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THE MYTHOLOGY OF ALL RACES


Volume II

EDDIC  NORDIC


PLATE I


Wayland Smith’s Cave or Forge

Wayland Smith is the Volund of the Eddie poem
V olundarkvitha. The Volund story had its origin

among the Saxon tribes, but spread all over the Teu-
tonic area. It was known to the Anglo-Saxons, and
‘ Welandes Smiththan ’ is mentioned in a document
dating from a few years before the Norman Conquest.
The name had been given to the remains of a cham-
bered tumulus or ‘Long Barrow’ (or, as some re-
gard it, a chambered dolmen) at Ashbury, Berkshire.
For the legend connected with this, see p. 271, and
Sir W. -Scott’s Kenilworth , chapter xiii and note 2.
The Anglo-Saxon poem, Deor's Lament, refers to
the Volund story, and in a document of the year
903 a.d. mention is made of a place in Buckingham-
shire called ‘ Welandes Stocc.’ The phrase ‘ Welan-
des geweorc ’ was also used by the Anglo-Saxons to
denote weapons and ornaments of exceptional value.















THE MYTHOLOGY
OF ALL RACES

IN THIRTEEN VOLUMES

CANON JOHN ARNOTT MacCULLOCH, D.D., Editor
GEORGE FOOT MOORE, A.M., D.D., LL.D., Consulting Editor


EDDIC

BY

JOHN ARNOTT MacCULLOCH

HON. D.D., ST. ANDREWS


VOLUME II



ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA
MARSHALL JONES COMPANY • BOSTON
M DCCCC XXX


Copyright, 1930
By Marshall Jones Company

Copyrighted in Great Britain


All rights reserved

Printed February 1930


PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA BY
THE PLIMPTON PRESS • NORWOOD • MASSACHUSETTS


TO MY WIFE


15380



CONTENTS


PAGE

Author’s Preface xi

Introduction 3

Chapter I The Gods: A General Survey 15

II The Vanir 25

III Euhemerism 31

IV The Greater Gods — Odin 37

V The Greater Gods — Thor 68

VI The Greater Gods — Tyr 97

VII The Vanir Group — Njord 101

VIII The Vanir Group — Frey 108

IX The Vanir Group — Freyja 120

X Balder 127

XI Loki 139

XII Lesser Gods 151

XIII Mimir 167

XIV AIgir 171

XV Frigg 174

XVI Lesser Goddesses 178

XVII Ran 190

XVIII Nature 192

XIX Animals 216

XX The Alfar or Elves 219

XXI VyETTIR 228

XXII The Fylgja 233

XXIII The Norns 238

XXIV Valkyries 248


15380


viii CONTENTS

PAGE

Chapter XXV Swan-maidens 258

XXVI Dwarfs 264

XXVII Giants 275

XXVIII Trolls 285

XXIX The Nightmare Spirit 288

XXX Werwolves 291

XXXI Magic 295

XXXII The Other World 303

XXXIII Cosmogony and the Doom of the Gods . 324

Notes 349

Bibliography 387


ILLUSTRATIONS


PLATE FACING PAGE

I Wayland Smith’s Cave — Coloured . . Frontisfiece

II Borg in Iceland 4

III The Three Odins and Gangleri 12

IV The Golden Horns 16

V Details of the Larger Horn 22

VI Details of the Smaller Horn 32

VII Odin 46

VIII Swedish Grave-stone 60

IX Representations of Thor 68

X Thor and the Midgard-serpent 76

XI Thor’s Hammer Amulets 84

XII Altar to Mars Thingsus 98

XIII Scenes from the Larger Golden Horn 106

XIV Frey 114

XV Ancient Wagon 122

XVI The Oseberg Ship 130

XVII Sculptured Stone from Gotland 138

XVIII Loki and Sigyn 146

XIX Heimdall 152

XX Bronze Trumpet 160

XXI Vidarr 168

XXII Images and Grave-plate 176

XXIII Icelandic Temple 184

XXIV Sun Symbols 196

XXV Sun Carriage 198

XXVI Sun Symbol 200

XXVII Rock-carvings and Bronze Razors 204

XXVIII Sea-giantess 210

XXIX Wolf-headed Monster 218

XXX Carved Post from the Oseberg Ship 230

XXXI Runic Stone and Gundestrupp Silver Bowl .... 238

XXXII The Gundestrupp Bowl 246

XXXIII Ritual Vessel on Wheels 254

ix


X


ILLUSTRATIONS


PLATE FACING PAGE

XXXIV The Franks’ Casket 266

XXXV The Franks’ Casket 272

XXXVI Runic Monument with Troll-wife 286

XXXVII Spear-head, Sword, and Bear’s Tooth 296

XXXVIII Entrance to a Giant’s Chamber — Coloured . . . 306

XXXIX Bronze Age Barrow 310

XL Helga-fell and Sacred Birch-tree 316

XLI Holy Well and Royal Barrows 320

XLII The Bewcastle Cross 324

XLIII Detailed Carving on the Bewcastle Cross .... 326

XLIV The Ruthwell Cross 332

XLV The Dearham Cross 336

XL VI Magic Symbols: Detail from the Smaller Golden

Horn 338

XLVII Anglo-Saxon Draughtsmen 346


PREFACE


W HEN this Series was first projected, Professor Axel
Olrik, Ph. D., of the University of Copenhagen, was
asked to write the volume on Eddie Mythology, and no one
more competent than he could have been chosen. He agreed
to undertake the work, but his lamented death occurred before
he had done more than sketch a plan and write a small part of it.

Ultimately it was decided that I should write the volume,
and the result is now before the reader.

Throughout the book, the names of gods, heroes, and places
are generally given without accents, which are meaningless to
most readers, and the spelling of such names is mainly that
which accords most nearly with the Old Norse pronunciation.
£ Odin,’ however, is preferred to the less usual £ Othin,’ and
so with a few other familiar names, the spelling of which is now
stereotyped in English.

Several of the illustrations are from material which had been
collected by Professor Olrik, with which the publisher supplied
me. The coloured illustrations and those in pen and ink draw-
ing are by my daughter. I have to thank the authorities of the
British Museum for permission to use their photographs of the
Franks’ Casket and of Anglo-Saxon draughtsmen; the Director
of the Universitetets Oldsaksamling, Oslo, for photographs of
the Oseberg Ship; Mr. W. G. Collingwood, F.S.A., for per-
mission to reproduce his sketches of Borg and Helga-fell; and
Professor G. Baldwin Brown, LL.D., of the Chair of Fine Art,
University of Edinburgh, for photographs of the Dearham,
Bewcastle, and Ruthwell Crosses.

J. A. MacCULLOCH

The Bridge of Allan
Scotland
October 8, 1929




EDDIC MYTHOLOGY


BY


JOHN ARNOTT MacCULLOCH






INTRODUCTION


T HE Teutonic peoples in the early centuries of our era were
found over a considerable part of central Europe, north
of the Rhine and the Danube. They also stretched farther
northwards and had occupied Denmark and a great part of the
Scandinavian peninsula from prehistoric times. In the fifth
century began those movements of the Teutonic tribes which
led to their occupation of the Roman empire. Ethnology
divides the Teutons into three groups — the High Germans in
middle and upper Germany, Switzerland, and Austria 5 the Low
Germans, including the North Germans, Flemings, Dutch,
Frisians, and Anglo-Saxons; and the Scandinavians of Den-
mark, Sweden, Norway and Iceland.

The religious beliefs of this widespread people are known to
us imperfectly, and while all of them must have had a common
religious heritage, one of the chief problems of religion and
mythology is to decide how far all the various tribes had the
same deities, the same beliefs and customs, the same myths.
Very different views are advocated as solutions of this problem.
What is known from classical observers regarding Teutonic reli-
gion, from archaeological remains, from notices in the lives and
writings of Christian missionaries, from survivals in folk-
custom and folk-belief, from ecclesiastical laws, is of the high-
est importance. From these sources we gather that, on many
matters, there was much similarity of belief and practice, but
there are many others on which it is impossible to come to a
definite conclusion.

While we may speak within limits of Teutonic mythology,
strict exactitude should rather speak of Eddie mythology — the
myths found in the Eddas , for detailed myths can hardly be


4


INTRODUCTION


said to have survived elsewhere. These myths belong to Ice-
land and Norway, possibly also to Sweden and Denmark. How
far any of them belonged to other branches of the Teutonic
people is a matter of conjecture. Here and there we have cer-
tain lines of evidence which suggest a common heritage of myth.
Certain myths, however, belong solely to the Scandinavian
regions where the Eddie material was native, just as do also
the beliefs in certain gods and goddesses.

The purpose of this book is to give an account of Eddie
mythology, showing wherever possible its connexions with that
of other branches of the Teutonic stock.

What, then, are the Eddas, and where and when were they
composed?

According to one manuscript of a work composed by Snorri
Sturluson (1178—1241), which came into possession of Bryn-
jolf Sveinsson, bishop of Skalholt in the seventeenth century,
the work itself is called ‘ Eddad It deals, as we shall see, with
Norse mythology. Sveinsson was also owner of a manuscript
containing poems, many of which were cited by Snorri and
used by him in compiling his work. From this connexion these
poems now came to be called Edda or ‘ the Elder Edda / in
distinction from the prose work which was styled ‘ the Younger
Eddad The collection of poems was also called Scemundar
Edda , from the belief that they were the work of Ssemund the
Wise, an Icelandic priest and collector of old poetry, who lived
in the second half of the eleventh century and died in 1133 a.d.
It is now generally known as ‘ the Poetic Eddad

Different derivations of the word Edda have been suggested.
By many scholars it is now conceded that the word is the genitive
of ‘ Oddi the name of a homestead in Iceland, which was a
seat of learning, and where Snorri was educated and lived for
many years, and where Ssemund had also dwelt for some time,
if tradition speaks true. Hence Snorri’s book would be ‘ of
Oddi ’ or ‘ the book of Oddi.’ Another derivation much
favoured is that Edda is from opr, ‘song,’ ‘poem,’ and that



PLATE II


Borg in Iceland

Borg, Iceland, the home of the poet Egil Skalla-
grimsson and of Snorri Sturluson, author of the Prose
Edda (see p. 4). The farm of the same name is in
the centre of the picture. In the foreground is the
family tomb, partly destroyed, where Egil in his poem
saw Hel stand and wait his coming. From W. G.
Collingwood’s Sagasteads 0} Iceland.




INTRODUCTION


5

the title, as given to Snorri’s work, signified its contents and their
purpose, viz., £ Poetics ’ or £ treatise of Poetics.’

Snorri Sturluson was one of the most learned men of his
time — a historian, a lover of poetry, of antiquities, of the tradi-
tions of the past, an able and gifted writer. His position in Ice-
land was one of great influence, and eventually he became chief
judge and president of the legislative assembly there. He
wrote or composed the Heimskringla — a series of sagas or
stories of the lives of the kings of Norway down to 1177. The
first part of the work, the Ynglinga-saga , is based on the old
poem Ynglinga-tal , and shows how Odin and other deities were
kings and chiefs, and how the Norwegian kings were descended
from the Ynglings at Upsala. Snorri’s Edda is justly styled
£ a manual of Poetics.’ There had developed in the North not
only special rules for the composition of poetry but a special
poetic language. In the latter innumerable periphrases or
£ kennings ’ ( kenningur ) had come into use, and without them
poetry was now little thought of. Fortunately the poems of the
Poetic Edda are remarkably free of such kennings, and in many
other ways differ from the poetry of the skalds or court poets.
The following examples of kennings may be given — battle
was £ storm of Odin ’j a ship was £ steed of the billows ’j the
earth was £ flesh of Ymir ’j gold was £ Sif’s hair.’ Thousands
of such kennings, many of them even more elaborate than these,
and mostly based on the old pagan mythology, were in use in
the composition of verse. Obviously a knowledge of kennings
demanded much study and implied a wide acquaintance with
mythology. To give to young poets a full account of the
old myths and to illustrate the kennings enumerated from the
verses of other skalds, was Snorri’s purpose in compiling his
Edda.

It consists of three parts. The first of these, Gyljaginning ,
£ Beguiling of Gylfi,’ is a methodical account of the old gods and
goddesses, the myths in which some of them figure, the cosmog-
ony, and the final Doom of the gods. It is written with much


6


INTRODUCTION


liveliness, spirit, humour, and pathos, and it is a wonderful
monument of medieval literature. The name of this section of
the work is due to the framework in which it is set. Gylfi was
king of Sweden, wise and skilled in cunning and magic. He
wondered whether the Aisir or gods were so cunning by nature
or whether this was a gift from the powers which they wor-
shipped. It should be observed that here and elsewhere in
Snorri’s Edda , though not uniformly, as also in a Prologue to
the work, he adopts the euhemeristic theory of the gods — they
were mortal kings, magicians and the like. Gylfi, in the form
of an old man called Gangleri, set out for Asgard, the seat of the
gods. The yTisir, knowing who he really was and foreseeing his
coming, prepared deceptions for him. He arrived and was well
received, and was presented to three lords who sat on as many
seats, one above the other. Their names were Har, 4 High,’
Jafnhar, 4 Equally High,’ and Thridi, 4 Third’ — all forms of
Odin. Gylfi now began his questions. The answers are the
myths of which Gyljaginning is full. When all had been re-
counted, Gylfi heard great noises, and, looking round, found
himself out of doors on a level plain. Hall and castle and Aisir
had vanished. He had been deceived by glamour.

In this part of his book Snorri uses some of the Eddie
poems — Volusia, Grimnismal , V ajthrudnismal , with occa-
sional use of four others. These he sometimes expands in reduc-
ing them to prose. He also uses poems of an Eddie character
now lost, save for fragments quoted by him, poems by the court
poets, and, in all likelihood, much oral tradition. The result is
a full and systematic account of Norse mythology as it was pos-
sible to reconstruct it in Snorri’s day.

The second part, the Skaldska-parmal, 4 Poetry of skalds,’ is
preceded by the Bragarcedur — an account of the origin of the
poetic mead, told by Bragi to Aigir, also a visitor to Asgard and
the vEisir. In the Skaldskaparmal , by means of innumerable
quotations from skaldic verse, the use of kennings for many sub-
jects is shown. Much of it deals with the gods and several


INTRODUCTION


7

myths are told. An example of the method used may be cited.
‘ How should one periphrase Njord? By calling him God of
the Vanir, Kinsman of the Vanir, Van, Father of Frey and
Freyja, God of wealth-giving.’ Then follows a verse by a
skald illustrating some of these kennings.

The third part, the Hattatal , 1 Enumeration of Metres,’ con-
tains three songs of praise in which each of over a hundred
stanzas is in a different metre, the oldest kinds being given last.
Between them are definitions, comments and notes.

It may seem strange that, in a Christian age, Snorri should
have composed a work full of pagan myths, regarded from a
fairly tolerant point of view. But his enthusiasm as a lover of
the past, an antiquary, a folk-lorist, and a poet, explains much.
If there were objectors to this telling of heathen lore, the pur-
pose of it — the guidance of youthful poets and the preservation
of the glories of poetic tradition — would serve as its best
apology in a cultured age.

The manuscript of the Poetic Edda owned by Sveinsson had
been written c. 1300. It is now known as Codex Regius and is
in the Royal Library at Copenhagen. It contains twenty-nine
poems. Another manuscript in the Arnamagnasan collection at
Copenhagen has six of the poems of Codex Regius and a sev-
enth, Baldrs Draumar , which the latter lacks. Other manu-
scripts contain four poems now included in the Eddie collection
— Rigsthula , Hyndluljod , and Svipdagsmal , which consists of
two poems, Grougaldr and F jolsvinnsmal. Another poem,
Grottasongr , given in Snorri’s Edda , is usually joined with
these. Thus the Poetic Edda consists of thirty-four poems.
Almost certainly many other poems of a similar kind and differ-
ing from the poetry current in Norway must have existed, but
are now lost. A few fragments of such poems are found in
Snorri’s Edda. What we do possess is a collection of mythical
and heroic poems, which, taken together with Snorri’s work,
give us a connected though far from complete view of Norse
mythology and heroic legend. Such collections of poems as are


8


INTRODUCTION


found in the Edda must have been made previous to 1300 a.d.
and most probably in Iceland.

Iceland had been colonized from Norway in the ninth century
as a result of Harold the Fair-haired’s victory over the Norse
nobles, which gave him rule over the whole land. In Iceland
there grew up a vigorous civilization and intellectual life, which
was abundantly fostered by the links with the world overseas,
through the roving habits of the Icelanders. This manifold life
was enhanced by the coming of Christianity to Iceland. The
Scandinavian peoples had remained outside the Christian fold
long after the conversion of the other Teutonic peoples, though
not unaffected by currents from Christian civilization. Den-
mark received Christianity in the tenth century ; from there it
passed to Sweden and by 1075 was firmly established there.
Norway was Christianized during the tenth and eleventh cen-
turies, and in the same period Iceland also became Christian.

Very different opinions are held regarding the date and place
of composition of the Eddie poems. Probably many of them
belong to the pagan period, i.e., before 1000 a . d . None of them
were composed before 800 a . d ., and only a few belong to so
late a time as the twelfth century. The bulk of the mythological
poems, i.e., those dealing with the divinities, were composed
before 1000 a . d . Some scholars believe that the poems were
written by Norsemen in the Western Isles of Britain and under
Celtic influences, or, like Sophus Bugge, that the bulk of them
are based on tales and poems heard by the Norsemen from
Irishmen and Englishmen, and that these poems and tales were
in turn based on Graeco-Roman myths and Jewish-Christian
legends. 1 Others hold that Norway was their place of origin.
Others, again, maintain that they were Icelandic, part of the
product of the busy intellectual life of that island. It is quite
possible that both Norway and Iceland shared in their produc-
tion. Two of the heroic poems, Atlamal and Atlakvitha were
ascribed to Greenland in the thirteenth century manuscript.
The authors of the Eddie poems are quite unknown.

As soon as a shaman had begun to practise, the spirits began
to live more freely in his company. That these were the
spirits of the dead is shown by the fact that they lived in the
“ holy mountains,” from which the shaman could at will call
them to his service. When travelling in strange districts they
formed reliable guides. On hunting or fishing trips they were
his trusty protectors, proving their allegiance by giving him
rich hauls. Even his property and herds of reindeer were
looked after by these willing servants. In addition, the shaman
would seem to have possessed a special tutelary genius, as it
is said that when about to proceed to a distant market-place, he
would send a spirit to see whether the buyer had arrived.
After a while this spirit would return and relate the circum-
stances there. In the same way, when the shaman was away,
the spirit would bring news of his family and herds. Coming
events were also foretold by it to its owner. This spirit, which
procured all manner of news for the shaman, was obviously
the shaman’s own mobile “ soul.” 7

This tutelary spirit the shaman could also use against his
enemies. When two shamans quarrelled, e.g., at some fair
when both were drunk, they would attempt to show one an-
other which of them owned the more powerful spirit. They
sat down opposite one another and began their arts. It was
believed that their spirits fought with one another in the guise
of reindeer-bulls. The one possessing the strongest “ rein-



.



.




«! - . . ? -

...

(,;U yq * ' ?






PLATE XXXVII


1. Lapp shaman’s bowl-drum. Front, back and

side views.

2. Lapp shaman’s sieve-drum. Front, back and
side views.

The drum was used as a medium of excitation by
the shaman or of invoking a trance, and also for
divination. (See page 287.)








THE SHAMAN 285

deer-bull ” emerged from the contest as the winner. “ Sha-
man-birds ” were also used in these contests. 8

The spirit of the shaman was called sueje (originally
“ shadow ”) by the Scandinavian Lapps. 9 The fact that this
is supposed to be able to take on the shape of a reindeer, a fish,
a bird, or a snake shows that the sueje- animal in Northern Lap-
mark, corresponds with the shaman-animals which, according
to the Southern Lapps, assist the shaman when, during a period
of unconsciousness, he visits the underworld. Such animals
were the “ wuo-reindeer-bull,” the “ saivo- bird,” the “ saivo-
fish ” and the “ .ww-snake.” 10 The missionary J. Kildal,
who assumes that these animals lived in the holy mountains,
points out how they differed from the other inhabitants of the
mountain, the shaman possessing several of the latter, but
only one “ holy mountain bird,” one “ holy mountain fish ”
and one “ holy mountain reindeer.” 11 Another missionary
draws attention to the fact that “ the c salvo- fish ’ is not one
of the gods of the underworld, although its services are called
into account when journeying there.” 12 One can plainly see
that these animals were soul-animals, in the shape of which
the shaman’s soul moved during its separation from the body.
Like a reindeer-bull it hurried over the land, like a bird it
flew through the air, like a fish it swam through the water, and
like a snake it wriggled into the earth. The same idea is con-
tained in the following account by J. Kildal: “When two
shamans send their 1 reindeer-bulls ’ to fight together, the re-
sult is that according as the competing 1 reindeer ’ win or lose,
the shaman owning the same wins or loses ; should one £ rein-
deer ’ break off a horn from the other, the shaman owning the
injured one becomes ill; should one ‘reindeer’ kill another,
the shaman, whose c reindeer ’ is killed, dies. In these combats
it occurs also, that the shamans owning the ‘ reindeer ’ become
as tired and exhausted as their ‘ reindeer.’ ” The same author
relates also that when the shaman falls into a trance, “ he
journeyed in his 1 saivo- fish ’ to the underworld, and when


286


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


he wakes from his trance, the ‘ fish ’ has brought him back
uninjured to his body, again.” 13 Jessen is able further to affirm
that “ the louder a shaman can sing, the longer is his snake.” 14
The Finns also relate in their tales how the Lapps fly in the
shape of birds through the air; when one of these is shot
down, the Lapp tumbles to the ground. These soul-animals
were sometimes pictured on the magic drums.

The power of thus taking on different forms is essential for
the shaman’s soul to overcome difficulties particularly in the
underworld, and especially when bringing back the soul of
someone sick, which during the time it moved about without
a body has been carried off to the underworld by the spirits.
These last give back with great reluctance the souls falling
into their power. The Lapps believed them to know before-
hand when the shaman had decided to visit them. On such
occasions they bolted their doors well, but a clever shaman
could always hit upon some little crevice through which his
soul could creep in. Often a severe fight was waged between
the inhabitants of the underworld and the shaman, until the
former, against a fixed sacrifice, were willing to compromise.
When the bargain had been concluded, the shaman’s soul
brought the soul in question back to its home “ over mountains
and valleys, with such speed that the stones and sand flew
about.” 15

The shaman must also go to the underworld when accom-
panying the soul of some dead person, and when he had to
bring thence the soul of some departed relative, e.g., to herd
the cattle . 16

Besides taking the form of the above mentioned animals,
believed also by the Samoyeds to be the method of super-
natural journeying adopted by their shaman, the Lapps be-
lieved that the soul of the shaman could fly in the form of a
whirlwind, relics of a similar belief having also been noted
in Finland.

Of flying in the form of fire, an interesting report comes


THE SHAMAN


287

from the Norwegian Lapp territory. When two Lapps quar-
relled, they sat down on the ground and began to sing that
their salvo would send them their “ light,” which was believed
to be a flame of the Aurora Borealis. When these M lights ”
met in the sky, they fought with one another, during which
battle the shamans lay on the ground, practising intensely their
art. A terrible noise and crackling in the sky accompanied
these duels. The one whose “ light ” gradually, faded, fell
ill j were it totally extinguished, the shaman died . 17 From this
method of flying through the air like a flame, the Finnish
term “ Fire -Lapp ” is derived.

The most important instrument of the shaman was his drum,
the skin of which during the close of the heathen period was
always furnished with numerous drawings and figures, painted
on with the juice from alder-bark or with reindeer blood.
Often, the heaven with the sun and moon and other gods,
the earth with tents and storehouses, forest and domestic
animals, fishing-waters, etc., and the underworld with its in-
habitants were pictured on the drum. The pictures were not
always alike, neither was their order the same on all drums.
In the shape of the drum, not only in regard to size, but also
to construction, dissimilarities may be found. G. Hallstrom,
who has studied Lapp drums in many museums, classifies them
according to their construction into two chief groups, of which
one may be called sieve-shaped, and the other bowl-shaped . 18

The sieve-shaped drum, which seems to have been much
more widely used than the bowl-drum, was prepared by
stretching the skin over a band of wood of about the width
of the palm of the hand. The wood had, if possible, to be
without knots, and the ends were bent together and fastened
with wooden plugs or twisted twigs. The form of the sieve-
drum was generally oval, one end being seldom broader than
the other. The handle was a narrow cross-piece of wood
fastened to the back.

The bowl-drum was fashioned out of a hollowed piece of


288


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


wood so that this formed a rounded bowl, over the open
mouth of which the skin was stretched. Two long, narrow
holes were cut in the bottom, leaving a handle between. It
was further decorated with carved figures and small holes,
which strengthened the sound. The body was oval in shape,
of an egg-form. The size of the bowl-drum varied little, as
it was always made of one tree, while the sieve-shaped drums
were at times extremely large.

The variety of these drums appears also in the pictures on
the skin. On the sieve-drum these usually formed a common
circle in the midst of which the sun was placed. The latter
is generally square, four fine rays reaching out from each
corner ; only seldom is its shape round. The surface of the
bowl-drum is again divided by horizontal lines into two or
more parts. Over these lines figures stand in a row, the upper
being the Heaven gods. On these drums the sun does not
take a dominating position as it does on the sieve-drums.
Mixed forms are also to be found.

Further, the drums vary in their ornamentation. The sieve-
drum, which resembles the Siberian drums, is, like the latter,
often furnished with small metal-wire belts or chains, on
which various silver, brass, and iron jingles are hung. These
belts and chains are fastened to the back of the drums either
to the wooden band or the handle. The ornaments fastened
to the bowl-drum are generally the claws of wild animals, the
ears or hair of forest animals, etc. Often these decorations
are missing, when they are replaced by the figures cut in the
handle. This last-named drum would seem to be a Lapp
original, and according to our present knowledge, was known
chiefly in Lule and Torne Lapmark.

Besides ornaments and bells, a beautifully carved hammer
with two branches, made of reindeer-horn and often covered
with skin, belonged with the drum, and at least in later times,
also a ring or bunch of rings or another metal object called
arpa (“ die ”) by the Finnish Lapps.



PLATE XXXVIII


In some places among the Cheremiss the sacrifice
girdle is bound fast, together with the objects attached
to it, to the living sacrifice tree, on which it remains
as a pledge until the following festival. (See page
280.)

According to water-colour by A. Reinholm.



i



THE SHAMAN



Fig. 12.

Shaman Hammer


289

The shaman held his drum in great respect; to prevent it
being looked on by anybody, it was often kept in a case of skin
in the inner part of the tent. According to the Lapps, the
drum was desecrated should a woman touch
it. These last were not even allowed to go
over a road, along which a drum had been
transported, for the next three days. Were
a woman to do this, the Lapps believed death
or some other misfortune would follow.

But, if for some reason or other, a crossing
could not be prevented, the woman must
sacrifice a ring of brass to the drum. As a
matter of precaution, the drum was taken out
through the backdoor and, in removal, it was placed in the last
sleigh. Where possible it was taken along roads never trav-
elled before by anybody. Were the sanctity of the drum
violated in any way, it was regarded as useless. Were it
angered, it was believed to be able to express its dissatisfaction
by weeping or threats. The older a drum handed down from
one generation to another became, the greater the honour ac-
corded it . 19

At the close of the heathen period, the magic drum became
general in use. As Christians with the Bible, says Friis, so
nearly every Lapp family possessed a drum. From the Lapps
converted by him, von Westen received over a hundred magic
drums. Yet every Lapp who owned a drum was not actually
a shaman, but used it for purposes of divination, for his own
benefit. Whatever the Lapp was about to engage in, removal,
hunting, fishing, or if he desired to know the whereabouts of
his reindeer lost in the mountains, or the source of some trouble
in his life, or whenever he wished to appease his gods by
sacrifice, he turned always to his drum, asking its advice . 20

When a Lapp thus wished to divine the future in some mat-
ter or other, he clad himself as for a feast. He washed,
combed his hair, and put on his best clothes. The same was


290


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


done also by the others taking part in this holy act. The
neighbours came in their red and blue jackets, ornamented with
rings, gleaming neck-chains, etc. When beginning the act
the questioner knelt down on his left knee, holding the drum
horizontally in his left hand, and placed the above mentioned
ring first on the picture of the sun, beginning then to tap
carefully round it with the hammer so that the ring danced
gently up and down. At the same time he sang a song. If
the ring now moved round in the direction of the sun, it was
regarded as a good sign, the opposite foreboding an accident,
sickness, or other misfortune. From the figure on which the
ring remained for a longer period towards the end, the answer
to the question asked of the spirits was decided. On hunting
or fishing trips a good haul was assured if the ring paused at
the figures of a forest animal or a fishing-water. Where the
ring paused at the drawing of a god, it was a sign that this god
wished a sacrifice. In asking whether a sacrificial animal was
pleasing to a god, a hair from the animal’s neck was wound
round the ring. Should the ring not pause now at the figure
of the god in question, it was believed that the god would not
accept the animal. Another was then chosen, and still others,
the same procedure being gone through until the ring showed
the sacrifice to be pleasing. When the ring moved over to
the figures representing the underworld or jumped off the
drum, it meant death or some other great misfortune. 21.

The above was not, however, the original purpose of the
drum. Certain of the missionaries relate that when the sha-
man earlier acted as above, he excited himself by banging
violently on the drum with the hammer to such an extent that
at last he would fall into a trance. In a description written
down in Swedish Lapmark it is stated that when a Lapp
wished to know of something happening in a distant neigh-
bourhood, he laid the brass ring on the figure of the sun and
commenced beating the drum with the forked drumstick. As
the ring jumped from one figure to another, backwards and


THE SHAMAN


291


forwards, the shaman sang a peculiar song in which all the
other Lapps present, male or female, joined in. The men
had, however, to sing louder than the women. In the song,
the name of the mountain in which the spirits capable of giving
the desired information were supposed to dwell, was repeated
every now and then; similarly, the name of the district from
which news was desired. As the shaman beat longer on his
drum and sang louder and louder, he became more and more
excited until the ring paused at one spot, the face of the drum-
mer darkened, and he sank on his knees still increasing the
volume of his song, until finally he dropped to the ground
like one dead. At this point care had to be taken that no
article touched the shaman’s unconscious body, as, if this
happened, the Lapps believed that the spirit would no longer
return to it. The men and women present had to continue
singing until the shaman returned to consciousness. He was
then reminded of the case in question and the matter concern-
ing which knowledge was required. The shaman was at this
time tired out and perspiring, as though he had performed
some heavy task, and he now began to relate all he had dis-
covered during his trance . 22

According to this last description, the Lapps used the drum
for two different purposes at the same time, but generally
the two uses were kept separate. As an instrument of divina-
tion, the drum was used only for unimportant questions, e.g.,
success on hunting or fishing trips. For these, any male
person could make use of his drum, without being an actual
shaman. But in the case of serious misfortunes, such as severe
sickness, the cause of these was sought in an unconscious con-
dition, in the attaining of which the drum was used as an
excitant. Here a real shaman had to be applied to, as he
only could visit the spirits dwelling under the earth, from
whom sickness and misfortunes in general were supposed to
emanate. The cause of an illness was either the desire of
some earlier departed person for the company of a relative,


292


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


or a punishment for some misdemeanour or the omitting of a
duty. The collapse of the sick person was due to the stealing
of his soul by the underground spirits, or the carrying away
of some article in close contact with him, e.g., a shoe, headgear,
or a mitten. It was the duty of the shaman to discover what
the spirits of the departed required, why they were angrv,
and by what means they could be appeased, so that the sick
would be left in peace . 23

When, in cases of sickness, the shaman was about to under-
take a voyage to the underworld, he called together, according
to Leem, his helping spirits, which latter arrived invisible to
others. It was necessary that two women should be present
in holiday costume, with kerchiefs over their heads but with-
out belts, a man without cap and belt, and a half-grown girl.
When all these were assembled, the shaman bared his head,
opened his belt and unfastened his shoe-strings, covered his
face, and placing his hands by his sides bent his body backward
and forward, shouting: “Harness the reindeer! — Push out
the boat! ” Intoxicated with gin he began thereafter to pluck
brands out of the fire with his naked hands, strike himself on
the legs with an axe and swing the latter with both hands
over his shoulders} then running three times round the as-
sisting females with the axe, he sank unconscious to the floor.
In this state, no one might touch him, and he must be watched
over so closely that not even a fly could settle on him. The
soul was believed to be wandering in the underworld, some-
where in the holy mountains, while the body lay unconscious.
The women present whispered together, trying to guess where
the spirit at that moment was. Should they hit on the exact
place while going through the names of the holy places, the
shaman moved either an arm or a leg. At the same time they
tried by intensive concentration to follow all that the shaman
might hear or see. When the latter at last began to awaken
to life and with a weak voice faltered the beginning of the
song, the women also raised their voices and joined in. Fi-

and those on the opposite end to the “ nose ” the “ (bird’s)
tail.” On this loaf, therefore, a bird is formed. The
loaves are placed on the cloth with the “ noses ” towards
the tree, the “ large ” loaf on the extreme right. Behind the
loaves, nine wooden bowls are laid parallel with these. Later,
a drink made of honey is poured into them, the drink being
prepared for the festival by young maidens. Sometimes the
loaves and the bowls are arranged in two rows. Both are dedi-
cated to certain deities: the “ large ” loaf and the bowl behind
it to the “ great Jumo,” the others to other gods who do not
seem to be exactly defined, but vary, even at different festivals
in the same grove.

The candle is now lit with a brand from the fire and a
young foal is led into the sanctuary. To the right of the
fire, about ten paces away from this, a post of birch-wood is
driven into the ground and to this the sacrificial horse is



268


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


bound fast with a bridle made solely of lime-bark (“ the
silver bridle ”). To this ceremony belong also a footsnare
of plaited lime-bark with which the forefeet of the sacrifice
are bound during the sacrifice.

The first sacred act is the casting of pewter. The kart
places himself to the left of the fire, holds the blade of an
axe vertically over a vessel of water and says: “ O bless and
protect us, great god, give us health, prosperity and riches!
We on our side brought and set up for thee a sacrifice ; if thou
on thy side wilt accept a horse with shining hair and gleaming
mane, with silver tail and silver hoofs, may its head and
feet be formed in the cast pewter! ” Here the assistant
pours the molten metal on the blade of the axe, having heated
the former, praying as he did so, in a little iron ladle. With
great curiosity, the priest examines the shape formed by the
metal as it fell into the water. Should there be nothing in
its shape that resembles the sacrifice it is thrown into the fire
and a new lot melted ; but if there is, this shows, as the Chere-
miss believe, that the god is willing to accept the animal.
The pewter figure which is called the “ picture ” or “ shadow ”
of the sacrifice is set for the while on the “ large ” sacrificial
loaf.

The axe is now laid on the ground before the sacrifice tree.
The kart takes a knife in his right hand and a burning brand
in his left, and places himself by the axe with his face towards
the tree. Swinging the brand in the air, he speaks now also
of the shining sacrificial horse, adding: “With the scent of
smoke and the clang of iron, we call thee to our feast, thou
merciful! ” When he has finished this prayer, he rings three
times on the axe with the knife. Thereafter he goes to the
horse and touches its forehead and neck three times with
the brand, saying: “ Accept a good foal, with shining hair and
silver tail! ”

He then takes the knife and a green lime-branch and stands
to the left of the fire, where he whittles a little of the thick



PLATE XXXIII

Cheremiss Sacrificial Loaves, Bowls and
Coins at the Festival to Nature-
Gods

Ufa Government. (See page 267.)

After photograph by U. Holmberg.



|Lil -j ^ i A , ,








SACRIFICES TO NATURE GODS 269

end of the branch, after which he moves over to the sacrifice
tree where, with the knife in his right hand and the branch
in his left, he recites the following prayer: “O bless and
protect us, great god! With a large sacrifice loaf and with
a great vessel filled with honey-drink, with a great silver
candle, with a great resin-bowl, with a great sacrifice tree,
with a great sacrifice girdle, with a great e tassel J and with
a great sacrifice pewter we approach thee. If thou art satisfied
with thy people and the priests, let the shaving of lime-wood
fall right.” As he says this, he shaves off a piece from the
branch, the position of which on the ground is then closely
examined by the priests together. Should the thicker end be
towards the sacrifice tree or to the east, it signifies that the
god is kindly disposed and satisfied with the people and
the priestsj in the opposite case, the sacrificing priest, follow-
ing the direction of the sun, goes round the fire, placing
himself again to the left of it, where he whittles the branch
again and, standing before the sacrifice tree, does as before.

Where the first shaving has signified good luck, it is placed
in the porridge-pan, to the right of the “ silver spoon.” As
the kart whittles the second he pronounces a prayer, the be-
ginning of which is the same as in the foregoing, but finishes
with a new wish : “ If thou art pleased with the work of our
hands (i.e., with the objects needed at the ceremony) let the
shaving fall right! ” Its position is examined again, and if
a lucky omen is now also discovered in it, it is laid beside
the other in the porridge-pan. A third shaving must still
be whittled. With the help of this the sacrificial foal, which
has to shiver when sprinkled with water, is examined to see
whether it is acceptable to the god. The prayer accompanying
this begins also like the former, but ends with the words:
“ If thou art satisfied with the shivering horse with shining
hair and gleaming mane, with the silver tail and silver hoofs,
let the shaving fall right.” The third shaving also is laid in
the porridge-pan.


270


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


The assistant of the sacrificing priest now pours fresh water
into a wooden bowl, takes this in his right hand and green
lime-branches in his left and goes to the foal, after having en-
circled the fire in the direction of the sun. The head of this,
on which the u silver bridle ” has been set, should be turned
towards the sacrifice tree. The kart himself stands before the
tree and prays again: “ O bless and protect us, great god! We
on our side have brought and set up a sacrificial horse, with
shining hair and gleaming mane and silver tail, accept it on thy
side with good feeling, and shake from it the touch of human
hands! ” During the prayer the assistant pours water on the
animal’s back through the lime-branches, beginning from the
head. That the purpose of this is to purify the animal appears
from the accompanying prayer. During this ceremony, as
during all others, the other participants kneel with bared heads
and wait reverently for the shudder which the touch of the
water is bound to cause in the animal, and which is regarded as
a sign of acceptance of the sacrifice by the god. Should the
desired result not be accomplished at the first attempt, it is
repeated a second, third, or even more times. Each time the
kart recites the same prayer before the tree. While waiting
for the sign, the reasons why the god will not accept the
offering are examined. The assisting priests look to see that
the fire is made on exactly the site of former fires, that the
erection over the fire is rightly placed, so that the saplings
have their thin ends upward, and the horizontal ones their
roots towards the sacrifice tree. The positions of the objects
on the altar are also looked to. Finally, the bridle is set
right on the foal’s head. If the candle has gone out, it is
lighted anew. The assistants of the officiating priests try
their luck at sprinkling, one after another, even attempting to
obtain the desired result by sprinkling in the animal’s ear.
While the kart prays, the person from whom the animal was
brought, kneels also before the tree. While waiting the result,
all present, kneeling, pray half-aloud: “ O good, great god,


SACRIFICES TO NATURE GODS


271


let the sacrifice shake and shiver! ” The sprinkling may not,
however, be repeated an unlimited number of times, but the
animal, after a ninth attempt, is taken out of the grove and
a new one procured in its place. When the victim, some-
times at the first attempt, does shiver, all rise from their knees,
thanking the god, and the slaughterers begin their work imme-
diately. The animal’s feet are bound together with a rope
of lime-bark, and it is then thrown over on to its left side ; the
head must also now be in the direction of the tree. A smaller
hole is dug in the ground at the head, and, in order that the
blood shall not flow on the ground, is covered with lime-
branches. The kart now places himself before the tree and
says: “We on our side have brought and set up a sacrifice for
thee, accept thou it on thy side and let the rising 1 soul ’
( ts on ) be a foal with shining hair, etc.” Meanwhile the
slaughterer cuts the veins of the neck open, with an old-
fashioned knife used only at sacrifices, so that the blood
streams through the lime-branches into the hole. The first
warm drops are taken by the kart in a little wooden spoon,
after which he goes as before round the fire to the tree and
prays: “ O good, great god, with fresh blood we turn to thee.
Send peace and justice to all peoples living under the sky! ”
Having said which, he throws the blood up into the tree,
goes again to the foal and fills the spoon with blood as this
continues to flow out of the wound. This time he steps to
the left of the fire and with his face to it says: “ Thou, ‘Fire-
mother,’ with fire and steam, with thy sharp tongue carry
up the sacrifice to the great god! ” At the same time he
throws the blood into the fire. Afterwards, the offering-girdle,
intended later to be placed round the tree, is drenched with
blood 5 both sides of the girdle are drawn over the wound.
The “ bridle ” and the “ footsnare ” are taken off and for the
time hung up on the post to which the foal had been tied,
and the flaying of the foal, in which four men take part,
begins. Now also, the head of the victim must be kept towards


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


272

the tree. The candle at the foot of the tree burns all this
time, a new one being used to replace the old one as soon as
needed.

Immediately the flaying is begun, the nose or the part con-
taining the lips is cut off as a special sacrifice, and purified by
being scorched in the fire. The head, from which the lower
jaw has been removed, is similarly scorched. The flesh is
cut from the limbs without damaging the bones. Regarding
the different parts of the meat, the Cheremiss follow a certain
order. The so-called iww-pieces are placed separately in the
cauldron at the cauldron-stand which is nearest to the sacrifice
tree. These are the nose, or the parts around the mouth, the
tongue, the brain, the throat, the back of the neck, the breast-
bone, the heart, five ribs from the right and three from the left
side, a piece from each hip, the knees of the hind legs, the
stomach, liver, kidneys, and the intestines. The remainder
is boiled in two cauldrons behind this first. When the flesh
has been divided among the cauldrons, the hide is spread on
the ground to the right of the sacrificial altar, with the head
towards the tree. Spread on the ground, the hide resembles
a horse, thrown over on its left side. The parts unfit to eat
are placed in the hole with the blood. Later, the contents
of this hole are burned up in a fire which is built over it.
While the flesh is being cooked, this taking about two or three
hours to do, the people remain in the forepart of the grove,
to which new people continue to come from the surrounding
villages. Only the kart with his assistants remains at the
sacrificial fire. This is the time to gird round the “ little ”
tree with the sacrificial “ girdle,” which must be twisted three,
five, seven, or nine times (an odd number) round the tree.
Between the tree and the girdle a bunch of green twigs is
placed and the above-mentioned “ tassel ” is attached to the
same, the pewter figure being made fast to this.

A separate sacrifice must now be made to the “ messenger
of Jumo.” A white sheep is led into the grove and bound


yixxi-: jir

. . .. .. . . 1 ' . 0

(.c.\ ' J ' 0

fl , , . ? ?? ESdlA


PLATE XXXIV


Cheremiss Sacrificial Prayer

Ufa Government. (See page 276.)
After photograph by U. Holmberg.





SACRIFICES TO NATURE GODS


273

fast to another post. The sacrifice of this is made before the
same tree and is performed by the same kart. The ceremonies
are also the same as with the foal, except for the casting of
the pewter, the clinking of the knife against the axe, and the
whittling. At the slaughtering the blood is thrown into the
tree and fire. For the flesh of the sheep a fourth cauldron
is laid further behind on the stand. The skin is stretched
out against that of the foal, with the head towards the tree
and the legs stretched out to the right. At this time the kart
pours the honey-drink in the wooden bowls on the altar and
cuts out from the loaves the marks made on them by three
fingers, leaving them still, however, in their places.

When the sacrifice flesh is at last ready, the iww-pieces are
laid in a row in a special trough. From each piece of flesh a
piece is cut out and placed in a round wooden dish, which is
then placed at the foot of the tree. The pieces laid in the dish
are called orolek. In addition, quite small pieces are cut from
these parts of the flesh, and laid in two small wooden bowls
( suvo-korka ) of which one is dedicated to the accepter of the
sacrifice, Jumo, and the other to the intermediary, the Fire
god. Pieces are cut from the tongue at its root and from its
apex, from the head at several different places, such as the
upper and lower jaws, the parts round the eyes, and from the
gullet. In each of the bowls the loosened pieces of bread
are also placed, the ^p-parts in the first, and the ner - parts in
the second. A little porridge is also placed in each. Small
slices are also cut from the following parts in this order and
threaded on to a thin pointed stick of lime-wood: the after-
intestine, the right and left hips, the kidneys, the middle of
the breast, the heart, the aorta, the back of the neck, the
throat, the tongue, the lips, and from the liver. On examining
more closely the order of these twelve parts one notices that
they stand towards each other pretty much in the same rela-
tion as in the body of the animal. This stick with meat-
slices, called so'psar , the kart places in the sacrificial girdle with


274


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


these words: “ O, bless and protect us, great god! The shining
sacrificial horse, etc., etc. — accept it with good feeling ; with
the great iopw-meat we approach thee, give us health, pros-
perity, riches, and peace! ” The flesh remaining in the trough
from the first cauldron, together with the left part of the
“ large ” loaf and five small ones, is cut up at once to be eaten.



Fig. ii. Sacrificial Accessories


a, Silver Candlestick, b, Silver Spoon, c, Sacrificial Tassels, d, Sopsar.

e, Suldes.


The right-hand part of the “ large ” loaf and three small ones
are placed in the orolek - piece dish. When the sheep’s flesh is
ready, pieces are cut from it as in the foregoing and placed
in two silvo- ladles. No flesh-stick is made from them, nor is
oro/ek-He sh divided from the rest.

The sacrificing priest begins again to recite a prayer, holding
a knife in his right and a burning brand in his left hand, at
the close of the prayer ringing three times with the knife
against the axe, which lies on the ground before him, and
saying: “ O bless and protect us, great god! With the large
sacrificial loaf, with the great mead-dish, with the great silver
candle, with the great candlestick, with the great resin-bowl,
with the great sacrificial tree, with the great sacrificial girdle,
with the great ‘ tassel,’ and with the £ great pewter,’ we ap-


SACRIFICES TO NATURE GODS


275

proach thee; grant to us health, happiness, riches and peace.
Give family-happiness in the house, cattle-luck in the stock-
yards, grain-luck in the threshing-barn, bee-luck in the hives,
money-luck in the money-chest, give all kinds of luck and
progress! ” After which he throws the brand into the fire
and seizing the lime-branch which he had earlier whittled,
goes as usual round the fire, whittles a little from the end,
and placing himself before the tree, says: “ If thou wilt grant
family-luck in the house, let the shaving fall right.” As he
says this, he lets fall a shaving, the position of which is then
examined as before. The fifth shaving is whittled to a ques-
tion regarding cattle-luck. The sixth for the threshing-barn,
the seventh for the bee-hives, the eighth for the money-chest;
whereafter the kart whittles a ninth, saying: “ If thou, like
the rising morning mist, wilt give all kinds of blessings to us,
likewise long life, let the shaving fall right! ” These six
shavings are also laid by the others in the porridge-pan with
the bark upward.

The bough from which the shavings have been pared is
taken by the kart a third time round the fire, after which he
stands to the left of the fire, saying as he stares into the fire:
“ O great, good god! As the lime-bush in the meadows is
glad, grant to us health, happiness, wealth and peace! But
to those who regard not god as a god, the Czar as a Czar, a
man as a man, and to the one who says he can work evil to
others, give not, O god, to him that which he prays for. They
who pluck ears of rye (for magical reasons), they who pluck
out hairs from the cattle, they who 1 cut the heart and liver,’
hound them from one end of the world to the other. Health,
happiness, give; peace and riches present to all the peoples
living under the air! ”

Having said this he strikes off with the knife the top of
the bough, so that it falls into the fire. Thereafter he splits
both branches of the bough, threading on them (see Fig. 1 1, e)
the afore -mentioned shavings in the order in which they were


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


276

whittled. The object thus obtained, suldes , is besmeared with
the porridge and placed in the girdle next to the meat stick.
As he fastens it to the tree, he says: “ With the sacrificial por-
ridge, with the great suldes , we approach thee.”

FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


248

part of it remained clinging to the rafters. The spring sow-
ings were begun with the grain obtained in this way; the
straw which adhered to the ceiling being also hidden in the
corn-field. 32 A more widespread custom found also among the
Volga Finns, was to preserve the last sheaf undisturbed till
the next year, in order that the corn should thrive. Among
the Esthonians such a sheaf was called “ threshing-shed
father.” 33 The Swedes in Finland constructed a human-like
“Christmas old man” (Jul-gubbe) of straw at Christmas-
time, which was then put in the place of honour at the head
of the table and was treated with drink. 34 A corresponding
straw doll was prepared by the Finns on Kekri or Keyri (All
Saints’ Day) and was called the “ Keyri old man ” (Keyri
ukko). 35 At both festivals there was further a custom of
placing straw on the floor of the dwelling-room and of baking
of new flour an especially large cake, sometimes faintly re-
sembling an animal (Esthonian “ Christmas pig ” or “ Christ-
mas bull ”) ; the cake being kept on the table during the
holiday, but afterwards taken to the granary, where it was
preserved among the grain until sowing-time. According to
an older custom this loaf was baked from grain dried in the
open air. 38 Compared with Christmas, the Kekri of the Finns
represents an older festival of new bread and a new year, as
the agricultural peoples, also of Finnish stock, earlier cele-
brated this festival as the time for the baking of the fruits
of the new harvest (Finnish vuodenalkaj aiset, “ the beginning
of the year”; Votiak, viVar , “New Year”). A straw doll
is known also among the Esthonians. According to a state-
ment made in 1694 the peasants on Shrove Tuesday evening
made of straw a human-like figure, metsik , dressed as a man
or a woman, which was put upon a stick and carried to the
wood, where it was bound on the tip of a bush in order “ that
the corn and flax should grow well.” The custom was in
some districts connected also with New .Year and other times. 37

The Cheremiss conclude their harvest with a ceremony,



PLATE XXXI

The “ Feeding ” of the Sickle Among the
Cheremiss

(See page 249.)

Water-colour by V. Soldan-Brofeldt.


%











DEITIES OF THE EARTH


249

called “ the feeding of the sickle.” The people of the farm
take bread, cheese, etc., out with them to the field, and kneel
down before a few remaining stalks of oats, the master of
the house reading a prayer in which a good harvest is prayed
for from the gods. After this, the food brought out is tasted,
and then all kneel down again. The master of the house
now collects all the sickles used in the harvest, piles them up
on the unreaped stalks, which he thus presses to the ground
and then, beginning at the point, winds them round the sickles
down to the root. Finally, by lifting the sickles he pulls out
the oat-stalks by the roots, saying meanwhile: “Sickles, the
whole summer have you laboured, may the food you now
have eaten bring strength to you,” or “ Sickle, take strength,
the whole summer hast thou laboured, take strength. Thy
share have we spread out, our share mayest thou not touch! ”
The master of the house, followed by the family, then takes
the sickles, wrapped in oat-straw, to some attic in the house or
a barn, whence they are taken out first at the next summer.
The last stalks are called “ the sickle’s share.” 38

It is quite natural that among the more northern peoples,
who exist chiefly by hunting and fishing, deities of vegetation
are not found. The “ grass mother ” of the Russian Lapps,
seeing that grass is of very little consequence even to the
reindeer, who live on moss, is probably of late origin. This
may also be true regarding the Rana-neidda (“ Rana virgin ”)
of the Lapps, who lived in heaven and ruled over the moun-
tains which first became green in the spring. When sacrificing
to her “ in order that the reindeer should get grass in time,” a
spinning-wheel or a spindle was placed against her altar, both
of which were besmeared with sacrificial blood. The spin-
ning-wheel sacrifice, which cannot originally have been a Lapp
custom, shows that “the greatest of all goddesses,” who be-
sides the grass, called forth also the leaves in the spring, is a
Scandinavian goddess (Frigg ). 39

The Norse Frey can be recognised in the Scandinavian


250 FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY

Lapps Veralden-olmai (“ Worlds man ”). The missionary
Randulf compares him with Saturn and says that the Lapps
“ paint him on their magic drums in such a manner that a
curved line with many little outspringing thorns is drawn
over his head; this symbolizes the fruitfulness of sea, land
and cattle. They pray to him to make the earth fruitful with
corn, that they might on reasonable terms brew beer and




Fig. 9. Drawings of Heaven on Shaman Drums

Left: c and e, Thunder-gods; d, God of Fertility; f, Wind-god.

Right: d and f, Thunder-gods; b, God of Fertility; e, Wind-god.

From Rudbeck’s Atlantica.

spirits and everything prepared from corn. This is indicated
by the hoe which they fit into his hand. At the same time they
pray that he would render the sea bounteous in order that they
might procure much fish (this is done especially by the Sea
Lapps), and that he would make their reindeer fruitful, so
that they might bear many calves, and that he would make
the moss of the uplands, which is eaten by their reindeer,
grow richly, that they might obtain much reindeer butter,
cheese, etc. Altogether they pray to Veralden-olmai or Saturn,
for everything that grows or is born.” 40

In the cult of this god of fruitfulness the sexual organs
played an important part. Noraeus relates that the Swedish
Lapps sacrificed to it on St. Matthew’s Day in the following
manner: “They gathered together the horns of the reindeer
they, had slaughtered, but the bones of one reindeer, from
the smallest to the biggest, were extracted and the blood of
the same reindeer sprinkled over these bones, which were then
buried in the earth; erecting thereafter amongst them an


DEITIES OF THE EARTH


251


image made of birch-wood, also sprinkled with blood, on the
breast of which, under the face, the membrum genhale was
attached.” When the Lapps were asked why they did this,
they answered that they were following the ancient habits of
their forefathers and sacrificing to the earth, firstly, because
the earth kept alive their reindeer; secondly, that it might
not send diseases that hurt the feet of the reindeer in summer;
and thirdly, that the earth, besides nutrition, would give their
reindeer a powerful pairing-lust, sacrificing for this purpose
the above-mentioned organ, in order that the number of rein-
deer might increase greatly, as the time of the feast of St.
Matthew was the best pairing-time of the reindeer . 41

Besides reindeer, in the ear of which a red thread was tied,
the Scandinavian Lapps sacrificed also the implements needed
in agriculture — hoes and spades, to the “World’s man.” 42
Even without these customs, one can see from the name of the
god that he is none other than the Scandinavian Frey, who is
also called “ Veraldar god ” by Snorri Sturlason.


CHAPTER XVI
DEITIES OF BIRTH

T HE DEITIES of birth among the Lapps were Madder-
akka and her three daughters Sarakka, Juksakka and
Uksakka.

Madderakka (akka, “ old woman ”) although called the
mother of other deities, seems at least in later times to have
been regarded as of less importance than these others. Si-
denius says that the Lapps sacrificed to her only “ so that she
would allow her daughters to serve women.” He points out,
however, that among some she was believed to help her
daughters herself in their duties . 1 Jessen relates that she
creates the body of the child , 2 and Randulf tells that she
renders both women and cattle fruitful . 3

On certain magic drums appears also a male counterpart to
Madderakka, the so-called Madderatshe (“ Madder fa-
ther”), who is, however, little known and has most probably
only later appeared at the side of the female Madderakka . 4

This latter — the first part of whose name, according to
Setala, corresponds to the Finnish word mantere (“ the
earth ”) — lived, according to the Lapps, together with her
three daughters, in the earth beneath the Lapp tent. For this
reason, sacrifices to them were placed in the ground . 5

At the birth Sarakka of Saredne (“ Sar mother ”) seems
to have played the most important part. Her name may
possibly be derived from the Lapp word saret (“ to cleave ”).
Skanke gives Sarakka another significant name, Sadsta-akka,
in which the word sadsta is said to be identical in meaning with
the Lapp word suorek-muora (a piece of wood split at one
end into two parts ). 6 Both names of this deity remind one of


DEITIES OF BIRTH


253

a magic method of assisting childbirth and rendering it easier,
a method palpably touched on by Forbus when he puts the
following question to the Lapps: “Have you not chopped
wood in honour of Sarakka in time of birth? ” 7

From the questions by Forbus it is further apparent that
these pieces of wood, cleft in honour of Sarakka, were re-
garded as holy j they were not used as fuel, and were not
even allowed to be touched.

Sarakka was worshipped chiefly in childbed. Besides
Women, she helped also reindeer at the birth of their calves,
assuaging their pains. For this reason the Lapps endeavoured
to stand well in the favour of the deity. How intimately
Sarakka followed the course of the birth-pangs of her wards
is seen from the belief of the Lapps that she felt the same
agony as the one in childbed. Like Madderakka, Sarakka was
also believed to create the body of the infant . 8

The protection of Sarakka was sought by the Lapp women
also during menstruation. According to Forbus the women
took off their collars and belts at such times “ in honour of
Sarakka.” This custom is unquestionably derived from the
magic belief that during these periods, as also during child-
birth, nothing knotted may be worn on the body. During
menstruation women were regarded as unclean and were not
allowed to move about freely. When the said period was
over, a woman would wash her head in water, in a pan which
she then scoured with meal and used for the baking of a cake
which women only were allowed to eat . 9

A purification-meal in honour of Sarakka was eaten also
after the successful birth of a child. Jessen relates that women
in childbed drank “ Sarakka’s brandy ” before deliverance and,
together with other women, ate “ Sarakka’s porridge ” after
giving birth. In the porridge three sticks were placed ; the
first one was cleft and had three rings hanging from it, the
second was black, and the third white. These were all laid
for three days at the door of the tent. If it were found that


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


2 54 -

the black stick had disappeared, it was believed to indicate that
either the mother or the child would die. If, on the other
hand, the white one was lost, both would live . 10 S. Kildal
relates that in some districts a miniature bow and arrow were
placed in the porridge so that the child, if a boy, would be-
come a good hunter when grown up . 11 Forbus explains that
the weapons were placed in the porridge in three different
parts, the shaft, the bow, and the arrow. The accident of
lifting out any of these parts with the spoon while eating was
fraught with significance. The bow was hung later on the
child’s cradle j but if the pieces placed in the porridge had
unluckily not been fished out in the spoons, they were thrown
away. Among the questions written by Forbus is the follow-
ing: “ Have you still the little bow that you had to bear on
thy body? ” 12

Just as the cleft stick seems to be connected with the name of
Sarakka, the bow placed in the porridge is connected with an-
other name, Juksakka (“Bow old woman”). Of this last-
named deity Solander says that she helps women at the pro-
duction and birth of children. The most important duty of
Juksakka was to change the girl-child in the womb to a boy-
child . 13 To gain her help in this, sacrifices had to be offered
up to her. According to Leem the Lapps sacrificed contin-
ually to her because they desired boys rather than girls, as
these last were of no use in the chase. Juksakka, who is some-
times pictured on the magic drums with a bow in her hand,
seems to have taken care that the Lapp boy became a good
hunter . 14

The third of Madderakka’s daughters was Uksakka (“ Door
woman ”), who was believed to live in the ground under the
door of the tent. As a watchman at the door she protected
people at their goings in or out. At childbirth she received
the newcomer on his arrival in the world. Later she watched
over the first steps of the child to prevent its falling and
hurting itself. The Lapps sacrificed drink to her in the


DEITIES OF BIRTH


255

ground at the door of the tent, where she was supposed to
dwell . 15

Jessen adds that a special, consecrated building was erected
for Madderakka and Sarakka. On some magic drums Sar-
akka’s tent can be seen . 16 As the Lapps do not customarily
erect special dwelling-houses for their deities, there is reason
to believe that the so-called “ tent of Sarakka ” is a relic of
the times when a woman in childbirth was not allowed to stay
in the common tent, but had a special tent erected for her.
Such, for example, is the custom among the Samoyeds and
Ostiaks even today.

When the Lapps sacrificed to the deities of birth, they did
this in a manner differing from the ordinary sacrifices. Olsen
tells us that the Lapp mother, when convinced that she was
with child, secured beforehand a little dog, which she kept
by her until the time of giving birth had come. A little while
before lying down for the approaching birth this dog had to
be sacrificed “ in order that God might help her and every-
thing go well, and that both she and the child would preserve
their lives and health, and live merrily and well afterwards.” 17
After the birth a reindeer or some other domestic animal
bought from the neighbouring peasants was sacrificed. Among
such animals, goats, calves, sheep, lambs, pigs, cats and
cockerels are mentioned . 18 On the head of the sacrificial
animal “ a linen kerchief or a woman’s linen hat ” had to be
bound . 19 Jessen points out that the sacrificial priest also wore
on these occasions a white linen hat, besides the linen apparel
usually worn at votive ceremonies in Norwegian Lapland . 20
The dog, together with the other animals, had to be buried
alive in the ground, only the cock being shut in in a grotto of
stone, where it could live and crow for a time, before dying
of hunger . 21 With the exception of the cock, male animals
were never sacrificed to the deities of birth . 22 From Randulf’s
notes it appears that the Lapps also sacrificed spinning-wheels
and spindles to them . 23


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


256

Certain customs had also to be observed after the calving
of a cow. According to Leem, the “ first milk ” had to be
milked on to the ground. In the purification ceremonies flour
was used, being scattered over both the cow and the calf,
and flour had to be added also to the milk, before a male
person might partake of it . 24 Doubtless, the flour was here
of the same significance as at the ceremony for women. The
custom here pictured by Leem can only have prevailed among
the more Southern Lapps, who had, in places, begun to keep
cows.

Many features in the above beliefs and customs show plainly
that they cannot have been of Lapp origin, for instance, the
special dress of the sacrificial priest, but, above all, the use
of flour in so important a degree, points to derivation from an
agricultural people. There would seem to be, therefore, good
grounds for comparing Sarakka’s porridge with the Old-
Scandinavic “ Norna porridge” (Norna greytur), the first
meal eaten after childbirth by the women of the Faro-Islands.
Troels Lund shows that among the Scandinavians also it was
the custom to place in the porridge for women in childbed,
“ three sticks,” with which the luck of the child was supposed
to be intimately connected . 25 The sacrifice of spinning-wheels
and animals bought from the neighbouring peasants, and clad
with linen kerchiefs, points, too, with certainty to the fact
that these customs have been borrowed by the Lapps. On
several of the Lapp magic drums the deities of birth are seen
pictured as three females, their number corresponding with
that of the Scandinavian Norns. It should be observed also
that Madderakka’s three daughters are known only among
the Scandinavian Lapps. One of the daughters, Uksakka, has
a counterpart in the Swedish Dorr-Karing (“ Door old
woman”), who even to our times lives in the beliefs of the
people in Vasterbotten, as “ a light-fearing spirit, dwelling
near the door.” One had to be careful of her in going out
with a lighted candle, as she would blow it out . 28


DEITIES OF BIRTH


257

More widely known also among the Finnish Lapps, is the
mother, Madderakka . 27 She might also find her counterpart
in the Swedish Jordegumma (“ Old woman of the earth ”),
which word now means “ midwife,” but in earlier times may
well have been the name of a deity who, dwelling in the
earth, assisted at childbirth. Similar changes in the meaning
of a term may be observed in the Lapp tongue. At Gellivara
the word sarak has been noted as meaning also “ midwife.” 28
It is not, however, necessary in all the Lapp customs connected
with birth to see only borrowed beliefs. The Yurak Samoyeds
also worship a deity living in the earth and assisting at births,
and, like the Lapps, they bury a dog alive to secure her help
at the said event . 29

Among the ancient Finns the deities of birth were called
Luonnotar ( luonto , “ nature ”) or Synnytar ( synty , “ birth ”),
and were three in number, corresponding thus with the Scandi-
navic Norns and the Roman Parcae. In a magic song a man
says: “ I am created by three Luonnotars.” These three deities
appear also in the songs on the origin of iron, in which it is
described how their milk was allowed by them to run into
the earth, one dripping forth black milk, the second white,
the third blood-red ; the first giving birth to smithy-iron, the
second to steel, and the third to refuse iron . 30 Often, the
Virgin Mary, who in the Catholic period has played an im-
portant part in the beliefs of the people, is also in the magic
songs given the name Luonnotar and Luojatar ( Luoja>
“Creator”), and is appealed to in childbirth; the “sweet
milk of Mary ” is supposed to cure all kinds of sickness. At
times she is imagined to have many breasts, like her prototype,
the Ephesian Artemis, and is said to have “ a hundred horns
on her forehead, a thousand nipples to her breast.” 31 In magic
songs she “ spins a blue thread with a blue spindle.” It is
difficult to distinguish how much in the above beliefs is from
an older time, and how much from the Catholic period (“ the
three Maries”). Both the origin and the name of the

PLATE XXVIII


Drawings on a Torne-Lapp Drum

I. Ilmaris. 2. Diermes. 3. Reindeer. 4. The
sun. 5. The son of God. 6. God-Father. 7. The
cathedral. 8. The angel. 9. St. Anne. 10. St.
Mary. 1 1 — 13. The lords of Christmas. 14. The
moon. 15—17. Peasants go to church. 18. The
church. 19. The wife of devil. 20. Disease-devil.
21. The loose-going devil. 22. The fire of hell.
23. The tar-kettle of hell. 24. The grave. 25.
The devil in chains. (See page 232.)







GODS OF SKY AND AIR


229

shipped because it “ brought thunder showers and the year’s
harvest.” Dating from Agricola’s time (c. 1550) is a petition
still preserved, written in Swedish by peasants from the east
of Finland, in which the fine for drinking “ Thordns gilde ”
is described. “ Ukko’s chests ” (Ukon vakat) are also men-
tioned in the report of an ecclesiastical inspection held in
1670. Vestiges of the sacrificial feast connected with the
same, described by Agricola, have been noted in quite recent
times. The “ chests ” were made of birch-bark, and sacrifices
of food intended for Ukko were placed in them and carried
to “ Ukko’s mountain.” For the sacrifice itself the best sheep
in the flock was taken and slaughtered on a given day. Its
flesh was boiled and portions of the meat, together with other
victuals, were put into the chests, and along with a large quan-
tity of beer and spirits, taken to the holy mountain, where they
were left untouched until the next day. Ukko was supposed
to eat his share during the night, and in the morning what
remained of the victuals was eaten by the worshippers, part
of the liquors, however, being poured on to the ground to
ensure a summer free from drought. 43 These festivals have
been held in Finland very nearly to our time. The most
detailed accounts come from Ingria, where the Ukko festival
was held on the days of St. Peter and St. Elias (twenty-ninth
June, twentieth July, old style). Sacrificial beer was poured
on to the ground to Ukko to invoke fruit-giving rains, or the
ground was sprinkled with water with magic ceremonies. 44
Sacrifices of bulls are reported from Esthonia in an account
of the year 1644, which contains the following prayer: “ Piker,
we, praying, give a bull, two-horned, four-footed, for the
sake of the ploughing and the sowing: stalks of brass, ears
of gold. Push elsewhere the black clouds, over the great
swamp, the high forest, the wide plain ; air of mead, rains of
honey to our ploughmen, sowers! Holy Piker, look after
our fields: fine straw beneath, fine ears above, fine grain
within! ” 46


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


230

Agricola mentions also the wife of the Thunder god,
Rauni, whose name occurs in a song as Roonikka, and was also
known to the Finnish Lapps as Ravdna. In the same manner
as to the Thunder god himself, the Lapps sacrificed reindeer
to Ravdna, most often in grottoes in the mountain consecrated
to her. Just as, among many peoples, the oak was the favour-
ite tree of the Thunder god, the rowan was Ravdna’s
favourite, growing in her grottoes . 46 In Finnish folk-poetry
also the rowan and its berries are described as being “ holy.”
The name of the Thunder goddess seems originally to have
applied to the tree, being, as such, a loan-word, from the
Scandinavian (Icelandic reynir , Swedish rdnn ). i7



Fig. 8. Lapp Sacrificial Board of the Thunder-God
According to Rheen


In the Finnish magic songs the Thunder god, like the
Scandinavian Thor, is given a hammer as a weapon. Armed
in the same manner was the Tora-galles or Hora-galles
(“ Thor-man ”) of the Scandinavian Lapps, who was pic-
tured on the magic drums with one or two hammers in his
hand. In their own language, the Lapps called the Thunder
god Tiermes, who had a “ bow ” ( tiermaz-juks , “ rainbow ”)


GODS OF SKY AND AIR


231


and an “ arrow ” as arms. With either his hammer, or with
his bow and arrow, the Thunder god was regarded as driving
away evil spirits who everywhere hide themselves at his ap-
proach. When the Lapps, to frighten away these beings, in-
voked thunder, they beat on their drums and shouted. At
times, Hora-galles had as assistant a man-servant . 48

The missionary Rheen describes how the Swedish Lapps
sacrificed to the Thunder god: “When the magic drum has
indicated that a sacrifice to Thor must be made, the reindeer-
bull chosen as a sacrifice is bound fast behind the tent, where
the women are not allowed to go. The animal is killed by
being stabbed with a knife in its heart. The blood is pre-
served to be smeared on the image of Thor. As many rein-
deer as the Lapp sacrifices, so many images of Thor does he set
up. The images are prepared out of the stumps of birch trees,
the root being made into the head, the trunk into the rest of the
body; a hammer is placed in its hand. After the slaughtering
of the votive reindeer, the Lapps build up behind their tents
an offering-board, about three yards high, setting pretty birch
branches around it. These are also strewn on the ground from
the tent to the board. On this board the blood-besmeared
images of Thor are set up, certain marks resembling crosses
being also made on the latter. Behind the images, the horns
and skull and the feet are set up. At the same time a small
piece of flesh is cut from each quarter and placed in a little
wooden case, into which also a little fat is poured, on the dais
before the image. In the right ear of the reindeer chosen for
sacrifice to Thor, a grey woollen thread must be sewn as a
mark.” 49

At times the Lapps offered up, besides reindeer, large
wooden hammers to the Thunder god. Forbus says that a
hammer, two fathoms long and beautifully carved, was made
in his honour and smeared with blood from the sacrifice; 50
S. Kildal relates that such hammers were laid in mountain
grottoes . 51 The Finnish Lapps regarded clefts in the moun-


232 FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY

tains as suitable places in which to sacrifice to the Thun-
derer. 52

The Wind god is called by the Votiaks in their prayers,
simply “ the Wind.” A goose is sacrificed to it in the sown
fields at the time of the general field-sacrifices, and it is ap-
pealed to not to blow overmuch, spoiling in that way the
seed, but to blow mildly over the sown fields. The colour of
the votive goose is not particularized, but it is not seemly to
sacrifice to the wind anything black or white. In some places
it is the practice to sprinkle blood in the air. Occasional sacri-
fices are also made to the wind, particularly during storms.
Besides this cult in the fields for the sake of the seed, it is
worshipped at times in the stock-yards, to the intent that the
violent autumn storms of the steppes should not destroy
the straw-roofed cattle-sheds or do injury to the cattle. 53
For similar purposes, the Cheremiss and the Mordvins sacri-
fice to the “ Mother wind ” or “ Wind mother.” The last-
mentioned say: “ When the children of Wind mother are
noisy, the storm begins.” 54

The Esthonians say that the Wind god dwells in the forest
on a shaded branch, whence it sets the wind blowing ; accord-
ing to its dwelling-place, it is called Metsmees (“ Forest
man ”). A more general name is, however, “ Wind mother,”
who “ weeps ” when the rain falls during a storm, and
“ dances ” in whirlwinds. 55 At the sowing of flax, doves or
a cock are sacrificed to the “Wind mother.” 50 In Finnish
magic prayers the appeal is to the wind itself, though, some-
times, also to the “ Wind woman,” etc. According to Agri-
cola, Ilmarinen was, later, worshipped as the Wind god,
“ giving calm and bad weather, and furthering travellers.”
A figure of Ilmaris, “ the ruler of the storm, and of bad
weather,” has been found also on the magic drum of a Finnish
Lapp. 57 Usually, the Lapps called the Wind god the “ Wind
man,” in the cult of whom one can discern Scandinavian in-
fluence. The missionary Randulf describes the Wind god
























PLATE XXIX


Ostiak Sacrifice
(See page 233.)

After photograph by K. F. Karjalainen.




2 33


GODS OF SKY AND AIR

of the Lapps as follows: “ Their third great god the Lapps
call the ‘ Wind man,’ who is identical with Aeolus. They
picture him (on their magic drums) with a spade in his right
hand, with which spade he shovels back the wind to blow.
This god they call on both when out with their reindeer on
the mountains for the stilling of a wind harmful to their herds,
and when, while fishing out at sea, a storm arises that places
them in danger of their lives. They promise then to lay
sacrifices on his altar.” 58

At the sacrifices to the Wind god, a peculiar bundle of
twigs, sometimes formed of birch (Finnish timlenpes'd , “ the
nest of wind”), had to be set up at the sacrificial altar, and
smeared with blood from the sacrifice. Boats and spades were
also offered up to him. 59

Randulf speaks of a kind of wind-magic, formerly invoked
very often by the Lapps: “ When they are angered with any-
one, they call to the Wind god to blow, binding this appeal
by incantations into three bundles. On opening the first of
these, a moderate storm arises ; with the second, a storm strong
enough to make sailing dangerous even for a vessel with a
main-sail reefed half-way 5 but when they open the third, a
shipwreck is the inevitable result.” This magic means of in-
voking wind, reports of which are found as early as the thir-
teenth century, and which was used both by the Finns and the
Esthonians, is obviously adopted from the Scandinavians. 60

The wind is personified also among the Ugrians, the Ostiaks
calling it the “ Wind old man,” to whom huntsmen sacrifice
at Vasyugan a small piece of white cloth at a birch-tree, to
secure good luck for themselves in hunting. 61

The agricultural peoples sacrifice also to the Frost god.
The Votiaks sacrifice a grey lamb or a duck to the “ rime-
frost,” when during the cold spring nights the rime appears
on the fields. In some districts, an annual sacrifice is even
made at Easter-time. 62 In their prayers, the Cheremiss speak
of the “ Frost man ” and the “ Frost woman.” But despite


234


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


these names, they are not regarded as anthropomorphic beings.
Some districts call the morning-frost the “ Frost man,” and
the evening-frost the “ Frost woman.” They sacrifice a grey
ram to the “ man,” and a grey sheep to the “ woman.” Sacri-
fices are made to them both annually and also at other times
for accidental reasons. The appeal in the prayers is for the
frost to refrain from spoiling the seed . 03

The Mordvins had a custom of placing porridge for the
“ Frost man ” in the smoke-outlet on the Thursday before
Easter. The prayer recited on this occasion runs: “ For thee
have we prepared porridge, protect our spring-sowings! ”
The Russians had an absolutely identical custom . 64

There are no reliable accounts of sacrifices to the Frost god
among the Baltic Finns, although the frost is personified in
the Finnish magic songs. But the most Southern Lapps in
Scandinavia worshipped the “ Frost man,” who is said to be
a the god of weather, snow and ice,” and to whom they sacri-
ficed, so that “ the ice should not harm the reindeer and that
the blizzard should cease.” 65 The word, recurring in the
name, which means “ rime-frost in the grass ” and is found
only in the more southern dialects, points to a connection with
the customs of the agricultural peoples.

With the gods of the air, the “ Cloud mother ” of the
Cheremiss should also be reckoned, being remembered at the
great sacrificial feasts with a drink-offering, which is poured
into the fire. The clouds are living beings, according to the
Cheremiss. “ If they were not alive, how could they move
about and wander whither they will? ” they say. “ One can
call them towards oneself, or beg them to travel away to
other neighbourhoods.” 60 The “ twilight ” they worshipped
only by not performing any work, or at least any work that
causes a din, after sunset, lest the “ twilight ” should punish
them. A similar belief exists among the Volga Tatars . 07


CHAPTER XIV


FIRE

F IRE is the friend of man,” say the Cheremiss, “ it warms
the house and cooks the food, but if it has reason to be
angered, it jumps from the fireplace and burns up the house
and the village.” One cause for the fire’s anger, is the spitting
into it by any person, another the “ wounding ” of it by any
sharp instrument, another the stirring of it with an u unclean ”
stick. Further, if one throws the wood on to the hearth, or
addresses the fire with evil words, it may become vexed.
Probably, from the very earliest times, fire was regarded as
something pure that cannot endure defilement. The most
common punishment to befall the culprit is a kind of skin-
disease. The fire must then be appeased by small sacrifices.
The Cheremiss use the following words: “ Forgive me, £ Fire
mother,’ perhaps I have spat in thee or wounded or defiled
thee. Make me well again.” The worst punishment the fire
is capable of is the breaking loose of fire. At such times,
the Cheremiss go round the fire, sacrificing to the “ Fire
mother ” a black hen, or milk from a black cow. During this,
the “ Fire mother ” is prayed to not to destroy the village, and
also in the future to protect the people from loss through its
agency . 1

The Ostiaks call the fire <c Fire girl ” or “ Fire woman ”
in their prayers, this deity being as easily wounded as the
Fire god of the Cheremiss and the other Volga peoples. To
appease it, the Ostiaks sacrifice to the fire victuals, cloths of
red or a fire-like colour, and pieces of stuff. Despite these
sacrifices, intended as clothing for the “ Fire girl ” or the
“ Fire mother,” it is merely the animated fire itself that is


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


236

the object of worship. 2 The Mordvins say: “ the Fire mother
‘ flames/ ” the Ostiaks speak of “ the many-tongued Fire
mother,” and in a Cheremiss prayer the passage occurs: “Fire
mother, thou whose smoke is long and whose tongue is sharp.” 3

The Cheremiss speak also, at times, of the soul ( ort ) of
the fire, which disappears if water is poured over the fire, a
method of putting it out which is regarded as unseemly,
among them the wood being merely drawn to one side so
that the fire goes out of its own accord. 4 This “ soul ” of the
fire can appear to men in some shape or other. According to
the Finns, the “ Ruler ” of the fire appeared in the night as
glittering sparks before some accident. The Esthonians be-
lieve that the “ Fire mother ” appears in the shape of an
animal as a warning of a coming fire 5 a “ Fire cock ” or “ Fire
cat ” has been seen to move over the roof of a house shortly
before a destructive fire. 5

In the tales of the Ostiaks, the “ Fire spirit ” can even take
on human form. A man who had used the fire badly, saw
the “ Fire girl ” sitting naked and covered with wounds on a
stone. According to another tale, every hearth has its own
“ Fire maiden ”; these can visit one another, tell each other
their experiences and ask advice of one another. 6 Similar
tales are met with among the Turco-Tatars.

The holiness of the domestic hearth is seen from the custom
of bearing fire, burning brands, or ashes from the old home to
the new. According to an earlier view, the fire should never
be allowed to go out, and even today the Cheremiss light
their sacrificial fires with brands from the hearth. Were the
fire to go out of its own accord, it was deemed an omen of
misfortune. The people seem, however, to have believed
that the power of the fire diminishes, if it is allowed to burn
too long. The Volga Finns had therefore a habit of renewing
their fires once a year by lighting a “ new fire,” or a “ wood
fire,” by rubbing two dry sticks against one another. The
“ new fire ” is supposed to contain a specially purifying magic


FIRE


237


power. For this reason, the Cheremiss extinguish all their
village hearth fires on an agreed date in the hottest part of the
summer, at the close of the u evil time,” draw forth a “ new
fire,” and make a fire of logs somewhere on the edge of the
village, over which the people have to jump; the cattle, even,
are driven through it. To render this last more easy, the site
for the fire is chosen at the gateway to some meadow, the
gate itself, having for reasons of magic, branches of rowan
bound to it. From this log-fire, which generally burns for
two or three days, every householder carries home “ new
fire ” to his hearth, smoking out his stockyard at the same
time . 7

For occasional reasons also a similar fire may be made.
The Mordvins sometimes lit such fires even at the forty days’
feast for the dead, at which those present cleansed themselves
by jumping over the fire . 8 A more widespread custom is to
use this method of purification during the course of some
epidemic in the neighbourhood. At such times a furrow is
also ploughed round the village, or a plough carried round
it. That also the Spring and Midsummer-Eve bonfires of
the Finns originally possessed a prophylactic significance ap-
pears from an account from Ingria, according to which the bon-
fires were intended to be made on the pasture land visited by
the cows . 9

The stocks living along the Volga have further a custom
of worshipping fire as an intermediary between the gods
and men. Sacrifices thrown into the fire are not always in-
tended for the “ Fire mother,” but it is intended that she
should hand on these offerings to their true recipients. In the
sacred groves of the Cheremiss one can hear the priests say to
the fire: “ Bear with thy smoke our sacrifices to God, and re-
cite to him our prayers! ” As a reward, a sacrifice is then
given to the fire also . 10 These beliefs and customs are un-
doubtedly, however, like so much else in the fire cult of the
Finno-Ugric peoples, of foreign origin, probably Iranian. A


238


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


more original custom is that of the Lapps, as described by
Randulf: “To none of their idols do the Lapps offer up
burnt sacrifices, i.e., they do not destroy their sacrifices by fire,
excepting those to the sun, which are burnt up to show the
heat and fire of the sun, and are made on a particular stone,
consecrated for the purpose.” 11

In their magic songs the Finns describe how mankind came
to obtain fire. In some, the origin of fire is said to be from
heaven, as appears from the following words: “Where has
fire been cradled, where rocked the flame? — Over there on
the navel of the sky, on the peak of the famous mountain.”
Its birth there is also pictured in the following: “ Fire struck
Ismaroinen (Ilmarinen), fire flashed Vainamoinen, he struck
fire without a flint, tinderlesss he secured it, struck it with a
black snake, with a mottled serpent, on the open plain of
water, on the wide-spread waves.” In a variation the Thun-
derer appears as the giver of fire: “ Pitkamoinen struck fire,
among the rocks of the sea, from a many coloured serpent.” 12
That the serpent here is the lightning is obvious.

Haltia is secured. To lakes also in which the fishing water
is spoilt or where the Haltia is not good, “ new water ” and a
“ new Haltia ” are brought. Considering that in the above-
mentioned proceeding, which is also known among other tribes,
e.g., among the Chuvashes, the water, by the addition of new
and better water, is provided with new soul-power, we may
assume that the Haltia here is to be understood in the sense
of the nature-soul. It is further to be observed that origi-
nally each sea, lake or river had only one Haltia.

These examples should show, that besides the spirits of
those drowned and the tutelary genii of the fish, the water
itself, furnished with a soul, is included among the Water
gods of the Finno-Ugric stocks.





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.sifal •••? '(d




















PLATE XXV

Sacrificial Meal Among the Russian
Karelians

(See page 229.)

After photograph by I. K. Inha.





CHAPTER XIII


GODS OF SKY AND AIR

T HE SUPREME deity among the Finno-Ugric stocks
is the Heaven god, who is called by different names,
the original signification of which is the same among all the
peoples.

In the Finnish language there are two words, Jumala and
Ilmarinen, both of which were originally names for the god of
the sky. The former, which is found in Icelandic literature
as early as 1026 (Jomali), has in our time come to denote
“god” in general ( deus ), like the loan-word Jubmel or Ibmel
in the Lapp tongue, except among the Cheremiss, where in
its present form of Jumo it has preserved its original meaning.
In this last language the word has also a third meaning which
may be taken to be the very oldest, i.e., the “ sky ” or the
“ air.” A similar example of a word meaning “ heaven ” or
“ the Heaven god ” gradually coming to denote generally
“ god,” is provided by the Turco-Tatar Tangere. The second
Finnish word also, Ilmarinen (diminutive of ilmari ), which
later became the name of a hero in the Kalevala , comes from
a word originally meaning “sky” or “air” ( ilma ). The
word Ilmari formed by adding a suffix, is met with also among
the Votiaks, Inmar (the god of the sky), and originates there-
fore from the Finno-Permian period, over a thousand years
before the birth of Christ. Contemporaneously, and with the
same meaning as the word Inmar, there is another word in the
Votiak, In(m) (= Finnish lima); the same word being also
found among the Siryans, Jen (now meaning the Christian
God), and among the Ostiaks, Ilem or Item. These last-named


218


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


have also other names for this god, such as Num-Turem
(Turem = “ sky,” “air,” “world,” etc.), which has its
counterpart in the Vogul Numi-Torem. The word Turem
has been compared by Castren with the Lapp Tiermes (the
god of thunder). Both the sky and the Heaven god are called
Num by the Samoyeds.

Knowing that the highest god, as appears already from his
names, was at one time merely the animated sky, it is not sur-
prising that, especially in earlier times, the people’s ideas of
him were dim and uncertain. The most usual qualities at-
tributed to him are “ great,” “ high,” “ good ” } in the south-
ern districts the Ostiaks call him Sangke (“ light ”), prob-
ably a shortening of Sangke-Turem. As there was no actual
conception of his being, there were no attempts to materialise
him. Characteristic for all the above-mentioned peoples is
the following description of the Samoyeds: “They never
make images of Num, therefore they do not know how to
sculpture him.” 1

Only in folk-poetry do we find the Sky god anthropo-
morphised. Here, we find the Cheremiss relating that he is
a man-like being, living in the sky. Like the people down
below, he practises agriculture, he has green pastures and much
excellent cattle. As befits a good Cheremiss farmer, he even
keeps bees. In the sacrificial prayers he appears as a worldly
ruler with a large train of lesser deities, to whom at times
sacrifices are also made. Like a rich and powerful ruler, the
god of the Ostiaks and Voguls dwells in the highest story of
heaven in a house glittering with gold and silver} he is said
to have seven sons and many assistant spirits, some of which
have wings. The idea of a heavenly suite is, however, of
later origin, a fact that appears also from the names borrowed
from the Turco-Tatar . 2

It is quite natural that the sky with its light and rains, and
other wondrous forces and phenomena affecting so closely
the whole of our earthly existence, should have early become


GODS OF SKY AND AIR


219

the object of the curiosity of primitive peoples. It would
seem, nevertheless, that however animated the sky was re-
garded as being, no sacrifices were originally offered up to it.
This is witnessed to by the fact that even today, sacrifices to the
Heaven god are extremely rare among the more northern
peoples, e.g., the Eastern Samoyeds and the Northern Ostiaks,
for whom the god himself is too far away to be at all interested
in human life . 3

The worship of the Heaven god is more closely connected
with agriculture, which, more often than any other occupation,
raises its glance to the sky. That he is a god of agriculture,
is shown plainly by the fact that sacrifices are made to him
chiefly that the fields may become fruitful. According to cer-
tain peoples, his period of worship is the summer months
only; as the Votiaks, for example, believe that Inmar may be
sacrificed to, like the “ Earth mother,” only up to the begin-
ning of winter, after which it is regarded as unsuitable to do
so . 4 Quite apparent is the opinion that the sky is a pro-
creative power. In their prayers, the Votiaks call Inmar,
“ the procreator and nourisher,” the Mordvins address their
“god dwelling on high” (Erza: Vere-pas) generally by the
name “procreator,” Moksha: Shkaj or Shka(j)-bavas, Erza:
Shki-pas (from ska-ms , “to procreate,” “to give birth to,”
words to be found now only in folklore ; bavas or pas , “ god,”
an Indo-Iranian loan-word). The word skaj may at times
denote only and solely “ the sky,” as in the phrase, skajs
mazems (“the sky reddens ”). 5 The Voguls believed that
the Heaven god “sends down” even animals ; in a prayer
to Numi-Torem occur the words: “ Send down, our father,
the fishes of the sea, let down the game of the forest! ” 6

In later times the Heaven god among the Volga Finns has,
under the influence of Christianity and Islam, become a much
more powerful god, to be worshipped in all the necessities
imposed by life. Even now, however, he is turned to solely
in the case of material needs. Extremely characteristic is the


220 FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY

belief of the Votiaks as described by an unknown author:
“ Inmar is, according to them, only a good spirit, who pro-
tects their lives and gives them food and clothing, having
nothing whatever to do with the mutual relations between
mankind.” 7 Thus, the Heaven god did not originally, in the
view of the Finno-Ugric stocks, watch over the morality
of the people, as the spirits of the dead were supposed
to do.

By* the side of the male Heaven god, generally termed the
“ Father,” the peoples by the Volga and the Ob speak in their
sacrificial prayers of a female deity, the “ Mother of heaven,”
regarded as the guardian-spirit of child-birth and as such
later merged into the Virgin Mary. This “ Mother of heaven,”
pictured in folk-tales at times as the wife of the Heaven god,
and met with also among the Turco-Tatars, originates from
pagan times . 8

In sacrificing to the Heaven god, the peoples by the Volga
and the Ob follow similar customs, previously common also to
the surrounding peoples, of keeping the faces, both of the
sacrificing priests and the sacrificial animal, turned in the direc-
tion of the rising sun, contrary to the custom in the worship of
the dead of turning in the opposite direction j the Cheremiss
and the Votiaks having also different expressions for the two
ceremonies, i.e., “ sacrificing upward ” and “ sacrificing down-
ward.” The sacrifice to the Heaven god must, as far as possi-
ble, consist of a white animal. Where this is not possible, the
Ostiaks place a white cloth over the animal’s back. A feature
of note is also that the sacrificial-tree of the Heaven god,
must, as with other Nature gods, be a leaf or “ white ” tree,
those of the dead being invariably coniferous, or “ dark ”
trees . 9 Most often burnt offerings are offered up to the
Heaven god, but there are traces of other methods having been
used. As the smoke from the sacrifice could not reach the
sky from the plains, the sacrifice was performed on a hill or
other high place. In the oldest accounts of the Samoyed re-



PLATE XXVI

Old Sacrificial Grotto of the Thunder-
God Among the Finnish Lapps

(See pages 230—1.)

After photograph by T. I. Itkonen.








GODS OF SKY AND AIR


221


ligion it is stated that the Yuraks offered up white reindeer
to Num on the highest mountains. When the animal was
slaughtered, it was held, as during the rest of the ceremony,
with its head turned to the east. The flesh was eaten uncooked.
The skull, together with all other bones, was left on the place
of sacrifice} the first-named being generally stuck on a pole
with its nose towards the east . 10

In looking at the night sky, the attention of people was
drawn to a certain fixed point, round which the heavens, as
seen from the earth, seemed to revolve. This regular motion
of the sky, which we know to be due to the movement of the
earth round its axis in the opposite direction, awakened among
primitive peoples the idea that the sky at this point, i.e., at the
North Star, is affixed to some object bearing or supporting the
heavens. For this reason, the Samoyeds (Turuhansk District)
call the North Star the “ nail of the sky,” “ round which the
heavens revolve.” 11 The ancient Finns had also a correspond-
ing but now forgotten term, as proved by the name of the
North Star, borrowed by the Lapps from the Finns, Bohi-
navlle (“ the nail of the north ”) } its counterpart among the
Esthonians being the Pohjanael. The connection of these
beliefs with the sky is described by Holzmayer in the follow-
ing words: “ In the middle of the sky, or in the north, the
heavens are affixed to a nail in such a manner that they are
able to revolve round the nail, the revolving causing the
movement of the stars. As the North Star is situated in the
very centre, it is called the £ nail of the north.’ ” 12 This nail
is, at the same time, regarded as supporting the sky. Turi
relates that the Lapps believe the Boahje-naste (“ north
nail,” “ north star ”) to support the sky, and that when Arc-
turus, supposed to be an archer, shoots down the Boahje-naste
with his arrow on the last day, the heavens will fall, crushing
the earth and setting fire to everything . 13

The Lapps believed also, however, in a more reliable sup-
port for the sky than a nail. Missionaries relate that the


222


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


Lapps sacrificed to their highest god Veralden rade (“ Ruler
of the world ”) so that “ he should not let fall the sky,”
erecting at the altars a tree either split in two or forked nat-
urally, or also, at times, a high pillar, called the “ pillar of
the world” (Veralden tshuold) for the god to “support the
world with, and keep it in its present form and condition,
that it might not grow old and fall from its former nature.”
The tree was besmeared with blood from the sacrifice . 14 A
“pillar of the world” of this description was seen by Leem
in the vicinity of the Porsanger Fjord at an old site of sacri-
fice, where there were two great stones and, on their eastern
side, a very high square log with its lower end stuck in the
ground. In the top of the log there was an iron nail . 15 That
these pillars of the Lapps had a heavenly counterpart is
shown by the fact that in some places, the name of the North
Star is “pillar of the world” (Veralden tshuold ). 16 It is
probable that the Lapps obtained both their ideas and their
sacrificial customs from the Scandinavians (Cf. Teutonic Ir-
minsul, “ world-pillar ”); the “ nail ” may be compared with
the Scandinavian Veraldar nagli, the “ world-nail.” 17 The
corresponding belief of the ancient Finns is found nowadays
only in the phrase, known also to the Esthonians, and used
of people living to a very old age, that these live “ to be a
pillar of the world ” (Finnish Maailmanpatsas or Maasampa,
Esthonian Ilmasamba). The Ostiaks, amongst whom this
“ pillar ” was also known, and who even worshipped it as a
deity, have, as we shall see, in this respect been under Turco-
Tatar influence . 18

Like the sky itself, the heavenly bodies and certain
phenomena in the air were regarded as animated beings, al-
though not all of them were the objects of worship. In Ostiak
poetry “ the Sun mother ” and the “ Moon old man ” are
often mentioned, but sacrifices to them are rare; only at
Vasyugan was a piece of cloth with a ring attached offered up
to the sun, when the latter had caused a sudden fainting fit . 19


GODS OF SKY AND AIR


223

Among the Samoyeds, only the Y uraks, according to Lehtisalo,
worship the sun, “ the kindly eye of the heavens,” and the
moon, “ the evil eye of the heavens,” to which they even
sacrifice at the New Year’s Festival in July, “ when the
wild geese arrive again.” A “ shadow ” (image) is made of
them, similar in form to these bodies. Besmeared with
the blood of the sacrifice, these images are set up on long
poles . 20

Much more general is the worship of the sun and the
moon amongst the agricultural peoples. The Cheremiss and
the Votiaks sacrifice white animals to the sun (“ the Sun
mother ”), both at annually recurring ceremonies, and also for
occasional reasons, e.g., when a long drought dries up the
grass and ruins the harvest, or for certain sicknesses. During
the prayers, the priest keeps his face towards the sun . 21 Why
the Eastern Cheremiss should sacrifice animals to the moon
(“ the Moon mother ”) is uncertain . 22 A very important part
is also played by “ the rising and setting Sun god ” and “ the
wandering Moon god ” in the religion of the Mordvins. In
honour of the former, public sacrificial festivals were held,
but the Mordvins worshipped it at other times also, bowing
whenever a ray of sunlight fell on the window. Sacrifices to
the sun were set up in high places, so that the sun on rising
could take possession of them. The Mordvins also took oath
before the sun . 23 Of sun-worship by the Finns, there are no
reliable accounts. The custom of the East Karelians of going
at dawn to the eastward slopes of their fields, to a “ purified
place,” where they bowed three times, saying: “ My dear sun,
my provider, give peace, health, look over everything, watch
over everything,” may, however, be mentioned . 24 The new
moon was also accorded a welcome by many Finno-Ugric
peoples. The Mordvins say, like the Russians: “Be greeted,
new moon; to me health, to thee a whole loaf.” The silver
and golden horns of the Moon god are also spoken of . 25 Ac-
cording to Agricola, the Finns believed that at eclipses, the


224


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


“ animals ” ( kafeet ) “ ate up the moon,” and lunar markings
were explained by saying that Rahkoi “ makes the moon black
in parts.” In Northern Finland “ the man in the moon ” is
called Rahkonen.

More apparent is the worship of sun and moon among the
Scandinavian Lapps, on whose magic drums they are often
pictured. When the Lapps sacrificed to the sun they made a
wooden image, one end of which they formed like a globe
and furnished with thorns, or they used only a large, wooden
ring decorated with figures} these objects were besmeared
with the blood of the sacrifice. The animals offered up to the
“ Sun virgin,” were always female, and where possible, white.
At the very least, a white thread had to be sewn through the
right ear of the sacrificial reindeer. When the sacrifice had
been killed, the Lapps cut a piece from all its quarters, thread-
ing them on to a switch bent into a ring. This object they then
hung up on a high sacrificial-board behind the tent. The
Lapps also sacrificed to the sun by taking three switches of
birch, plaiting them together up to about half-way, where
they bound a tape. These switches they besmeared with blood
from the sacrifice. Afterwards a ring was made of a birch-
bough and laid in the middle of the board as an image of the
sun, and inside this a small piece of the lungs, heart, tongue
and lips of the sacrifice. On the ring they set up the blood-
smeared switches. The bones of the sacrifice were also often
placed within a ring on the offering-board . 26

Like the Norwegian peasants, the Lapps living in Norway
had a custom of besmearing their doors with butter when the
sun, after the darkness of winter, first threw its rays on them
from the horizon . 27 Another annual sacrifice was performed
at the lightest period of the summer. On Midsummer’s Eve
the Norwegian Lapps hung up a ring of leaves or grass,
called the “ sun-ring,” in honour of the “ Sun virgin.” A
porridge of meal, mixed with butter, “ sun-porridge,” was
also cooked and eaten. On beginning this sacrificial meal,

From the notes of Wichmann it appears that the Siryans
offered the “ Sea spirit ” butter and bread in order that he
might give them fish. When fishing one had to be careful
not to use bad words, as this incensed the Water spirit, who
in his anger would seize the net so firmly, that the fisherman
could not move it. Like the fisherman, the miller also has
to keep on good terms with the Water spirit. For other pur-
poses also, the Water spirit is sometimes given small offerings.
No Siryan will go over water without giving the Water
spirit a gift: if nothing else he throws at least a thread from
his belt into the water . 10

According to the Siryans the Water spirits have their origin
in the spirits of the drowned, which continue living in the
water, where they have entered the service of the Water spirit.
Even the name Kul is, as is proved by Setala, the old name of
a Finno-Ugric god who lived under the earth, the cult of


WATER SPIRITS


199

which was obviously connected with the cult of the dead . 17
When comparing the present highly developed characteris-
tics of the spirit Kul, which the similarly-named spirit of the
Ob peoples, borrowed from the Siryans, does not possess, with
the corresponding features of the Water spirit of the Great
Russians, it is evident that the first mentioned, even to its de-
tails, is a copy of the latter. The name Vasa seems to be only
a translation of the Russian Vodyanoy.

A fully corresponding Water spirit of the Cheremiss is their
“Water master” (Vut-oza). He is said to dwell in such
waters as do not dry up during the hot season. Usually the
Water spirit is here also an evil and feared being. Especially
is it dangerous to swim at midday. Where he does not
succeed in kidnapping a man, he will take cattle. The male
Water spirit appears usually as an old man who is often seen
before dawn on the surface of the water near the shore. He
is dressed sometimes in rags, and sometimes in splendid
clothes ; his chest being, for example, sometimes covered with
silver coins, but at times he is also naked. The Cheremiss
say that the greater a river is in which a Water spirit lives,
the richer it is. Should a human being cast his eye on him,
he throws himself immediately into the water. Besides his
human form, the Water spirit can also show himself in the
form of a horse or a bullock. The Water spirits living in the
sea show themselves mainly as bulls, and the bellowing of
the “ water bull ” has often been heard from the sea. But
the Water spirit can also take the form of a fish, or of other
miscellaneous objects. But in whatever form he shows him-
self, the sight denotes disaster — often death — to the one
who has seen him, or to some one belonging to him.

The female Water spirit, “ Water master’s daughter,” has
been seen on the shore combing her long hair with a gold
or silver comb. Sometimes she becomes entangled in a fisher-
man’s fishing-tackle. Once some fishers found a great being
in their net, which dragged it here and there. With great


200


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


labour they managed to keep hold of their net, and when they
finally succeeded in dragging it nearer to the boat, they saw
a pretty dark maid, who, however, disappeared immediately
from sight. The net became at once lighter and was found
to contain no fish at all. Sometimes people are fortunate
enough to get a “ Water master’s daughter ” into their power.
This happens only when they throw a piece of iron at her or
touch her with their hands, as then the water-maid cannot
move an inch.

In prayers, the Water spirit is often referred to as “ Water
old man ” (Vut-kuguza) and “ Water old woman ” (Vut-
kuva). The Cheremiss worship the “Old man” and the
“ Old woman ” of the water when they go swimming or fish-
ing. The fishermen offer up to these spirits bread or brandy,
sometimes even a duck, a goose, or a hen, as they are supposed
to drive fish into the fishermen’s tackle. In the spring, when
the first fish has been caught, the Eastern Cheremiss generally
boil it immediately, and eat it without breaking the bones,
the latter being thrown back into the water with the following
words: “‘Water man,’ come and eat fish; I have tasted it
already, give us still more fresh fish.” 18

Similar beliefs in human-like Water spirits are met with
among the Mordvins. The spirits living in the water are
here called Ved-eraj (“ Water dweller ”) or Vetsa-eraj (“ He
who inhabits the water”). There are many such spirits, and
they are malignant beings, who, like Vampire spirits, lie in
wait for newly born children, and devour grain that has been
cursed by an enemy . 19

The Baltic Finns have been under Germanic influence.
The Nacken of the Swedes is called Nakk by the Esthonians,
and they believe it to live in all deeper waters, such as the
sea, rivers, lakes and wells. The deepest spot in the water
is particularly its dwelling-place, and also any whirlpool.

The Nakk presents itself in different shapes, as a human
being, an animal, or even some inanimate object. Neverthe-





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? . l I--:--';.-: : - - • ' -J ? -

r t; - • jq :<<; :..<•? . )

.giadrnf-iH .U '{d rlq^oloiiq -utfik







PLATE XXI


Votiak sacrifice to the River Buj after the break-
ing-up of the ice. (See pages 214—15.)

(Government permission.)

After photograph by U. Holmberg.




WATER SPIRITS


201


less, it lives in the imagination of the people mostly as a
human being. In this shape, according to the idea of the
Esthonians, it is both male and female, and may appear full
grown or as a child. The people believe the male spirit to be
a grey old man, who at times swims in the water with his
enormous, widely opened maw, swallowing everybody who
comes in his path, sometimes lifting his head above the water,
sometimes seating himself on the shore of a river, lake or
sea, or on the cover of a well to watch for people. When ap-
pearing in human shape he executes human work. Now and
then he is found by night at the fish-spearing places and is
recognized by having his torch not in a boat but on a stone
slab. One of the most remarkable features of the Nakk is
his song, by which he bewitches his hearers, who in this way
become his prisoners. In the neighbourhood of Hapsal the
belief prevails that when the Nakk sings or plays, men and
animals begin to dance in gradually increasing tempo until
they at last fall into the sea. Although the Nakk appears in
human shape, he has, in the tales of the people, fish teeth.

Like the male spirit, the female human-like Water spirit
has also the pronounced character that proves development.
To distinguish her from the male, the Esthonians call her
Nakineiu or Nakineitsi (“ Nakk’s maid ”), Veeneiu (“ Water
maid”) or Mereneiu (“Sea maid”). Usually, Nakineitsi
is a pretty young girl, who sits on the surface of the water,
or on a stone on the shore, or in the shadow of a tree growing
near to the water, combing her long hair with a golden comb.
Her hair is wonderfully pretty, now golden yellow, now
grass-green. Occasionally she appears naked, at other times
dressed. In some districts the Nakineitsi has a human body
and a fish tail.

As with the Nakk, one of the most important features of
the Nakineitsi is her song and her music. On the coasts they
speak also of the cattle of the water-maid, which are beautiful
and fat. The colour of the animals is usually grey, like the


202


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


sea. Suddenly emerging from the sea, the cattle come ashore,
where they are tended by the Nakineitsi until she again dis-
appears with them after awhile. The Livonians tell of blue
sea-cows j some of these sometimes go astray from the other
cattle and remain on the shore, falling thus into the hands of
men.

Besides his human form, the Nakk of the Esthonians also
appears in the shape of a young, usually grey horse, sometimes
also as a white foal. This emerges from the water, runs all
round the shore, approaches children and entices them to sit
on its back, whereupon it immediately rushes back into the sea at
a gallop. At times it can also appear as an ox, now black, now
brown or grey, or as a white calf. The Nakk that has changed
himself into an animal, is recognized by his coming from the
sea and disappearing into the water. Sometimes he even
changes himself into a startled hare, which by running to
and fro on a pier tries to entice its pursuer so far, that the
latter is in danger of falling into the water. He may also
appear as a waterbird, a swan, a goose or a duck. Further,
the Nakk is seen in the shape of a fish, which at times comes
ashore, winds its tail round a fisherman, and drags him into
the water. Often the Water spirit appears also as a big
strange-looking or one-eyed fish. Two fisherman had once
fished a long time without catching anything when one of
them saw two strangely shaped gold-glittering fishes in the
water. Neglecting the warning of his comrade he set about
catching these fish and got one in his net, but as he was about
to lift it from the water there suddenly arose a strong tempest
and snowstorm, and at the same moment the fish disappeared
from the net. The Nakk can also take the shape of a lifeless
object.

In whatever shape the Nakk appears, he is always a danger-
ous and feared being, whose mere appearance predicts drown-
ing or other disaster. Even if the one who sees him is not
himself doomed, one of his relatives will perish in the water.


WATER SPIRITS


203

Some people believe that in all waters where a Nakk dwells,
a man will be drowned every summer. When the time for
this approaches, a voice is heard from the water: “The hour
has struck, a man is wanted.” Against his will somebody
will then go and bathe and lose his life in the water. Be-
fore he drowns, the water becomes agitated, boils and seethes,
but calms down as soon as it has got its victim. The Nakk
can drown people not only in deep but in shallow places, where
the water is only a foot deep.

The Nakk takes his victim either by enticement, by be-
witching songs, or by appearing in the shape of the animals
or object that a man desires. At times he bewitches the eyes
of people so that they no longer recognize their surroundings,
but lose themselves and at last are at his mercy. The cattle
he entices by changing himself into an animal, mingling with
them on their pasture ground, and, on his return into the
water, enticing the other animals to follow him.

One who notices the danger in time, may protect himself
against the menace of the Nakk. An effective remedy is to
mention his name, as on hearing this he flees at once and throws
himself into the water. To protect themselves, the inhabitants
of the island Mohn, before going into the sea, take a stone
from the beach, spit on it and throw it into the sea, saying:
“ A cake to the Nakk.” Women also do this when they go
to the sea-shore to watch the sheep, as they believe that the
Nakk will not touch them or their cattle if they throw him a
cake into the water . 20

The Nakki of the Finns closely resembles the Nakk of the
Esthonians, only a few new features being met with in the
former. In West Finland the Water spirit is represented as
a man of unusual size. He has been seen in the shape of an
immense, long and stout old man standing over the water,
so that one foot was on the one shore and the other foot on
the other shore of the sea. A miller saw him thus standing
over a waterfall, like an unusually big, grey man. Probably


204


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


this latter type of the Water spirit has been influenced by the
traits of the Forest spirit, which appears in mythology more
regularly than the Water spirit as a lone being. At times the
Water spirit also appears as a dwarf. So he was once seen
by fishermen: “ in the bag of the net was a small human-like
old man, not longer than two spans, with long hair reaching
to his throat.”

Sometimes he is half-man, half-animal: the upper part
human, with horse-feet. He does not seem to appear in com-
plete horse form in the imagination of the Finns. On the
other hand he has been seen as a dog with a long beard; some-
times as an enormous buck, which wears net-pouches on its
horns. Often Nakki appears also in the shape of an object,
at times as a big balk or log, which differs from an ordinary
one by. having an eye as big as a plate and a mane on its back, or
as a tree, fallen into the water, which sinks when one tries to
sit on it.

The female Nakki has also many other names such as
Nakinneito, Nakinpiika (“ Nakki maid ”), Vedenneito (“ Water
maid”), Merenneito (“Sea maid”), Vedenemanta (“Water
mistress”). According to the ideas of the people this Water
spirit is a pretty being. In Osterbotten they believe that the
female Nakki is a beautiful woman with glittering white body
and very long curly hair. On the coast of Osterbotten and in
Nyland the Water maid is further known by her breasts as big
as buckets, which are thrown over the shoulder when bathing.

When the Water maid appears, she is always busy in some
way. Now she washes her face or her breasts, now she combs
her hair, splashes gaily in the water, washes her clothes on
a stone on the shore or on a rock in the sea, or goes sometimes
on land to watch the water cattle in the grass on the beach.

The idea that the Water spirit possesses magnificent cattle
in the water is very general in Finland. Often it has been
noticed how stately cows emerge from the sea, which on the
approach of a man go back into the water and dive down.



PLATE XXII

The Sacrificing “Upward”

The Eastern Votiaks sacrifice a white goose to the
Ilcaven god. (See page 220.)

Water-colour by U. Soldan-Brofeldt.







WATER SPIRITS


20 5


When the Water spirit disappears with his cattle at sun-
rise, it may happen that an animal is left on the shore. Ac-
cording to the general belief of the people, this can be seized
by walking round it once or thrice with a piece of iron in the
hand, as then it can return no more to the water, but belongs
to man. In vain the spirit cries from the water for his lost
animal. It is very advantageous to possess a cow of the Water
spirit, not only because it is pretty, but also because it gives
much milk ; it is however to be noted, that it always gives
only the same quantity that was milked the first time.

At times the cow of the Water maid is like a fish. Once in
Karelia a fish with horns and feet was caught in the net of a
fisherman, who, after some wondering at its appearance, threw
it ashore, with the result that in the night the plaintive cries
of the Water woman were heard.

According to the Scandinavian Finns, besides the Water
spirits, the Maahiset (“ those living under the earth ”) also
possess big cattle that man may seize, if he throws something
made of steel upon them. As the Water spirits rise from the
water, so the “ Undergrounders ” emerge from the earth and
disappear therein. In North Finland and in Russian Karelia
the same power is given to the cows of the Manalaiset (“ the
deceased ”).

Now and then the Water spirit also appears in the shape of
a big fish of unusual species or strange shape. Once some
boys caught a big salmon-trout, which had lost itself on a low
river-bank. At home they were told, however, that the fish
was a Marras, and they were instructed to take it back to the
water, because they would otherwise drown on the same spot
where they had caught the trout. Lencqvist already mentions
the Marta as an omen of death.

The Finnish Nakki is, like the Esthonian Nakk and the
Swedish Nacken, always an evil and feared being. That
children may take care when near the water, they are fright-
ened by words such as “ Nakki comes.” A usual means of


20 6


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


protection against Nakki when bathing is a form of witch-
craft in connection with certain words. On stepping into the
water the bather once, thrice, or even nine times, scoops water
on to the beach with his hand or throws a stone, taken from
the water, or earth from the sea-bottom, on the shore, saying:
“ Nakki ashore, I into the water.” After bathing the pro-
ceeding is reversed, the water or the object used previously
is now thrown back in the river or the sea, with the saying:
“ Nakki into the water, I on land.” Another means of pro-
tection against Nakki is to put into the water a piece of metal
or a metal object while one is bathing. Similarly, animals
also have to be protected against the evil caused by Nakki.
When bathing a horse they used to put into the water some
one of the above-mentioned metal objects or bind a fire-steel
to the tail, or hang a bell on the neck of the horse. More
particularly had this to be done with an unshod horse, be-
cause Nakki is believed not to seize a shod horse.

Similar ideas and means of protection are general also
amongst the Swedes.

Of foreign origin is also an idea of the Finns, that the
Water spirit is a musician, whose wonderful music anybody
can learn. The proper moment to approach it for this purpose
is Midsummer Night, or before the Eves of Lent and Easter.
The spirit may be seen on a rock in a waterfall, on one that
has never been under water, or on one that is always sur-
rounded by water. The person wishing to learn has to take
a violin with him. When the Water spirit has emerged from
the waterfall, he will seat himself on the same stone as the
man, turning his back to him, and start to teach him. As a
reward the man has to promise himself to the Water spirit
and during the lesson bind himself fast to the master, but with
caution, so that the ties break or become undone when the
spirit suddenly precipitates himself into the water. Should
the fetters not loosen, the pupil falls into the power of the
Water spirit. The one who succeeds in passing through the


WATER SPIRITS


207


trial becomes a great player, who can make people dance even
against their will. Sometimes his violin develops the wonder-
ful quality of playing by itself and even its pieces will play
when the violin is at last broken.

The wonderful music to be learnt from the Water spirit is
known round all the Scandinavian countries.

The Votiaks call the Forest spirit Nules-murt (“ Forest
man ”). In appearance and customs he is like a human being,
but he is often imagined as one-eyed, and is believed to have
the power of lengthening or shortening his body at will.
Generally he holds his head on a level with the highest tree,
and on account of his great height he is called “ Great uncle ”
in the Glazov district. In the forest where he lives he has
his household and family, and many treasures — gold, silver
and cattle. He moves from place to place in the guise of a
whirlwind. Forest spirits also celebrate weddings, which are
held twice a year, in the summer and in the winter, the Forest
spirits moving then as whirlwinds so that great trees are up-
rooted. The Forest spirit entices people, more especially
children, into his power. Sometimes he will also entice cattle
to become lost in the forest, or drag them long distances in
the whirlwinds. He is enormously strong, but being a stupid
spirit, he is neither dangerous nor dreaded. Very often he
is even of great help to people, giving game to hunters and
protecting the cattle in the forest.

The Votiaks make offerings to the Forest spirit in the
forest during the autumn, preferably under a fir-tree. All the
hunters take part in the ceremony. As offerings, brandy,
bread, and a bull or a goat are used. In some districts bread
is placed on the branch of a tree for the “ Forest man.” 18 A


1 80 FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY

prayer to the Forest spirit discovered by Aminoff runs: “Give
me, ‘ Forest man,’ of thy forest-animals, squirrels, wolves,
bears. Give also of thy bees, drive them into my bee-hives.
If thou doest this we shall give thee gifts.” 17

The Votiaks also sacrifice to the Forest spirit in order that
their cattle may thrive and increase. In the spring when the
cattle are driven out to pasture, the head of the family prays
to him: “ Great uncle, Forest uncle, now drive we our cattle
out to pasture and begin our ploughing. Therefore, we sacri-
fice to thee. Accept our offering. Protect the cattle from
beasts of prey and evil people. Our cattle go over twelve
rivers, behind twelve meadows. Save and protect them from
disease and from all evil.” The porridge prepared as an
offering for the Forest spirit is taken to him in the forest in a
basket made of birch-bark. Also in the autumn when the
cattle return home, another offering is prepared, viz., a goose.
The Forest spirit is thanked for having taken such good care
of the cattle in the forest during the summer. 18

Occasional offerings are also made to the Forest spirit,
as when the foresters go out hunting. In the district of Sara-
pul, offerings are sometimes made during stormy weather.
At these times the offering is an animal, generally a duck.
Offerings are further made in cases of sudden illness, accord-
ing to the directions of the magicians. This last reminds one
of the worship of the dead. The number of pancakes, made
specially by the hostess for the occasion, must absolutely be
an odd number, three, five or seven. When going to perform
the offering, it is regarded as a bad omen to meet anyone,
for which reason great care is taken to avoid this. After
the person making the sacrifice has returned from the place
of offering, he must go direct, without speaking, to the fire-
place, where he washes his hands in the ashes, after which
he may approach his family. 19

Besides the above mentioned Forest spirits, which are wor-
shipped by the Votiaks, these have still many others to whom


FOREST SPIRITS


181


offerings are not made. One of this latter kind is the Pales-
murt (“ Half-man ”) known to all the Votiaks. It resembles
a human being, but has only half of a human body. Thus,
it has only one eye, one foot, one hand and one breast, which is
so large that it can suffocate people with it by pressing it into
their mouths. In the twilight it frightens the lonely wanderer
in the forest with its shrieks . 20

More evil than the former is a spirit known in the South-
ern Votiak area, called Surali, which is also anthropomorphic,
but naked and hairy. It has only three long fingers on its
hand (cf. Ostiak Parne). It calls all night in the forest,
causes people to lose their way, and entices them to itself.
At times it rushes suddenly upon people, tickles them or dances
with them until they are completely exhausted. Often it will
mount a horse in the meadows and ride it madly round the
fields until the horse nearly falls . 21

The Yskal-pydo-murt (“ Cowfooted man ”) belongs also to
the evil Forest spirits, and from its name one can imagine its
appearance. To the waist from above it is dressed in ordi-
nary peasant costume, but from there downwards the legs,
which are hairy and end in hoofs, are naked . 22

Fully coinciding with the Forest spirit of the Votiaks is
the Vorys-mort (“ Forest man ”) of the Siryans. The Siryans
fear to call him by his correct name, and so all kinds of mys-
terious names are used for him. Generally, like the Russians,
they call him Dyadya (“ Uncle”). Like that of the Votiaks,
the Siryan Forest spirit also resembles a human being, having
his house and family in the forest. He is large in size and
taller than the highest tree, for which reason the Siryans often
call him “ Tall uncle.” He rushes from place to place like a
whirlwind and sometimes carries both people and cattle with
him. Women fear him greatly, as he is believed to seek
amorous adventures with them. The Forest spirits of the
Siryans celebrate weddings, gathering then, as at human wed-
dings, in great companies. On the whole the “ Forest man ”


182


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


is a good spirit, being often of great use. To huntsmen,
especially, who live on good terms with him, he shows the way
through the wilds, sits by their camp-fires to warm himself,
and drives game into their snares. Wherefore the hunters
now and then make small offerings to him; sometimes a little
tobacco, which they place on a stump in the forest, as “ Forest
uncle ” is known to like tobacco. But other offerings are also
made to him, such as squirrel-skins and bread and salt, when
the cattle have happened to go astray in the forest . 23

On making comparisons, one notices that the Siryan and
North Votiak ideas of the Forest spirits have been borrowed
from the Russians to a very great extent, and resemble the
popular beliefs of these down to details, the Russian names
being also the local ones. Similarly, Tatar influence is per-
ceptible in the Southern Votiak area. As appears already
from the name, the evil Surali is a loan from foreign sources.
The “ Half-man,” who seems to have been known also among
the Ostiaks, corresponds to the Chuvash Ar zori, which has
the same meaning, and the “ Cowfooted man ” to the Tatar
Syiyr-ajak (“Cow-foot ”). 24

An anthropomorphic Forest spirit, who can change his height,
so that he can be as tall as a pine, is also the Cheremiss Kozla-ia
(“ Forest spirit ”) or as he is sometimes called Targeldes. In
some districts he is said to have only one eye in the centre
of his forehead. Sometimes he appears as a forest-animal, a
dog, an owl, or also as a hay-stack, a stump, etc. He moves
from place to place as a whirlwind. The usual abode of the
Forest spirit is the forest, but often he visits the fields and
meadows. In the forest he shrieks, or roars with laughter,
so that the cattle become frightened. He can speak human
languages and call the traveller by his name, and by pretend-
ing to be his friend, entice him into his power. People be-
lieve him and follow him until they can no longer find their
way again. Thus the Forest spirit causes people to become lost.
When lost in this way in the forest, one must change the right


FOREST SPIRITS


183

boot on to the left foot, and vice versa , to find one’s way
home. To fall into the power of the Forest spirit is danger-
ous, as he tickles people to death. When in a good mood he
will go to the huntsmen’s log-fires to warm himself, but when
angry he puts the fires out. Often he rides full gallop on
a horse, frightening people who are picking berries or mush-
rooms. In stories we are told that the Forest spirit also goes
to the villages, where he sits down with the people and takes
part in their feasts. He also arranges feasts and weddings
in the forests, where he has a magnificent home and a large
family, servants and cattle. To see the Forest-people is not
a good sign, as very often some accident, sickness, or death
follows . 25

Ovda is another evil Forest spirit who has descended from
the Chuvash to the Volga Finns. Besides living in the forest
it is said to dwell in chasms in the rocks and in the ruins of
old castles. These last named, one often hears called “ Ovda’s
village.” Ovda wanders in the forest in the shape of a hu-
man being, but its feet are turned backwards. It is naked,
with long hair and large breasts which it sometimes throws
over its shoulders, and it is also covered with hair. Sometimes
it appears as a man, sometimes as a woman. It has a home and
property in the forest. In the same way as Targeldes cele-
brates a marriage, Ovda also moves then as a whirlwind, so
that the trees bend to the ground. Often one may hear it
laugh and clap its hands in the forest. Ovda is feared be-
cause it approaches people, enticing them to dance or wrestle
with it, when it tickles or dances them to death. A human
being can overpower the Forest spirit if he knows how to
touch it on the left armpit, where there is a hole, the Forest
spirit becoming powerless immediately when touched there.
Ovda tortures animals out at pasture, as well as people, some-
times mounting a horse and racing it nearly to death. In some
places the people say that Ovda will mount a horse and make
the poor animal run backwards. The Cheremiss call this


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


184

spirit also by the Tatar name Surali. A foreign name for an
evil Forest spirit is Alvasta . 20

When a Cheremiss makes offerings to the Forest spirits he
addresses them mostly by the names Kosla-Kuguza and Kosla-
Kuva (“ Old man ” and “ Old woman of the forest ”). He
asks them for protection in the spring when he sends his cattle
out into the forest. When a hunter goes out hunting he cuts
a little opening in a tree and puts in a piece of bread for the
Forest man, in the hope that the latter will help him by
driving game into his path. The “ Old man and Old woman
of the forest ” are further appealed to when a person is lost
in the forest or wishes to spend the night there, and in the
sacred groves, the people never omit to pour a drink-offering
on the ground for the “ Forest man and Forest woman.” 27

To the Mordvin Vir-ava (“ Forest mother ”) alien features
have also become attached later, which are obviously loans from
the Forest spirits of the Russians. More especially in tales,
the “ Forest mother ” is a humanlike being as high as a tree.
She has a particular habit of sometimes slinging her large
hanging breasts over her shoulders. She has long, freely
flowing hair and her legs are as thick as logs. Besides appear-
ing in human guise the “ Forest mother ” shows herself also
in other forms, e.g., as a flame burning on the ground, as a
whirlwind, or as any of the forest animals. She visits the
villages in the form of a dog, a cat, or a wolf. A general
belief is further that the Forest spirit appears at times as a
horse flying at full speed through the forest. In stories it
is said that the Forest spirit comes to the log fires to warm her
long hands . 28

Among the Baltic Finns also, a Forest spirit resembling a
human being is met with. Usually the Finns call the Forest
spirit Metsanhaltia (“ Forest ruler ”), every forest possess-
ing one of these beings. In some places he is believed to be
an old grey-bearded man with a coat of lichen. Here also
the Forest spirit can lengthen his body so that his head is on


FOREST SPIRITS


185

a level with the highest tree. When seen, he is of the height
of an average human being but on being approached he be-
came longer, so that at a distance of nine paces, he was six
yards in height, and at six paces nine yards in height. Accord-
ing to other reports the Forest spirit grew smaller on approach.

Sometimes the Forest spirit appears as a woman. In West
Finland the Metsanneitsyt (“ Forest virgin ”) is said to look
like a very beautiful, well-dressed woman, but from behind
she is like a stump, a bundle of twigs, a pole or a trough.
Sometimes she is fitted with a tail like an animal. The Forest
virgin is in love with men, and entices them to cohabit with
her . 29

The Finnish Metsanhaltia has its counterpart in the Skogs-
radare of the Swedish Finns, and likewise their Metsanneitsyt
in the Skogsjungfru of the latter. The Mets-haldijas
(“ Forest ruler ”) is known also among the North Esthonians,
his cry in the forest meaning that something special is about
to happen, — a death, — for example . 30

Bishop Agricola mentions two Karelian Forest or Game
spirits — Nyrckes (in folk-poetry, Nyyrikki, “ Tapio’s son”),
who “ gave squirrels from the forest,” and Hittavainen, who
“ brought hares from the bushes.” The latter is even today
known in East Finland ; the people say, for example, of a good
hunter that: “ Hittavainen will bring him game even if he set
his traps in the stable-loft.” Etymologically these names are
not clear.

A peculiar idea of the Finns is that one must make offerings
to the Forest spirit at some ant-hill. Here, however, one can
note traces of the former belief in certain small anthropo-
morphic beings, who were supposed to live under the earth
(Maahiset, Esthonian Maa-alused, Swedish Alva). It is be-
lieved that “ those who live under the earth,” and who can
cause skin-diseases in one who sits down near their abode, are
small ant-like beings. Similar beliefs are also met with in
Sweden, where such ant spirits are called Alv-myror . 31 Un-


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


1 86

derground people and Forest spirits often play similar parts
in folk-belief.

If the forest people were angered, they could keep one in
the forest, so that it became impossible to find one’s way any-
where. Especially if, when wandering in the forest, one hap-
pened to hit on the Forest spirit’s track, one was sure to be-
come lost. Those who had thus been bewildered by the
Forest spirit were called “ forest-bewitched.” To find one’s
way out of the forest the reversing of one’s garments was
employed. Cattle which had become lost in the forest, were
said to be “hidden by the forest” ( metsan peitossa ). The
Swedes in Finland called this skogen halier (“ the forest
keeps ”).

According to the Cheremiss the anthropomorphic Forest
spirits were originally human beings. It is believed that those
who die in the forest become Forest spirits or their assistants.
When anyone dies in the forest, he becomes a Forest spirit,
who on the site of his death frightens people and causes
them to lose their way so that they too may die . 32 Even a
horse that dies in the forest is believed to move in the night
and to attack wanderers. The Cheremiss call it “ horse-
Targeldes.” 33

The ceremonies attached to the making of offerings to the
Forest spirit by the Votiaks also bring into mind the cult of
the dead. In certain districts it is an old custom at the worship
of the Forest spirit to remember the dead. Aminoff relates
that in the District Vjatka, where hunting still plays an im-
portant part in the nourishing of the tribe, offerings are made
at the beginning of the autumn hunt to the dead, coincidentally
with those to the Forest spirits . 34 It is hardly to be wondered
at that the dead should gradually have changed into Forest
spirits, when one remembers that burials took place in the
forest at an earlier time. A relic of this old custom can still
be traced among the Votiaks, who believe the dead to in-
habit willingly the depths of the forest. And further, it is


FOREST SPIRITS


187

only natural that those who have found an unknown grave
in the forest should remain there as feared, ghostly beings.

One must, however, also recollect that the ceremonies in
honour of the fallen bear and other more remarkable forest
animals are of a similar character. That among the Forest
spirits there should actually be found the race-souls of tutelary
genii of animals appears, e.g., from the beliefs of the Lapps.
Originally these animal spirits moved in the material shape
of the animal they represented 5 little by little they became,
in the imagination of these people, more humanlike. But
even thus changed, they cannot hide their origin — they are
hairy, like animals, they have the feet or tails of beasts, etc.
The Ingrian wolf-spirit is described in the following tale:
“ To a village tavern in Sombra there once came a being, who
was in all else like a man except that he had a wolf’s head,
and asked for spirits to drink. He was offered a small bottle
which, in the host’s opinion, was quite enough for a man.
The guest was, however, unsatisfied, and drank first a whole
can, and then several small bottles in addition. When he was
about to leave, the host, wondering greatly, asked him who
he was. The guest answered that he was one. who would lead
all the wolves out of their country.” 36

But the forest itself and the separate trees contained therein
were also regarded as animated among the Finno-Ugric
peoples. Charuzin relates that when the Lapp goes to the
forest to fell trees, he strikes the trunks first with the back
of the axe before beginning to chop them down, or, as the
Lapps themselves say, “ kills the tree first.” Should they
omit to do this, they believe that the wood from these trees
will crackle and throw out sparks when burning. 36 Mrs. De-
mant-Hatt, during her travels among the Lapps, observed
that the Lapp girls, when returning from the heights to the
forest districts, hurried to embrace and greet the trees. Ac-
cording to the missionary Lundius, the Lapps also worshipped
trees, as when they had shot down game from a tree, they


1 88 FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY

laid the feet of the animal in the tree, smearing it also with
the blood. 37

In the same way the Cheremiss also regard the forest in
animistic fashion. When they go into it, they greet the trees,
ask them the way, and pray to them for a peaceful resting-
place for the night. In the morning they give thanks and
offer their hands to the tree under which they have spent
the night. “ The tree understands what men say, and the
forest listens to the song of the hunter.” The trees are afraid
of the lumbermen and tremble when one of these goes by with
his axe on his shoulder. When felled, the tree attempts to
kill its murderer by falling on him. It is even believed that
trees can change their sites. As elsewhere in nature, one may
not use ugly or rough words in the forest. The Cheremiss
speak also of the tree’s “soul ” ( ort ). While the soul is in
the tree, it is glad and prospers, but when the “ soul ” moves
away, the tree withers. At festivals for the furthering of
bee cultivation, an offering of a duck is even made to the
“ tree-soul.” When hanging up a bee-hive in a tree, they
say: “ Tree-soul (Pu-ort), give luck to the bees,” or: “ Gather
the bees around thee.” 38