the fact that not all of the many »gewgaws» with which the
costume was hung are as common or as essential. Many of
them are accidental, and these have each their own history.
But even those objects, which over a wide area, in the cos-


























12


UNO H O L M B E R G


tumes of different peoples, would seem to play an important
part, are not always so closely connected with the costume
as a whole as to throw light on the nature of this peculiar gar¬
ment. Of these secondary objects, as they might well be ter¬
med, which are usually made of iron, may be mentioned the
sun and moon, a kind of metal mirror with figures of twelve
animals representing the twelve signs of the Zodiac (some¬
times roughly imitated also by certain northern tribes), a round
flat ’earth-disc’, through the hole in the centre of which the
shaman is said to visit the underworld, and further, figures
representing certain species of assistant-animals to the shaman,
quadrupeds, reptiles, fish, snakes and, in special measure
birds, mostly the loom and other diving birds, which are regard¬
ed as sacred] and are believed to assist the shaman on his
spirit-journeys (Figs. 1, 2, 11). The more assistant-animals
a shaman possessed, their effigies in iron or brass or their skins
being sometimes hung also from the head-dress of the shaman,
the more mighty was he in the eyes of his tribe. Altogether
for the sake of this outward reputation, however, these effi¬
gies Avere not attached to the costume, each having its oavii
significance. In many costumes the effigies of human-like
spirits e\ r en are seen.

Besides these objects, important enough from the sha¬
man’s point of vieAV, but secondary in importance compared
with the costume itself, and A\ r hose intention we do not intend
to study in detail, their significance being often independant of
the costume, the latter contains, especially among the northern
tribes, many other objects of iron, which are an integral part
of the costume and tend to make the same heavy and uncom¬
fortable. Generally, the costumes are also in this respect not
ahvays as perfect, iioav this and now that iron plate or hanging
having dropped off; often, they have strayed from their orig¬
inal site, sometimes only one or two being left to shoAV the
origin of the costume. In this state, as individual phenonema,


The shaman costume and its significance. 13

their meaning cannot be divined. Not until Ave liave before
us a Avell-preserved shaman costume with all its parts from
head-dress to footAvear, not set together of parts of different
costumes, as is sometimes the case in museums, and has pos¬
sibly also happened in practice, but forming a whole, then
only does the secret of these mysterious costumes seem to
solve itself. They are seen, not as products of the temporary
whims of individual shamans or as the result of accidental
« Last Edit: June 22, 2019, 10:02:42 AM by Prometheus »

Offline PrometheusTopic starter

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Re: The Shaman Costume and its Significance - 1922 UNO H O L M B E R G
« Reply #1 on: June 22, 2019, 09:59:44 AM »


Fig. 4. The iron »paAVS» attached to the mouths of the sleeves
in Yakut shaman costumes. After V. N. Vasiliev.

causes, but, despite unimportant, local differences, as the out¬
come of a common idea binding together peoples dwelling far
apart and speaking different languages. Each original costume
Avill be seen to aim, with all its parts, at a representation of
the idea of some special a n i m a 1, forming a complete Avhole
from headdress to footwear, the iron plates attached to the
surfaces of the different parts of the costume imitating the
bones of the animal’s skeleton. In the sleeAT, for example,
Ave see the bones of the limb corresponding to the human arm:
in the upper part the humerus, in the loAver the ulna, beside
this the radius, all long pieces of iron-plate; to the mouth of
the sleeve, Avhenever special gloA r es are not used, a rude effigy
is attached, made of the same iron and sometimes resembling
the human hand with its fingers (Fig. 4). The latter fact need
not imply, as Troscanskiy (Evol. fern, very, 136) assumes,
that the iron objects attached to the costumes have originally















14 Uno Holm berg.



represented the human skeleton. On the sides of the cloak we
have the »ribs», on the shoulders the »shoulder-blades» and on
the upper edge to the front, below the throat, the »clavicles»,
etc., etc. In the footwear, also, we find bones contained in the
foot. The number of the animals whose skin
and bones, so to speak, the shaman thus takes
on, is limited to very few species. From
among the northern tribes only three are
known to us, so that we can speak of three
types of costume: the deer, be a r and
b i r d types. As is natural, these varying
types from the animal world give to the re¬
spective costumes their own peculiar character.

Extremely common is the shaman costume
aiming at the representation of some bird.
This type may readily be recognised by the
build of the cloak, in which long strips of
chamois leather and other hangings hang from
the under-seam of the sleeve as »wings», and
Fig. 5. similar strips of leather from the lower edge,

lungus sha- lengthening towards the back into the »tail>>
man’s footwear. " 1 „ , ....

Bird-type. of the bird (Fig. 1). llie small leaf-like, or

cylindrical pieces of iron, with which the cos¬
tume is hung all over, sometimes even the boots, are called
»feathers» by the people. The footwear belonging to these cos¬
tumes shows on the front side a bird’s foot portrayed in strips
of leather or in rows of beads and ending, sometimes in three,
sometimes in five outspread toes (Fig. 5). The headdress is
usually made of bird’s feathers, having often a kind of beak
in its fore-part, with large, staring eyes made of beads on
either side. The pieces of iron-plate related earlier as repre¬
senting the skeleton, form, naturally, here the bones of a bird
(cfr. V.' N. Vasiliev, Samanskiy kostyum, Sbornik Muzeya
po Antrop. i Etnol. pri I. Akad. Nauk, VIII, 1 ff- and E.



15


The shaman costume and its significance.

Pekarsiciy— V. Vasiliev, Plasc i buben,

Materialy po Etnogr. Rossii, I, 93 ff.).

In the case of the deer-type,
the most attention is awakened by the
head-dress, which is generally formed of
iron bands running round the head and
crossways from four different points over
the head, with two iron objects like
branched horns rising from the junction
of the cross-bands (Fig. 6). This head¬
dress is, in fact, the point by which the
costumes of this type are most easily
recognised. But also the cloak, the round¬
ed tails of which are sometimes pointed,
attempts in its own fashion an imitation
of the animal it is intended to represent
(cfr. Fig. 11). Gmelin (Reise, II, 44—5)
relates having seen in the eighteenth
century a Tungus-shaman with a cos¬
tume, on both shoulders of which stood
an iron, branched horn. 1 The costumes
of this type differ further from those of
the bird-type in that the long »wings»
hanging from the lower seams of the Yenisei-Ostiak shaman

sleeves are here absent. Where shorter liea (J- dr ess. Deer-type.

Alter V. I. AnuCin.

strips are thus attached, they are termed

»hairs» by the people (cfr. Pripuzov, Izv. Vost.-Sib. 0. R.
Geogr. 0. XV, 3-4, 65). The iron skeleton represents the
bones of a deer.

1 Another report by Gme.lin (Reise, durch Sib. II, 83) says »die
Schamanen batten auf einer jeden Schulter zwey eiserne zackichte,
doch nicht allzulange Horner aufgesteckt». Similar iron figures on
the back of the shaman were used among the Buriats, the Yeuisei-
Ostiaks (cfr. Fig. 11) and the Samoyedes.






























16


 


Even though the latter type would not seem to have
been used as far south as the bird-type, which has an almost
entire monopoly of the Altai and Sayan Districts and of North
Mongolia, it has still been extremely common everywhere in
North Siberia, from the dwelling-places of the Samoyedes
to those of the eastern Tungus tribes. The earliest illustration
of the type is to be found in Nic. Witsen’s work »Noord en
Oost-Tartarye (II, 663 ) 1 . It is uncertain whether the iron
horns which, attached to shaman head-dresses, have been
found in some burial-places among the Buriats are in¬
tended to represent the horns of a reindeer, as is the case
among the northern tribes, or whether some other species of
deer has furnished the prototype of the costume to which they
have belonged (Fig. 7). In the eighteenth century Pallas
(Reise, III, 182) relates having seen a Buriat shaman with
iron horns in his head-dress resembling those of the moun¬
tain-deer. Potanin (Ocerki, IV, 54) tells of the existence in
the Irkutsk Museum of a Buriat shaman head-dress, the horns
of which are spade-like, reminding one of the horns of the elk.
However this may be, it is indisputable that the horns of the
Buriat shaman differ considerably in form from those found
.among more northern tribes, where they are obviously inten¬
ded to picture reindeer-horns.

Costumes of the b e a r-type are restricted, so far as our
knowledge of them goes, to a much smaller area. A specimen
of this type was brought by Kai Donner to the Ethnographical
Museum at Helsingfors from the Ket River Samoyedes (cfr.
Fig. 13). Its most recognisable feature is the head-dress cut
from the head of the bear, the nostrils of the bear being dis-

1 Witsen relates, indeed, that the same Tungus shaman had a
reindeer head-dress and bear-footwear (cfr. Mordvinov, Vestnik R.
Geogr. O. 1860, 2, 62), but a combination of this nature can hardly
be an original primitive creation, the other shaman costumes at least
aiming, as a general rule, in their entirety at the representation of
-one species of animal only.


The shaman costume and its significance. 17

cernible in the skin. Although the cloak itself is, as usual,
made of reindeer chamois, a general habit is to edge the
collar and the mouths of the sleeves with bearskin. Besides
among the Samoyedes, the bear-type was known among the
Yenisei-Ostiaks. In the author’s travels in the valley of the
Yenisei, an opportunity occurred of seeing a shaman in whose



Iron objects belonging to a sha- Yenisei-Ostiak shaman footwear

man costume, found in the grave with its iron fittings (see context),

of a Buriat shaman. Bear-type.

(Head-dress, ribs etc.)

costume special attention was drawn to the long boots, to each
of which pieces of iron corresponding to the bones of a bear’s
feet were attached, the knee-cap being among them. The
most remarkable fact was that the bones of the fore and hind
legs of the bear were represented in the same boot; highest
up, the two thigh-bones were attached to the inner and outer
sides of the upper of the boot, which covered the shamans

2































18


Uno Holjibebg,


thigh, the four shank-bones were attached to four different
sides, the paw of the fore-leg was attached to the front of the
foot, the hind-paw to the heel (Figs. 8 & 9; cfr. Anucin, Ocerk
sam., Sbornik Muz. Antrop. i Etnogr. pri I. Akad. Naiik II,
2, 42 ff.). Whether this latter habit is of later date, it is
impossible for the author to judge, but the general fashion
among the Siberian shaman was to attach the »fore-legs» of the
animal they wished to represent to the sleeves of the cloak.
That a similar habit has prevailed among the Yenisei-peoples
also, is shown by Mordvinov’s description (Vestnik R. Geograf.
0. 1860, 2, 62), in which, among other matters, it is related
that gauntlets with »iron claws» attached formed a part of the
shaman’s costume. 1 The shaman seen by the author bore a
bearskin headdress surrounded by an iron band, from the front
of which rose an object resembling the blade of a knife and
curving backwards. With this, it was explained, he clove
the air. In no other part than the head-dress and the boots
could the author descry anything awakening recollections of
the bear (Fig. 9).

By comparing the shaman costumes among themselves
we have thus been able to find a common idea hidden in them.
Besides the attempt at an imitation of some animal by the
costume as a whole, we have discovered a desire to represent
the skeleton of the animal with iron objects. The latter obser¬
vation raises the question — is the Siberian shaman costume
then a phenomenon of the iron age? Without doubt the an-

1 Cfr. Georgi (Bemerkungen, I, 280), who describes a 'Fungus
costume: »An den Armeln sitzen vorne Handschuli, langst dem Arm
liegen eiserne Bleche gleicli Schienen». Further he remarks: »Die
Striimpfe sind wie die Armel beharnischt». Gmelin’s words (Reise II,
193) »lederne Striimpfe, die stark mit Eisen von oben bis unten be-
schlagen waren und an dem Elide fiinf eiserne Zelien hatteno probably
denote such boots in which only one foot of the animal is represented.
Such boots are found in Russian museums.




The shaman costume and its significance. 19

swer is in the affirmative, as far as its components are restric¬
ted to iron. Even as such, judging from the spread of the
habit, it is naturally comparatively old. The fact that none
of these easily verifiable objects have been found in excava-



Fig. 9. Yenisei-Ostiak shaman. After a photograph by the author,


tions among the burial-places of the Finno-Ugrians, with the
exception, perhaps of the Ostiaks, shows that the use of the
shaman costume, in this form at least, had not penetrated
into the midst of these peoples. In estimating, however, the
age of the shaman costume, we must take into consideration
that not all of the costumes are bound in any essential man¬
ner to the use of iron; there are also such, in which no iron, or
only a nominal quantity of this metal was used. These are
mostly costumes collected among the tribes living around the
Altai, the bird-type appearing here being apparent only in the
shape of the costume itself, which is further fitted with birds’
































r


20 Uso Holiiberg.


feathers and wings. As remarked by A. 0. Heikel (Finskt
Museum, 1896), the head-dress of the Soyot shaman was some¬
times made of the skin itself of an owl, neither the wings nor
the head being absent. The wings of the same large bird are
mentioned by von Lankenau (Globus, XXII, 279) as having
also been attached to a shaman costume at the shoulders.
An extremely valuable bird-costume with birds’-feather head¬
dress, and foot-wear made to resemble birds’ feet, was
procured from the Soyots by 0rjan Olssen for the museum
at Christiania (Fig. 10). Similarly with the bird-type cos¬
tumes, those of the deer and bear-types have at one time been
forced to be satisfied with objects taken direct from nature.
Certain older sources point clearly to this state of affairs. Not
only the skin of a bear’s head has been deemed sufficient for
a shaman head-dress, but as the aforementioned Mordvinov
(62) points out, the shamans of the Turuchansk District have
used natural bears’ paws in place of the paws of iron. And as
certainly, reindeer horns have at one time as such awakened
attention on the head-dress of the deer-clad shaman. 1 If such
be truly the case, then the shaman’s costume cau perhaps be
a memorial of an extremely ancient age.

The question remains as yet unexplained — why the
shamans have regarded it as necessary to dress in the appa¬
rition of a certain animal. Is it to be supposed, as Karjalai-
nen assumes, that the habit has sprung merely from the belief
that the shaman must, in the exercise of his art, »hide his
everyday appearance in order to remain untroubled at other

1 Naturally, the skins or other tokens of animals other than the
species aimed at by the costume as a whole may often be seen hung
on a shaman costume. Thus, e. g., on the bear-footwear of a Yenisei-
Ostiak costume one sometimes sees a small iron object attached,
which is intended to represent the foot of a swallow. The purpose of
these is apparently the wish to secure additional magic powers for
the use of the shaman on his spirit-journeys.


The shaman costume and its significance. 21

times from the side of the spirits he must raise for the perfor¬
mance of his duties*? In other words, is the only purpose of
the costume »the deceiving of the spirits#? Describing the
costume of the Samoyede shaman, Kai Donner (Sip. samo-
jedien kesk. 144) remarks in passing that the shaman bore
»a cap embellished with the sign of his tote m-a n i m a 1».



Fig. 10. Soyot shaman. Bird-type costume.
After a photograph by 0rjan Olssen.


As the different parts of the costume have at one time formed
a whole, the afore-mentioned remark awakens the point that
the shaman costume as a whole was an attempt at the rep¬
resentation of the totem-animal.

We are thus brought to consider the relationship of sha¬
manism to totemism. By the latter is intended a belief met
with among primitive peoples, viz., that certain families or
clans are descended from some animal, the name of which is
then used by the family, the animal in question being treated
with so great a respect by the members of the family that they
neither hunt nor kill it, still less eat the meat of the same.
If the dead body of such an animal be found, it is buried with
great ceremony. As is known, the term »totemism» is derived
























22


UNO H O L M B E R G


from the word totem, which in the language of a certain tribe
of Indians means the descent of the clan or family. The word,
together with the beliefs connected with the same, was first
brought forward by a Canadian merchant J. Long, who tra¬
velled much among the Indians. About 50 years ago, Me
Lennan began to discuss totemism in its religious aspect and
its relation to the history of civilization. Later, the matter
has been studied by numerous investigators, who succeeded
in finding corresponding beliefs among other primitive peoples,
some going even so far as to see remains of totemism in almost
every form of animal-worship. Therefore, before seeking signs
of totemism in the animal-costume of the Siberian shaman,
we must endeavour to find out whether the Siberian peoples
have actually possessed beliefs which might be compared with
totemism.

N. Haruzin has written a special study called »The
Oath of the Bear and the Totemistic Origin of Bear-worship
among the Ostiaks and Vogules» (Etnograf. Obozr. 1898), the
title already showing that the investigator in question bel¬
ieves in the existence of totemism in the bear-worship of the
Ugrian tribes in Siberia. The manner in which the foregoing
peoples, and likewise the Lapps, have treated the bear is not
sufficient proof of totemism in the true sense of the word.
The respect shown to the bear, which can easily be ascribed
to other reasons, is here general and not the private matter
of individual tribes or clans. And in addition, it is to be observ¬
ed that this respect was not great enough to prevent either
the hunting or the eating of the animal. The bones of the
bear were, it is true, buried, or an attempt at their preserv¬
ation made by other means, but this habit also may be explain¬
ed without having recourse to totemism.

A similar treatment fell to the lot of other wild animals
which were hunted. The procedure of the Lapps in these cases
is described by P. Thurenius (I. Fellman, Handl. och upp-
satser I, 392) as follows: »The bones of the bear, the hare and


The shaman costume and its significance


23


the lynx must be buried in dry, sandy hills or hidden in cre¬
vices among the mountains, where they are safe from dogs
and other beasts of prey. This is done because the afore-men¬
tioned animals live on dry ground; on the other hand, the



Fig.lt. Yenisei-Ostiak shaman costume seen from behind. Deer-type.
After V. 1. AnuCin. (Note the iron ribs and the iron
horns at each end of the topmost iron object.)

bones of such as live in the water are buried in springs.» 0. P.
Niurenius (Archives des Trad. Popul. Sued. XVII,4, 19) re¬
lates in addition that even the bones of the wolf were preserved
by hanging the skeleton to a tree. Similar examples are to be
found among all the Siberian tribes. Ionov (Sbornik Muz.
Antrop. i Etnograf. pri Akad. Nauk, IV, 1, 20) says that after
killing an elk the Yakuts kept the bones intact, in which state
they were taken to the forest. Similarly, he states that the
skinned carcase of the fox was wrapped round with hay and
either buried in the ground or sheltered in trees in the forest.
That some practical reason lay behind these actions ap-
































24


U N O H O L M B E R G.


pears with all clearness from the explanations of the people
themselves. Thus a Lapp from Gellivara, on being asked why
he placed the head, feet and wings of a capercailzie hunted
by him on a certain stone, answered that »new. birds grew from
them, which he then could shoot» (Pehr Hogstrom, Beskrif-
ning, 183). An anonymous writer, describing the preserving
of the bones of the bear among the Lapps, states that »they
believe the bear to rise again and suffer himself to be shot»
(Le Monde Oriental, 1912, 37). Animals are thus believed to
be in some manner immortal, if the skeleton be preserved.
This, however, is far from what is usually meant by totemism.

Offline PrometheusTopic starter

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Re: The Shaman Costume and its Significance - 1922 UNO H O L M B E R G
« Reply #2 on: June 22, 2019, 10:00:32 AM »

And yet, in any case, ideas corresponding to the totemism
of the Indians have at one time prevailed among the Siberian
peoples. Of this, incontestable evidence is to be found. Al¬
ready before McLennan had drawn the attention of investiga¬
tors to totemism and before the appearance of Long’s work,
Ph. J. von Strahlenberg in his »Das Nord- und Ostliche
Theil von Europa unci Asia» of 1730, relates in a description
of the beliefs of the Yakuts, among other things, the following
(378): »Otherwise, each family has a special animal, which
is regarded by it as holy, e. g'., the swan, the goose, the raven,
etc., the animal worshipped by a family never being eaten by
any member of the same, though others may eat of its meat.»
An equally valuable item of information regarding the Yakuts
has been preserved in the appendix to Scukins Russian work
»A Journey to Yakutsk)), published in 1844, which comprises,
according to the author »two old manuscripts)). Here we find
the following: »Further, each family has its own special pro¬
tector or mediator. These are fancied as a white-lipped stal¬
lion, a raven, a swan, or in the shape of other animals. Such
animals are never used for food» (Poyezdka v Yakutsk, 276).
More indefinite is a third report, according to which the Ya¬
kuts refuse to eat the swan on the grounds that their ances¬
tors had appeared in the shape of swans (Castren, Nord. Rei-
sen, III, 329).



The shaman costume and its significance. 25

In Central Asian tales the swan is generally described
as a female being. Among the Buriats a tale runs of three
swans who once descended to a lake to swim. They took off
their swan-garments, turning into three beautiful maidens.
A hunter who lay hidden on the shore took one of the swan-
garments and hid it. After the swan-women had bathed to
their satisfaction, they hurried to the shore to dress, and then
the one whose clothes had been stolen was left behind naked
when the others flew away. The hunter took her to wife and
she bore him eleven sons and six daughters. Once, after the
lapse of a long period, the woman remembered her swan-
dress and asked her husband where he had hidden it. As the
man was assured that his wife no longer had any wish to leave
him and their children, he decided to give her the wonderful
garment again. With her husband’s permission she dressed
herself in the garment to see how she looked in it. But as soon
as she had got on the garment she flew up through the smoke-
hole and floating above her earthly home shouted to her fam¬
ily: »Ye are earthly; beings and must stay on the earth, I
am from Heaven and shall fly back there!*) She continued
further, saying: »Each spring and summer, when the swans
fly northward and return again, ye shall follow certain cere¬
monies in my honour.)) And with that she disappeared into
the sky. It is related in addition how one of the daughters
tried to prevent the mother’s flight by seizing her feet, which,
as the daughter’s hands were dirty, became blackened. That
is why swans have black feet (Skazaniya buryat, Zap. Vost.-
Sib. 0. Rusk. Geograf. 0. I, 2, 114—117).

This tale resembles certain others known in Europe, but
with the Buriats it is connected with beliefs and ceremonies.




The Yenisei-Ostiaks also believe swans to be female beings,
declaring them to be subject to menstruation like women.
Certain Buriat tribes trace their descent ( ulkhci ) from a swan.
In one of their songs it is said: »0f the thousand-numbering
Khangin-tribe the uthka Is the bird sen, the Serel-Mongols
















26


Uko H o l m b e r g.


ulhka is the bird khurn (Khangalov Nov. mater., Zap. Vost.-
Sib. 0. Rusk. Geogr. 0., II, 1, 74—5). The words sen ( =
Mong. tsen) and kluin denote the Siberian swan. It is uncertain
from this whether the swan is the male or female progenitor
of the family. Much more common is the belief that some
animal is the male progenitor of a tribe or a people. L. J.
Sternberg (Sbornik Muz. Antrop. i Etnogr. pri Akad. Nauk
III, 167) says that there are many tribes or families on the
Amur, which trace their descent from the tiger or the bear
on the grounds that the mothers have related dreams in which
they lived in marital relations with these animals. In this
connection the following Buriat tale is of interest: In the
beginning humans knew nothing of either sickness or death,
until evil spirits began to persecute them with these calamities.
The gods then sent an eagle from the heavens to protect them.
For this purpose the eagle came down to act as a shaman on
the earth. But although it protected them from evil spirits,
the people did not understand its significance, and thus it was
compelled to return to the gods. The gods then exhorted it
to make over its shaman nature to the first human it should
meet with on the earth. The eagle now approached a woman
who had left her husband and was sleeping under a tree, with
the result that the woman became enceinte. After this, the
woman returned to her husband and in the course of time
bore a son who became the first shaman (Agapitov and Khan¬
galov, Materialy, Izv. Yost.-Sib. A. Rusk. Geograf. 0. XIV,
1—2, 41—2).

Many Central Asian peoples relate tales of their descent
from some animal. The progenitor of the Bersit-tribe living
near the Altai is said to have been a wolf. The origin of the
Mongols is dealt with in several myths. In one it is told how
two khans warred together for a long time, bringing death to
the people, so that in the end only one woman was left. This
woman met a hear with whom she had two children; from these
sprang the Mongols. According to' another myth the woman


The shaman costume and its significance.


27





bore the bear a man-child, who walked on all fours at first.
After his fore-legs had been broken off, this ancestor of the
Mongols began to live like a human being and to eat meat
instead of grass. The Kirghis declare themselves to be de¬
scendants of a wild boar and for this reason refuse to eat pork
(Potanin, Ocerki, II, 161—2, 164—5). In Buriat myths it is
related how their fore-father, Bukha noyon (’bull-master’)
fought with the mottled bull of the famous Taijikhan. The
animal in question, which was extremely large and powerful,
had boasted once: »Whoever in the world dares to compete
with me, let him try his strength!*) Bukha noijon changed
himself into a blue-grey bull and went to Taijikhan to fight
his mottled bull. During the day-time he fought as a bull,
but during the nights he kept company with Taijikhan’s daught¬
er, in the shape of a beautiful youth. After a time the daughter
became heavy with child and said to Bukha noyon that the
time was near when she would give birth. Then Bukha noyon
ripped the child from its mother’s womb and with his horns
tossed it across Lake Baikal. Vanquishing finally the mottled
bull, Bukha noyon swam over the lake, found the child on the
shore and began to feed it. A shaman woman discovered later
the child, which »sucked at the breast of the blue-grey bulb,
and took it into her care, giving it the name Bulagat. The
two sons of the latter, Khori and Buriat are the progenitors
of two large tribes (Skaz. buryat, Zap. Vost.-Sib. 0. Rusk.
Geogr. 0. I, 2, 94 ff.).

The foregoing examples show clearly that the conception
of animals as the ancestors of different tribes is by no means
strange among the Siberian peoples. A common extraction
demands also certain duties from each individual claiming
part in the same. Thus, Khangalov (Predaniya, Zap. Vost.-
Sib. 0. R. G. 0. II, 2, 21) relates that e. g'., the Buriats of the
Sartul tribe »do not eat the blood of animals because their
shamanistic origin ( utkha ) forbids this, especially do they refrain
from consuming the blood of the shaman-animals of the Sartul

















28


U N o Hoimbekg.


tribe». From this it can not, however, be concluded whether
the tribe actually believes itself to be descended from these
animals. Generally, shamanism is in close connection with so
many widely differing animals that the significance of each
of these is not always correctly understood by the tribes them¬
selves. On entering the dwelling of a Buriat shaman, we see



Fig. 12. Skins of Buriat shaman’s assistant-animals.

After a photograph hy B. E. Petri.

hanging on the back-wall great quantities of the skins of dif¬
ferent small wild animals, which skins are regarded by the
shaman as his sacred property and from each of which he
believes himself to obtain assistance in his shamanistic duties
(Fig. 12). Among the most northern peoples, such as the Yakuts,
Dolganes and Tungus, certain birds such as the diver, the goose,
the swan, the eagle etc., enjoy so great a respect that even
their names are never mentioned and it is regarded as wrong
to point at them with the finger. Should the hunters find the
dead bodies of these birds in the forest, they entomb it with
ceremony on a kind of scaffolding in the air. Neither do they
ever hunt these birds. But as these species seem, at least at


The shaman costume ancl its significance.


29


the present time, to be as sacred to all, it is hard to decide
whether this ancient manner of doing honour is derived from
totemistic beliefs. One fact at least is certain, viz., that the
birds which we see reproduced in the shaman costumes are
regarded as a kind of spirit-animal. Stranger is the fact that
the shaman resorts to the assistance of so many animal-helpers
at the same time. When a Tungus from the Yenisei River
begins to practise his art in his forest, he builds a special tent,
on the outside of and around which he places long poles or
posts bearing effigies, besides of the sun, moon and the thunder-
bird, also of the crane, the diver, the swan, the wild duck and
the cuckoo, all carved in wood. Wooden effigies of animals
are also placed around him on the floor of the tent, behind the
fireplace of which the shaman stands. On his left are the bur¬
bot, the wolf, the otter and the sea-trout; on his right the
nelma (a species of fish), the snake, the lizard and the bear,
while in front of him there is still an animal resembling a lizard.
When beginning,'in the silence of the night, to the accompani¬
ment of a drum, his mighty song, the shaman believes he can
call to his assistance the various representatives of nature
from the air and the water, from land and forest, each of which
will render him some special kind of help. That these assis¬
tant-animals of the shaman are believed to have special duties
also elsewhere, appears from a Buriat shaman-song, in which
it is said: »The grey hare is our runner, the grey wolf our mes¬
senger, the bird Khon our khubilgan, the eagle Khoto our
emissary» (Khangalov, Nov. mater., Zap. Vost.-Sib. 0. R.
G. 0. II, 1, 95). The word khubilgan denotes a metamorphosis
(khubilkhu = to change in shape). Each Buriat shaman has,
according to Zatoplayev (Nekat. pov., Zap. Vost.-Sib. 0.
R. G. 0. II, 2, 9) his own khubilgan, some in the shape of an
eagle, some a vulture, some a frog, etc.

Which of the foregoing animal phantasies may the sha¬
man costume be said to represent? Without doubt, the animal
























30


Uno H o l si b e n g.


it, as a whole, is intended to represent must have some quite
special significance. In seeking an answer to this question, we
must first remember that we have in our possession costumes
representing only a few different species of animals, though
the bird-type of costume can certainly include different spe¬
cies of birds. Further, as costumes of the bear-type would
seem to be rare, we have left only the deer (reindeer) and bird-
costumes as representatives for the beliefs of the majority of
peoples, both being met with among the same people. Should,
the solution of the problem of these costumes be found in totem-
ism, we should in consequence have to assume that the
countless Siberian tribes trace their descent from either the
deer (reindeer) or bird. With regards to the eagle-costume,
the Buriat tale given earlier of an eagle as the »father of the
first shaman» would seem to point to an assumption that the
costume also is a heritage of this ancestor. We know also that
the eagle is regarded as a sacred bird. We must take into
consideration, however, that tribes possessing a reindeer-clad
shaman by no means neglect to hunt or to eat the animal in
question. The Yenisei-Ostiaks, among whom the author dis¬
covered a bear-shaman, explained expressly that this did not
form any hindrance to their enjoying a bear-steak. We must
therefore dismiss the theory of totemism.

The Dolganes relate further of a certain protective spirit
of the shaman, this also having the form of an animal. They
point out that although the shaman has many assistant-spirits,
which appear in the form of various animals, each shaman
has but one iya-kyl (’mother-animal’), on which his life and
death depends. This spirit-animal is said to appear to the
shaman only three times in the course of his life, once when
he feels the first call to take up the profession of shaman, the
second time when he reaches middle-age and the third time
at his death, when also the spirit-animal is believed to die.
Should the shaman’s spirit-animal for some accidental reason


The shaman costume and its significance.


31


be killed, death results immediately for the shaman also. In
addition, it is said that if a shaman meet by accident the »anim-
al» of some enemy shaman and succeed in frightening it to
death, the shaman owning the »animal» dies at the same
time (Vasilif.v, Izobrazenia, Ziv. Star. XVIII, 1—4, 277—8).



Fig. 13. Sainoyede shaman from the Ket river. Bear-type
costume. After a photograph by Kai Donner. (Note
the iron »bone» hanging under the sleeve.)

A similar belief exists among the Yakuts, whose language
is spoken by the Dolganes. SeRosEVSKiY (Yakuty, 626) mentions
as the most mighty spirit-animals of the shamans the bull,
the stallion, the bear, the elk and the eagle. Unhappy, says
the writer in question, is the shaman whose iya-kyl has the
form of a dog or a wolf. This because the dog never leaves the
shaman in peace, but ceaselessly »gnaws at his heart and troubles
his body» with its teeth. The shamans are made aware of the
appearance of a new shaman by the sight of a new iya-kyl.
These spirit-animals differ from totem-animals above all in
one respect, viz., that they are spirits whom »only the shamans
























32


U N O H O L M B E R G.


can see». When two shamans fall out, so believe the Yakuts,
their »animals» begin to fight each other. The struggle may
last for months, even for years. The shaman whose »animal»
finally wins, emerges whole from the fight, but the one whose
»animal» is killed dies himself. A sickness of the shaman is
regarded as a sign that his iya-ktjl is engaged in one of these
struggles.

The foregoing reports show plainly that this invisible
»mother-animal» stands in so close a connection with the sha¬
man himself that it can hardly be regarded as having origin¬
ated in anything less than the soul of the shaman, which
appears outside of the body of its owner in the shape of some
animal.

Similar conceptions are found among the Samoyedes.
According to Tretyakov (Turukhanskiy kray, 212) the Samo¬
yedes of the Turuchansk District imagine each shaman to
possess a »servant», »shaped like a reindeers, which remains
constantly in the neighbourhood of its master. It is connected
with the latter by means of a mysterious band, which is ex¬
plained as stretching farther and farther according to the
distance the »servant» is sent on its master’s errands. Some¬
times, two or three other shamans commence with united
forces an attack on some hated colleague by sending out their
spirit-reindeer, which together attack the »reindeer» of the
latter. As the lonely reindeer’s powers decline and it becomes
exhausted, the shaman owning it dies. T. Lehtisalo collected
similar beliefs among the Yuraks, who also tell of shamans
fighting in the shape of reindeers. The last-named investigator
knew of a case in which an image of a dead shaman was carved
in the form of a reindeer, the relatives preserving the image
in memory of the shaman (cfr. Jurakkisamoj. lauluista, Kale-
valas. vuosik. II, 98—100).

The corresponding beliefs of the Lapps were written down
in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries by missionaries in
Scandinavian Lapland. For the sake of comparison, let us


The shaman costume and its significance. 33

examine the following description by J. Kildal: »When two
shamans have sent out their »reindeer» to fight each other,
it happens that according to whether the struggling »reindeer»
wins or looses, the respective shaman gains the victory or is
vanquished; if one reindeer tosses off a horn from the other,
the shaman whose »reindeer» has suffered the loss falls ill; if
one »reindeer» kills the other, the shaman whose »reindeer»
is killed dies. In the fight it happens also that in the degree
the fighting »reindeer» becomes tired and exhausted, the sha¬
man on whose behalf the »reindeer» fights, feels himself tired
and exhausted (Reuterskiold, Kallskrifter, 92). Besides in
the form of a reindeer, the Lapps believed the soul of the
shaman could travel in other forms, e. g., as a bird. The latter
was also used as a means of fighting. H. Forbus says that
when a Lapp commences a fight with another noidde he sends
his bird, vurnes lodde, in case he happens to possess one, against
the latter (Reuterskiold, 67). In Finland, also, tales are
told of how the Lapp noita flies through the air like a bird,
and how, if one of these birds be shot, an old Lapp sorcerer
falls to the ground. These tales, which the author has himself
heard in Northern Tavastland and which obviously mirror
Laplandic beliefs, show the bird as a direct metamorphosis of
the shaman, or, as the Buriats would say, as his khubilgan.

That also the Goldes (a Tungus tribe) living in the Amur
valley possess similar ideas is shown' by their belief that the
shaman, whose duty it is to escort the dead to the under-world,
travels there in »the shape of a reindeer», carrying the soul of
the dead on his back (Simkevits, Materialy, Zapiski Priamursk.
0. R. Geogr. 0. II, 1, 18).

Let us now turn once more to the shaman costume. Can
the latter be connected in some way with the spirit-animal
of the shaman dealt with in the foregoing? Often, the tribes
themselves explain it as a medium of travel for the shaman.
The conception of the Yakuts is obviously correctly interpreted

3























34


35

Offline PrometheusTopic starter

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Re: The Shaman Costume and its Significance - 1922 UNO H O L M B E R G
« Reply #3 on: June 22, 2019, 10:01:04 AM »


Uno Holm berg.


by Vasiliev (Sbornik Muzeya po Antrop. i Etnogr. pri Akad.
Nayk, VIII, 42) in his remark: when the shaman takes on his
bird-costume, he becomes possessed of a wonderful power of
flight, he can fly into all worlds. The interpretation is sup¬
ported by the fact that the Siberian peoples often talk of the



Fig. 14. Buriat shaman of a our time with his »hobby-
horses», to which little bells, skins, etc., are
attached. After a photograph by B. E. Petri.

»flight» of the shaman. In a Yenisei-Ostiak tale it is related
how the soul of the first shaman Doh, in his attempt to fly
to the heavens, lost its hold on the back of the shaman costume
and fell to the earth (Anucin, Ocerk samanstva, Sbornik Muz.
Antrop. i Ernogr. pri Akad. Nauk, II, 2, 7—8). Here the sha¬
man costume, obviously one of the bird-type, is seen plainly
as the conveyor of the shaman. At times one sees also little
figures of the shaman on the backs of shaman costumes. The
Yenisei-Tungus make these figures of leather. It is further
said that if the figure should fall from the costume during the
shaman’s rites, a great misfortune befalls him. Sometimes


The shaman costume and its significance.

a strap or a chain is attached to the back or the head-dress of
the costume, the shaman being then said to hold on to and
steer his conveyor by means of this (Pripuzov, Svedeniya,
Izv. Vost.-Sib. 0. R. G. O. XV, 3—4, 65). The belief in question
is at the same time a proof that the shaman costume as such
has at one time represented a certain fixed animal. On inquir¬
ing of the Tungus the significance of the shaman costume,
the author was told that it was the »shadow» or »shade» of the
shaman. The Yenisei-Ostiaks on their part explained it as
the »power» of the shaman, pointing out that when the shaman
dresses himself in a bear-costume over his naked body, as the
habit has been, he becomes possessed of the powers of the
bear. 1 During the incantations the author has often heard a
shaman imitate the growl of the bear. Without doubt, he
believed himself at such times to represent the bear. Also
the Vasyugan- and Northern Ostiaks are aware of a ^ear-
shaped spirit», which is »essential» to the shaman for his jour¬
neys to the under-world (Karjalainen, Jugr. usk. 570—2,
587). From these beliefs, which vary slightly among the dif¬
ferent peoples, but which doubtlessly spring from a common
origin, we can therefore conclude that the shaman costume
performs the same duties as his iyd-kyl. This appears also
clearly from the Golde tale of a certain large bird, adressed
in the tale as shaman, which flew into a tree and there began
to flutter its wings and feathers, when the latter changed im¬
mediately into the iron hangings of the shaman costume (Sim-
kevits, 63). This part of the tale resembles the earlier men¬
tioned Finnish conception of a shaman-bird, which when shot
down changes into an old Lapp.

On the grounds of the comparative material collected,
we can thus declare as the result of our investigation that the

1 The dressing of the shaman costume over the naked body was a
common custom also among the Tungus (Pallas, Merkwiirdigkeiten,
241; Gmelin, Reise, II, 44).
































36


 


shaman costume, in the form in which it appears among the
majority of the Siberian peoples, is an attempt at the repre¬
sentation of the soul of the shaman, which wanders during
the performance of his art in the form of some animal. The
belief from which the costume has sprung, always the same
even down to its details among peoples dwelling great distances
apart, as is shown by the wide-spread conception of fighting
»soul-animals», would seem to be an inheritance from a com¬
mon, ancient civilization comprising the peoples of Arctic
Europe and Siberia.