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« on: July 13, 2019, 03:29:59 PM »
Fig. 89. The Constellations Leo and Hydra as Mushussu, with Planet Jupiter. Astronomical Tablet of Persian Period
There is a close relation between this old Sumerian monster and the new female dragon Tiamat, introduced by the authors of the Epic of Creation to represent the hostile bitter waters of Chaos. Mushussu is, in fact, described in a Sumerian poem as inhabiting the tamtu or salt-sea, and in a work written to glorify the War-god Ninurta. It is, therefore, possible that, when the priests of Babylon elaborated the famous myth of the creation of the Heaven and Earth by Marduk out of the body of Tiamat, they already possessed a Sumerian legend which contained at least the beginning of this theory of the origin of all things from water.
A myth concerning a dragon Labbu, or Labu, has been pre- served in Accadian, but references to this dragon in Sumerian heroic poetry prove that a myth concerning a battle between Ninurta and Labbu existed. The legend ran that cities and peoples sorrowed and wailed because of the Labbu, saying:
THE BABYLONIAN EPIC OF CREATION 287
“ Who ^ore this great serpent?
The sea (Tamtu = Tiamat) it is that bore this great serpent.
Enlil designed him in the Heavens.
Fifty miles is his length, one mile long is his head ( ? ),
Six cubits (wide) is his mouth, twelve cubits is his . . .
Twelve cubits are the borders of his ears.
At a distance of sixty cubits he . . . birds.
In the water he drags his tail nine cubits.
He lifts high his tail. . . .”
All the Heaven bowed down before Enlil ( ? ) laying hold of the robe of the Moon-god, and saying:
“ Who will go and slay the Labbu,
Deliver the wide land.
And exercise the kingship?
Go, O Tishpak, slay the Labbu,
Deliver the wide land.
And exercise kingship.”
It is not clear whether the gods gave Tishpak this order, or whether it was Enlil or Sin, the Moon-god. The appeal to the Moon-god recalls the myth of the seven devils who were sup- posed to have surrounded the crescent of the moon, and caused its period of darkness at the end of the month. In fact one of these seven devils was called Abbu in a text which probably has omitted the sign la, and the name is really Labbu.^^ Tishpak is an Elamitic name for Ninurta, and a hymn to Ninurta says that “ At the mention of his name the mighty power of the form of Labbu whom Enlil in his might begat bowed before him.”
Labbu means strictly speaking “ the raging one,” and is often employed for “ lion.” In this myth Labbu is a “ great ser- pent,” and the Sumerian epic of Ninurta discussed in Chap- ter II refers to this Labbu, the great serpent, the powerful god, despoiler of all lands, offspring of [the river Habur?], whom the bearded Ninurta smote and [severed] his body.^® In the late Assyrian version of this myth its original form is overlaid with new motifs. The serpent monster created by Enlil refers
288
SEMITIC MYTHOLOGY
to an unrecovered Sumerian legend of the destruction of the world by Enlil similar to those sent by the same god and de- scribed in Chapter VIII. Then the Labbu is turned into a dragon of Chaos, enemy of the gods, against whom their cham- pion, always Ninurta in the old mythology, goes forth to battle. Moreover a new astronomical interpretation is added. Enlil de- signed him among the stars, which indicates a confusion with Mushussu, that is Hydra. The most important aspect of the myth is that as a dragon of Chaos, clearly foreign to the original version, Labbu was begotten by the female dragon of the salt sea, Tamtu.
When Tishpak heard the order of Enlil(.?) to slay Labbu he said:
“Thou hast sent me, O lord; the offspring of the river [Habur^
I know not and the ... of Labbu.”
Here the text has a long break in which Tishpak’s speech is lost, and when the narrative can be taken up again Enlil(?) gives directions to Tishpak.
“ Cause a cloud to go up, a hurricane [unchain.^
The seal of thy soul before thy face [hold].
Rush forth, slay the Labbu.”
And so he sent forth a cloud and unchained a hurricane; he held his seal of life before him, rushed forth, and slew Labbu. For three years, three months, one day, and ten . . . the blood of Labbu ran upon the [sea^.
This text provides one of the few clear evidences that Su- merian mythology actually contained the basis of all later Baby- lonian speculations concerning the origin of the universe from water, and furnished the Babylonian schoolmen with material for the myth of Tamtu or Tiamat, dragon of the sea. The old Sumerian word for the salt-sea was a-ah-ha^ or simply ah^ and they had a liturgy known as a-ab-ha the terrifying.” The Sumerian dragon of the primeval bitter sea was a male dragon
THE BABYLONIAN EPIC OF CREATION 289
subdued by Ninurta."® In the later Babylonian speculation the Semitic word for the salt-sea, tamtu, tiamtu, ta-a-wa-tu, tu-amaty ti-amaty as it is variously spelled, supplanted the male dragon Ugga, Mushussu of Sumerian mythology, and became a female monster solely because this word is feminine in Semitic.
The Babylonian Epic of Creation was written in six books or tablets, with a late appendix added as the seventh book, as a commentary on the fifty sacred Sumerian titles of Marduk. No copies of the Babylonian text exist earlier than the age of Nebuchadnezzar. The epic had immense vogue in Assyria, where the national god Ashur replaced Marduk’s name in most of the copies, and it is from the city Ashur that all the earliest known texts are derived. These are at least three centuries earlier than any surviving southern copy. Since traces of the influence of the epic are found in Babylonian iconography as early as the sixteenth century, it is assumed that the work was composed in the period of Babylon’s great literary writers of the first dynasty. If they had a Sumerian model before them it may have been the lost poem:
“ In a day of antiquity, when they created Heaven and Earth,
In a night of antiquity, when they created Heaven and Earth.”
Whatever may have been the philosophical theories set forth in any of the earlier compositions, it is clear that the theories propounded in this epic are those which prevailed henceforth among Semitic peoples. The epic is known from its first line, enuma elis la nabu samamUy “ When on high the Heavens were not named,” involving the theory that nothing existed before the gods had conceived its form and given it a name. And “ beneath home(s) bore no name(s).” Then the apsu or underworld fresh water sea, the primeval engenderer of all things, and tiamtUy the salt-sea, bearer of all, mingled their waters together. These were the original male and female principles of the watery Chaos, and there was Mummu, mes- senger of Apsu (personified as a divine creature) whose name
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SEMITIC MYTHOLOGY
means “ intelligence,” the creative word or principle inherent in water. Damascius, a Greek philosopher of the sixth century A.D., reports this theory more accurately than any classical au- thor. He says that the Babylonians pass over the first principle of all things and begin with two, Tauthe and Apas5n, making Apason the husband of Tauthe j from them proceeded the only begotten Moymis. He interprets Mbymis to mean the intelligible world. The Babylonians themselves interpreted Mummu to mean both “ utterance,” i.e., “ word,” “ logos” and “ life.” Berossus, who wrote at Babylon when these doctrines were still well known, describes their theories as having been revealed by Cannes himself. He says that there was a time when all was darkness and water in which came to life monsters of peculiar forms. There were men with two wings and some with four wings, and two faces. They had two heads, one of a male, the other of a female, and were androgynous. Some had legs and horns of goats, some horses’ feetj some had the bodies of men and hindquarters of horses like hippocentaurs. There were men with heads of bulls, and dogs with four bodies and tails of fishes; there were horses with heads of dogs and there were men and animals having heads and bodies of horses, with tails of fishes. All sorts of monstrous beings existed in this Chaos, and Berossus saw designs of them in the temple of Bel in Babylon.
These primeval monsters are the dragons in the train of Tiamat, who figured in various older stories of the combats of Ninurta and the monsters of darkness and watery Chaos. In all the late texts Bel refers to Marduk. Berossus says that there ruled over them a woman named Omoroka (usually cor- rected to Omorka), in Chaldaean Thalatd, which means “ sea.” Thalatd is surely a corruption of Thamte, for Tamtu, Tiamat. No title of Tiamat which could have given rise to the name Omoroka has been found.
Apsu and his wife Tiamat ruled in this Chaos long before the gods existed.
THE BABYLONIAN EPIC OF CREATION 291
Tab. I, 7. “ When none of the gods had been brought into being,
And they were not named, and had not been decreed (their) fates.”
The epic then describes how the gods of order descended through a series of divine pairs. The first pair were Lahmu and Lahamu, about whose characters the authors of the epic are themselves in doubt, sometimes assigning them to the original brood of dragons, and sometimes regarding them as the first of the gods of order. These names are preserved by Damascius as Lache and Lachos.
A description of a monster, called Sassu . . . innu, says that it had a serpent head with body of a fish, and that it was a Lahmu of the sea.^® Here the word is used as a general name for a sea-serpent. The same text calls Asakku, one of the primeval dragons, a Lahmu, and Lahmu himself is described. He clutches Heaven with his two hands j he binds on a girdle. His left foot treads the earth, and his right foot is twisted. The ridge of his right foot is a bird’s claw, and one of his parts is like that of a lion. His name is Lahmu, the calamity.
After ages the pair Anshar and Kishar were created, and they were more excellent than the preceding deities. With them begins a series of emanations definitely regarded as gods of the pantheon and opposed to the powers of darkness. An- shar, the male, means simply “ host of Heaven,” and Kishar, the female, “ host of Earth.”
13. “The days lengthened, the years increased.
Anu was their son, the equal of his fathers,
Anshar made Anu his first-born equal to himself.
Anu begat Nudimmud, his equal,
Nudimmud the ‘ begetter ’ of his fathers was he.”
Nudimmud, title of the third member of the trinity, is a name of Enki (Ea) the Water-god. He is called “begetter,” as the deity who created the pantheon of artisan gods, and his
292
SEMITIC MYTHOLOGY
fathers Lahmu, Anshar, and Anu, regarded him as the “ be- getter ” among themselves. The epic omits the great Earth- god Enlil, second member of the trinity. But Damascius pre- serves the tradition that from KIssare and Assdros descended Anos, Illinos, and Aos, i.e., Anu, Enlil, and Ea. The omission of the all-important Enlil is due to the connivance of the priests of Babylon, who wished to exalt their City-god Marduk into the ancient roles of NInurta and his father Enlil. Marduk was the son of Ea, and consequently the Water-god Ea enters upon the scene as the first hero of the epic.
Ea or Nudimmud was wide-eared, wise, and mighty In strength, even more than Anshar his progenitor 5 the gods banded themselves together, revolted against Tiamat, and glorified their defender (Ea). They troubled the mind of Tiamat with their singing in Anduruna (a name of the under- world in mythology) and their clamour was not diminished in the Apsu. According to this myth the gods still lived in the watery Chaos.
Their behaviour was obnoxious to Tiamat, and Apsu, her husband, summoned Mummu, his messenger, and together they went to Tiamat. They sat down before her and Apsu said:
37. “ Their way has become grievous unto me.
By day I find not peace, by night I sleep not.
I will destroy and confound their ways.
Let tranquillity reign and let us sleep, even us.”
Tiamat flew into a rage and planned to destroy the gods. Mummu urged his father Apsu to put an end to the rebellion.
51. “Apsu hearkened unto him and his countenance beamed.
Because he planned injuries against the gods his sons.
The neck of Mummu he embraced.
He lifted him to his knees and kissed him.”
These three planned the utter annihilation of the gods and they repeated their decision to them:
THE BABYLONIAN EPIC OF CREATION 293
57. “The gods wept as they hastened.
Silence reigned and they sat whispering.
The exceedingly wise one, the clever in skill,
Ea, who knoweth all things, perceived their plan.”
Ea’s weapon, which he employed to subdue the dragon Apsu, was a curse and an incantation. The first combat between the gods and the dragons now arrives. Ea recited his curse over the waters and poured out sleep over Apsu as he lay in a cavern. Having him now at his mercy, Ea castrated him, severed his sinews, and tore off his crown.
68. “ His splendour he took from him and he clothed himself with it.^^ He bound Apsu and slew him.
Mummu he tied and his skull he crushed.
He fixed upon the Apsu his dwelling.
72. Mummu he seized making firm his bands.”
By this myth the epic explains how Ea obtained the fresh- water sea beneath the earth as his own abode. Ea’s method of combat by an incantation is entirely consonant with his char- acter in Sumero-Babylonian religion. He was the supreme deity of lustration and keeper of the holy curses employed by the priests against demons.
Ea founded his secret chamber in the Apsu, and therein Lahmu and Lahamu took up their abode. This is the As- syrian version, but the original Babylonian texts have Ea and Damkina his wife as the pair who took possession of the Apsu. Damascius again reported the tradition correctly when he wrote Aos and Daauke. Here was born the hero of the myth, Marduk, whom Damascius names Belos. The Assyrian copies, of course, replace Marduk by Ashur. Marduk’s infancy and youth are now described. Damkina, his mother, caused him to suck at the breasts of goddesses, an illogical statement, for no account is made of the creation of other goddesses. His nurse filled him with terrible power, his form was beautiful, and his eyes brilliant. Ea his father rejoiced for his noble
SEMITIC MYTHOLOGY
294
son and gave him double divinity 5 he surpassed all in height, and his proportions were immeasurably great, overpowering to behold,
Marduk is here described as Janus-headed, corresponding to the traditions concerning the Sun-gods.^®
95, “ Four were his eyes, four were his ears.
When he moved his lips fire blazed forth.
Four ears grew large,
98, And his eyes behold all things even as that one (Ea).”
10 1. “ What for a son, what for a son?
A sun child was he. Sun-god of the gods.
He was clothed in the splendour of ten gods, powerful was he exceedingly.
The . . . loaded their fieriness upon him.
. . . and Anu begat the four winds,
106. Which restrain the Mushussu, commander of the host.”
In a later episode Marduk employed the winds in his combat with Tiamat, as did Tishpak in his struggle with the Labbu. The dragon Tiamat was disturbed by the news of the death of Apsu, her husband. Day and night she hastened. Her offspring came to her aid.
109. “The sons imfure . . .
They plotted evil in their minds.
To Tiamat the mother these said:
‘ When they slew Apsu thy husband.
At his side thou didst not go, but thou didst sit as one wailing. Make thou a scimetar julL of terror.
1 15. Torn asunder are thy bowels, and we sleep not.
Remember Apsu thy husband
And Mummu who is bound; thou sittest alone.
. . . quickly shalt thou hasten.
. . . thou lovest us not.
120. Poured out are our bowels, dazed are our eyes.
\Let them bear^ the yoke and let us repose unceasingly.
. . . take vengeance for them . . . and hand over to the whirlwind.’
THE BABYLONIAN EPIC OF CREATION 295
124. Tiamat heard and the word(s) pleased her:
124. Come . . .] give ye and let us make spirits of wrath.
[Let us . . . ] and the gods in the midst of . . . [let
us ... ]
... we will make war, against the gods we will . . .’ ”
The text gives no further account of how Tiamat created the host of monsters, but proceeds immediately to describe them.
128. “They cursed the day- (light) and went forth at the side of Tiamat.
They raged, they plotted, without resting night and day.
130. They raised (the standard of) battle, they fumed, they raged. They assembled forces, making hostility.
Mother Hubur, the designer of all things.
Added thereto weapons which are not withstood; she gave birth to mighty serpents.
Sharp of tooth, sparing not the fang.
135. With poison as blood she filled their bodies.
Gruesome monsters she caused to be clothed with terror.
She caused them to bear dreadfulness, she made them like gods. Whosoever beholds them they ban with terror.
Their bodies rear up and none restrain their breast.”
Then the nine monsters in her train are named, nine in all. The epic says that there were eleven, by which it must be sup- posed that two are not mentioned. These are probably Zu and Asakku, whose names may have been omitted through some prejudice of the priests at Babylon. Their names appear, however, in the rituals based upon this epic. Now appears for the first time the monster Kingu, more correctly Qingu, also written in one text Kingugu. This dragon does not appear in early mythology at all, and is thought to be an invention of the authors of the epic. If, however, Kingu is a creation of the Babylonian priests in order to obtain a second husband for Tiamat to replace the slain Apsu, it would be difficult to ex- plain a late Babylonian copy of a mystic Tablet, a commentary with symbols of deities, used by the kalu priests or psalmists.*^ It is said to have been copied at Nippur from an ancient text.
SEMITIC MYTHOLOGY
296
and it is certain that the Babylonian theories of creation were never accepted at this ancient Sumerian city. This Tablet men- tions the god Kingugu among seven captured gods, and identi- fies him with Enmesharra, ancient god of the lower world. His name is also written Kingu of the month Nisan, whom Anu and Enlil [slew?]. The word is clearly of Sumerian origin, but his function in earlier mythology is unknown.
146. “ Among the gods her first-born, who formed her assembly,
She exalted Kingu, in their midst she magnified him.
As for those who go before the host, who direct the assembly, To undertake the bearing of arms, to advance to the attack, l 5 o. As to matters of battle, as to leadership.
She entrusted (them) to his hand and caused him to sit in the council (saying)
‘ I have uttered thy spell ; in the assembly of gods have I mag- nified thee.
The dominion of the gods, all of them, I have put into thy hand. Verily thou hast been exalted, O my husband, thou alone.
May thy names be greater than all the Anunnaki.’ ”
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« on: July 13, 2019, 03:29:13 PM »
And so drought came as Enlil had predicted. (Col. iv.) Here there is a long lacuna, which contained the same description of six years of famine as that which followed after the first and second catastrophes. In this lacuna the narrative probably con- tained an account of how Atarhasis again appealed to Ea, but apparently this fourth destruction had made an end of mankind entirely. For when the story is resumed men are created again by the mother goddess Mami. The ancient version, which con- tains part of this fourth episode, does not add much information. It says that the land had become enlarged and the population had multiplied. “ Because of their multitude Enlil ordered their destruction. In addition to a drought he sent a wind to despoil the . . .” Now the goddess Mami is summoned to cre- ate men, and after she had uttered an incantation she cast it over
274
SEMITIC MYTHOLOGY
a lump of clay. She placed seven pieces of the clay on her right, seven on her left, and created from them seven males on her right, and seven females on her left j after her own likeness she designed the forms of men.
At this point, interrupting the narrative, the scribe adds di- rections for a woman in child-birth, which proves that the myth was recited as a prelude to a magic ritual. In the house of a woman, who is in child-birth, a brick shall be placed, which rep- resents the divinity of the queen of the gods, the wise Mami. By this brick, symbol of the clay from which Mami made man, the angered gods will rejoice in the house of the pregnant woman, and where the childbearing woman gives birth, shall the mother nourish the infant herself. The ritual is here broken away, and on the Assyrian version over one hundred and twenty lines, narrating the last of the world disasters, are lost. This was the Flood, as is known by the continuation of the story on the second tablet of the old Babylonian version.
(Col. ii. Old Ver.) Enlil for a fourth time decided to destroy the world, and a part of his prophecy is preserved. On the mor- row Adad would send a rain-storm, but the people heeded not and continued to make great uproar. Here a long description of the approaching disaster occupying three columns of the text is lost,* and it is impossible to conjecture what all the contents of this great lacuna could possibly be. When the narrative can be taken up again (Col. v) the god Ea is protesting with the gods for commanding the Flood. Part of this lacuna contained Ea’s warning to Atarhasis. But his protest against the destruction of mankind by the deluge occurs, in this myth, before the event, and not after it as in the narrative of the eleventh book of the Epic of Gilgamish. Ea protests that the gods Shullat and Lu- gal, that is Shamash and Marduk, should take part in this mad plot of the gods. (Col. vi.) Here again the connection is lost and the text of the second Tablet ends with Atramhasis" speaking to Ea his lord. From an Assyrian fragment, which belongs to the part of the story at the end of this Tablet,
LEGENDS OF DESTRUCTION OF MEN 275
the following lines can be restored.® Ea now describes to Atarhasis the terrors of the Flood. He will reveal to him the time of its arrival. He commands him to enter a ship and close the doorj to load the ark with food and his possessions} to bring his family and household into the ship, with his skilled men} also the cattle and beasts of the field as many as eat grass, Ea gave him those who would guard the door of the ship. Atarhasis replied that he had never built a ship. A broken passage contains instructions by Ea for building the ship. Here the fragments end and the story of the escape of Atarhasis from the Flood in this poem is lost.
(Tab. Ill, Old Ver.) The third Tablet of the old Babylo- nian version, which contained in its first two columns the account of the building of the ark and of the Flood, is preserved in frag- mentary condition. The whole of the first two columns is lost} at the middle of the third column begins the account of how Mami again created men from clay. Enki (Ea) com- manded the great gods to slay a god that Ninhursag, that is Mami, might mingle the clay with the blood of the slain god and make lullu or man “ to bear the yoke.”
26. “ Verily god and man,
Shall ... in the clay.” ^
Apparently Enki means to say that the Mother-goddess thus created a being in whom existed divine and earthly elements. Thus the Babylonians explained the origin of man’s immortal soul, the temporary inhabitant of a body created from the earth. The same legend appears in Greek mythology among the Orphic writers, who, in their account of Zagreus, child of Zeus and Persephone, relate the story that the Titans slew and devoured this divine child. For this they were burned and from their ashes was born man, but his soul sprang from the blood of the slain god.
And so after the Flood man was again created from clay by the Mother-goddess, as she had done after the fourth destruc-
SEMITIC MYTHOLOGY
276
tion of the world. At this point the narrative is broken by a great lacuna in the third tablet 5 in the last column there are remains of a magic ritual for delivering a woman in child-birth. Again there is a reference to placing a brick, and
19. “The angry gods will rejoice in the house of the woman in pregnancy.
Where the childbearing woman gives birth,
21. The mother will by herself bring forth an infant.”
Although this long poem is one of the most deficiently pre- served of all the important mythological works of Babylonia and Assyria, it is one of the most interesting and important. Serving as a long narrative of the five catastrophes which visited and destroyed all men in the pre-diluvian period, it was actu- ally recited as a ritual to deliver a child. Thus a man was born, and by relating the legend of how the Mother-goddess had created men again after they had been destroyed, the magi- cians invoked her aid in bringing into the world a new life and a new soul. The poem bore the title Inuma, ilu-awelumy “ When a god-man,” from the first words of the first line. This probably refers to the purpose for which the poem was re- cited and may be restored: “ When a god-man is born.” Re- markable is the expression “ god-man,” which at once dis- closes the belief in the semi-divine nature of mankind. This doctrine finds renewed expression in the same poem after Mami had created lullu {“ man”) from clay and the blood of a god. In a broken passage the scribe apparently said that “ God and man were mingled in the clay,” when man sprang from clay in the hands of the Mother-goddess.
CHAPTER IX
THE BABYLONIAN EPIC OF CREATION AND SIMILAR SEMITIC MYTHS
S UMERIAN myths concerning the primeval battle between the Sun and War-god Ninurta and the dragon of Chaos, Zu, have been mentioned in the discussions of the Sumerian and Semitic pantheon. But there is no evidence in the extensive Sumerian literature that they had any considered theory of the creation of the world. That all things exist and were created by the Word or Logos of the Water-god Enki was a theory de- veloped by them. But cosmological reflections upon the crea- tion of the universe by the Sun-god, after he had slain the dragon of Chaos, which resulted in a considered myth and an epical masterpiece, are apparently of Accadian origin. The name of the dragon of Chaos, which appears in the great Epic of Creation, is also Semitic and not Sumerian. Moreover the dragon of the epic is a female, whereas in every Sumerian refer- ence to this primeval battle of Bel and the Dragon the latter is a male monster, and either the storm-bird Zu or the fabulous serpent Mushussu. Both of these dragons are reduced to the role of cohorts in the host of Tiamat, female dragon of the sea, in the Babylonian myth. Moreover every known representation of the battle of Bel and the Dragon in Babylonia and Assyria represents the dragon either as a winged lion with scaly body and bird talons, or as a serpent monster (Fig. 57). None of these representations on seals and monuments is earlier than the tenth century b.c., and even the prolific glyptique of the Hammurabi period, when this epic was probably written, shews no trace of the myth. Fig. 8 1 is a good example of the manner
SEMITIC MYTHOLOGY
278
in which the Assyrians represented Marduk or Ashur in conflict with the lion type of dragon. This seal has an Aramaic in- scription. The god rides upon a winged lion which belches flames from its mouth. The lion belching flames and carrying on its back a deity is a common motif , and belongs also to Sumerian mythology.
Now it is certain that the Mushussu, subdued by Ninurta in the old Sumerian mythology, was identified with the constella- tion Hydra by the Babylonians (Fig. 89) in the late period.*
Fig. 81. Combat of Marduk and a Dragon. Cylinder Seal
This myth of the Bel-Dragon conflict was, therefore, well known among the Babylonians, and it is all the more remarkable that up to the present not a single Accadian seal or monument repre- senting this combat in any style has been found outside the im- mediate vicinity of Babylon. Be it that the designs shew Mar- duk or Ashur subduing a winged lion, a serpent monster, or a Scorpion-man, they are invariably Assyrian. This is due to the simple fact that the Epic of Creation was a production of the priests of the city Babylon to glorify Marduk, and the mythol- ogy set forth in it was entirely rejected by all the other cults of
THE BABYLONIAN EPIC OF CREATION 279
Babylonia. They maintained allegiance to the old Sumerian mythology and beliefs. If seal cylinders from Babylon itself could be found,® they probably would disclose the same repre- sentations as do the Assyrian seals. The Assyrians accepted the mythology of the priests of Babylon, and possibly the priests of Barsippa near Babylon did also. It is clear that the combat of Marduk and Tiamat, as set forth in the Epic of Creation, gave rise to the prolific designs of this legend in the late period. The extraordinary aspect of the situation is that, in this mode of en-
Fig. 82. Combat of Marduk and the Dragon Zu. Cylinder Seal
graving seals and sculpturing designs on stone slabs of palaces, the artists reverted to the ancient Sumerian myths. Not once is the female dragon Tiamat represented. Fig. 82 shews one of these designs} here the monster Zu has become Pegasus.^ Fig. 83 has a design which illustrates the conquest of the Scor- pion-man in the epic. There are examples of a combat between Marduk or Ashur and a winged sphinx,® a winged human-headed animal with long beard,® a winged unicorn.^ The monster usually appears as a winged lion, as on Fig. 8 1, and is the type adopted by the sculptors of Assyria. A variation of the lion ® is shewn by Fig. 84. Here the lion has the eagle head,® accom-
28 o
SEMITIC MYTHOLOGY
panied by the inscription, “ Marduk, protector of the soul, life bestow.” The inscription apparently refers to the winged deity who wields a sickle-shaped weapon, and identifies the deity as Marduk. Another seal of the same type and bearing the same inscription enforces this conclusion.
The only Babylonian seals of this kind known to the writer are three from Kish. The seal. Fig. 85, was excavated at Kish in a Neo-Babylonian level, and is undoubtedly based upon the myth of Marduk and the dragons. Here Marduk with four
Fig. 83. Combat of Marduk and Scorpion-Man. Cylinder Seal
wings seizes a winged sphinx and a winged lion with eagle’s head. On another seal from Kish the four- winged Marduk is in the act of smiting a winged sphinx with a scimetar precisely as in Fig. 84. All of these seals would naturally be assigned to As- syria by scholars if no evidence of their 'provenance were avail- able. Another seal excavated at Kish represents Marduk strug- gling with two natural lions.’® It must be admitted that there is a possibility of their having been imported from Assyria, but this is improbable. They prove, apparently, that the mythological views of the priests of Babylon were also accepted at Kish in the age of Nebuchadnezzar, and that at Babylon itself and the cities in its immediate environment the combat of Marduk with
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the dragons was represented in art. In Assyrian glyptique there is another mythological representation in which the four-winged Ashur smites an ostrich (Fig. 86) or is represented struggling with two ostriches, one on either side.“ A figure of the winged Marduk smiting a winged unicorn with his scimetar bears the inscription: “ O Marduk, sparer of the soul, may I see thy bright light.” But when Marduk is represented strug- gling with such harmless animals as mountain deer,^® it is diffi- cult to believe that the ancient combat of the Sun-god with
Fig. 84. Combat of Marduk and the Eagle-headed Lion. Cylinder Seal
a dragon is intended. It is equally difficult to understand how the ostrich can represent a myth of this kind, were it not for the fact that the ostrich was also a demon in Semitic mythology.
Frequently a human figure, undoubtedly the king, takes the place of the god Marduk in these combats with winged mon- sters. This is based either upon the legend of Lugalbanda, originally a king of Erech, and latterly identified with Ninurta, who conquered the lion-headed eagle Zu, dragon of storms and foe of the sun, or upon a ritual of this legend in which the king represented the Sun-god. See Fig. 87, a human being, strug- gling with a winged sphinx and a unicorn. It is difficult
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to decide whether any of these monsters in conflict with Marduk represents the lion-headed eagle Zu of the old Sumerian myth of the Sun -god Ninurta and Zu the dragon of storms and dark- ness. The combat between light and darkness is the basis of the later myth of Marduk and Tiamat, but the cosmological and theological speculation is new and based upon the theory that all things sprang from watery chaos. For this reason the female serpent-dragon Tiamat, literally the word for the bitter
Fig. 85. Cylinder Seal Excavated at the Temple Hursagkalama IN Kish. Marduk in Combat with Winged Lion. Oxford Field Museum Expedition
ocean, became the principal dragon of Chaos and foe of the Sun-god. The dragon Zu of the old Sumerian myth does not survive in the new Babylonian Epic of Creation. Here the dragons in the train of Tiamat are Basmu, “ Viper,” Mushussru, “ Raging-serpent,” latterly the constellation Hydra, Lahamu, Ugallu, “ Great-lion,” probably Leo in Astronomy, Uridimmu, “ the Gruesome-lion,” the constellation Lupus, Girtablili, “ the Scorpion-man,” the constellation Sagittarius, Omu dapruti, “ the Destructive Spirits,” used as a singular {fluralis majesta- tis)y Kulilu, “ the Fish-man,” the constellation Aquarius, Kusa-
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riqqu, “ the Fish-man,” the constellation Capricorn. Other lists based upon this epic have also Zu and Asakku.
Of all these dragons of Chaos (according to the new philoso- phy of the epic), only Zu appears with certainty as a foe of the sun in the older system of mythology. In the representations of the battle of Marduk and the dragons the lion (Fig. 81) is probably Ugalluj the serpent monster with two forefeet of a lion or beast of prey (Fig. 57) is Mushussu. The winged horse
Fig. 86. Combat of Marduk and a Dragon Represented as an Ostrich.
Cylinder Seal
(Fig. 82) is a form of Zu, based on an astronomical identifica- tionj possibly the eagle-headed lion (Fig. 84) is also Zu. The Scorpion-man is clear enough and leaves no doubt (Fig. 83). The winged sphinx (Fig. 85), the winged unicorn, the ostrich, the winged human-headed beast with long beard, are not iden- tifiable with any of these dragons. The bearded beast with legs and body of a lion may perhaps be Kingu, husband of Tiamat and leader of her host. The winged sphinx has forefeet of a lion and hind legs of a bird of prey.
Besides Zu only the dragon Mushussu belongs to Sumerian
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mythology, and there is no clear evidence that this serpent monster ever figured as a foe of the Sun-god. Fig. 88, from a monument of Gudea, shews the old Sumerian conception of this monster. The body and head are ophidian, the forefeet are those of a lion, and the hind legs those of a bird of prey. The tail ends in a scorpion’s sting. It has a low crown with two horns j two feathers project from the top, and a lock of hair hangs from the back of its head. A seal of Gudea shews the god Ningishzida with the heads of this monster projecting
Fig. 87. A Man in Combat with the Winged Sphinx and a Wild Animal.
Cylinder Seal
from his two shoulders.’^ The god Ningishzida was identified with the constellation Hydra in the late period and so was also Mushussu. The design of this animal as Hydra (Fig. 89), from an astronomical tablet of the age of the Seleucidae, em- phasizes the serpent form of the body. The wings are reduced to small proportions. The horns and feathers are preserved (only one of each being shewn), and the forefeet. The design agrees almost completely with the scene of Marduk’s conquest of this dragon on Fig. 57. In Sumerian mythology this mon- ster is symbolic of Ningishzida, a vegetation deity and form of the dying god Tammuz. Sometimes he has not only the Mushussu springing from his shoulders but also a serpent twin-
THE BABYLONIAN EPIC OF CREATION 285
ing about his body/® He was a chthonian deity and his parents were Ninazu and Ningirda, lord and queen of Arallu.
It is totally inexplicable that this monster, symbol of one of the most beneficent and unwarlike of gods, should have become
one of the dragons of the salt sea and foe of Marduk. In the Cassite period a debased type of Mushussu always accompanies the symbols of Marduk (Fig. 51, third register) and his son Nabu. A figure of this monster with emphasis upon its rapa- cious legs and claws was found at Nippur, from the period of Hammurabi, when the Epic of Creation was probably written.^® The teaching of the Babylonian school certainly ran not at Nip-
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pur, but this figure proves that the Mushussu had now become a dragon and symbol of some evil power. For this reason the advocates of the new philosophy and the new mythology at Babylon, who attached these myths of the conquest of the Sun- god over the dragons of darkness to Marduk, transformed Mushussu into the dragon of watery Chaos. Henceforth it be- comes the principal symbol of his victory, and elaborate figures of this primeval sea-monster on the walls of Babylon recalled to all men who lived there, or who visited the magnificent capi- tal in the great days of Nebuchadnezzar and the Persian kings, the triumph of Bel “ in the beginning ” when he created the universe.
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The story of the Flood ended with Gilgamish and the boat- man Ursanapi at Erech, where they were occupied in restor- ing the walls of the city. Book twelve begins with an entirely new situation and was probably added by the scribes j it has no relation to the main theme of the epicj Gilgamish’s futile quest for the plant of life had been told and he had returned to Erech. The poets now add a mythological poem on the conditions in which the souls of the dead exist in Arallu. The poem begins :
I. “ Once on a time a net in the house of the carpenter verily was . . . A trap [in the house of the carpenter verily was . . .].”
These obscure lines are not entirely elucidated by the later references in the poem where Gilgamish complains that the net and the trap had smitten him. There is some still un- explained allusion here to the “ net and trap ” fashioned by the gods, a poetical description of the fate of man. The gods have all men in the toils of fate. It is possible that the house of the carpenter refers to the god Enki, patron of all artisans, and that the “ carpenter god ” had been ordered to fashion the “ net ” for each man, which finally brings him to the end of his career. The poet then says :
3. “ O my lord, why [was . . . ?],
The net [in the house of the carpenter . . . ? ]
The trap [in the house of the carpenter . • . ? ] .”
These lines are a reflection on life, and the poet now passes to the concrete example of how Gilgamish himself failed to escape from the net of the gods. This may, in fact, be part of the group of wise sayings attributed to Utnapishtim 5 “ my lord ” refers to Gilgamish. The poet now addresses Gilgamish and says, “ Gilgamish [thou who . . .], if [thou wishest to . . .],” and again, “Gilgamish [thou who . . .], if [thou wishest to . . •], to the sanctuary of . . .” This is generally taken to mean that Gilgamish wishes to descend to the lower world to discover his friend Enkidu, and to see the abode of the dead.
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The instructions of Utnapishtim were that to do this he must not clothe himself in clean garments, or, as though he were a fugitive, they would know him, alas!
16. “Thou shalt not anoint thyself with good oil of the stone bowl. For they (the souls of the dead) will assemble about thee to smell it.
Thou shalt not plant the bow on the ground,^®
For they who were smitten by the bow will surround thee.
20. Thou shalt not lift a cudgel in thy hand,
For the ghosts will curse thee.
Sandals on thy feet shalt thou not put.
Thou shalt not make a noise in the underworld.
Thy wife, whom thou lovest, shalt thou not kiss,
25. Thy wife, whom thou hatest, shalt thou not smite,
28. For the misery of the underworld will seize thee.”
He is told that in the land of the dead sleeps the Mother- goddess Ninazu, and “ her two clean flanks are not covered by a garment, her breast like the bowl of an ointment jar is not . . .” She holds the dead in bondage.
But he clothed himself in a clean garment, and as though he were a fugitive they knew him, alas ! He anointed himself, and they assembled about him. He planted his bow on the ground, and they who had died by the bow surrounded him. He lifted a cudgel in his hand and the ghosts cursed him. He put on sandals and made a noise in the underworld. He kissed the wife he loved and smote the one he hated, he kissed the son he loved and smote the one he hated, and the misery of the underworld seized him. The Mother-goddess Ninazu, or Ereshkigal, queen of Arallu, slept there, with her flanks un- covered and her breast . . . like the bowl of an ointment jar.
Thus Gilgamish in defiance of the laws of Arallu, where all must appear naked and be silent, had descended among the dead to discover Enkidu.
50. “ Then, that Enkidu should ascend from the lower world,
Namtaru restrained not, the asakku demon restrained not, it was the lower world that restrained him.
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The spy of Nergal, the merciless, did not restrain him, it was the lower world that restrained him.
Not the place of battle of men had smitten (him), it was the lower world which had smitten him.”
These words are a soliloquy of Gilgamish, or perhaps a quota- tion from the wisdom of Utnapishtim. The poet continues:
54. “ Then my lord, son of Ninsun, was weeping for his servant Enkidu.
To Ekur, house of Enlil, alone he went, (saying) :
‘ Eather Enlil, once on a time a net smote me to earth,
A trap smote me to earth.
Enkidu, whom to bring up from the lower world,
Namtar has not restrained, the asakku demon has not restrained, the lower world has restrained.
60. The spy of Nergal, the merciless, has not restrained, the lower world has restrained.
Not the place of battle of men has smitten him, the lower world smote him.’ ”
But Enlil answered him not and he appealed to Sin, the Moon- god, in the same words, and again received no reply. He then appealed to the god Ea, always the friend of men in distress. Ea came to his aid and ordered Nergal, god of the lower world, to open a hole in the earth that the soul of Enkidu might ascend. And so he ascended like a wind. The friends embraced each other, and Gilgamish said:
87. “Tell me, O my friend, tell me, O my friend.
Tell me the law of the lower world, which thou hast seen.”
To which Enkidu replied:
89. “ Not shall I tell thee, my friend, not shall I tell thee.
If I tell thee the law of the lower world which I have seen.
Sit thee down, weep.”
Here the description of Arallu is not well preserved. Enkidu mentions the worm that eats, the dust that fills, and those that sit. The poem ends with the following dialogue between Enkidu and Gilgamish.
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144. “He who by a ship’s hawser was smitten didst thou see? Yea I saw;
Verily upon ... he lies and in pulling out plugs he . . .
He who died the death of . . . didst thou see? Yea I saw;
He sleeps on a bed by night and drinks cool water.
He who was slain in battle didst thou see? Yea I saw;
His father and his mother lifted up his head and his wife upon him . . .
150. Him, whose corpse was cast on the plain, didst thou see? Yea I saw;
His ghost rests not in the lower world.
Him, whose ghost has none to remember him, didst thou see? Yea I saw.
Leavings of the pot, crumb of bread thrown in the street he eats.”
So ends the Epic of Gilgamlsh in the Assyrian version. The last lines prove that the doctrine of rewards and punishments in the after life had now arisen among the Babylonians and Assyrians. It is improbable that the legendary and philosophi- cal poem which now forms the twelfth book, was attached to the old Babylonian version of the twentieth century b.c. The poem cannot be later than the seventh century and is probably older.
Although this epic was obviously well known throughout the West Semitic lands, and in Asia Minor among the Hit- tites, it seems to have had no influence upon the mytholo- gies of other races. Attempts have been made to shew in- fluence of the Gilgamish Epic upon the Odyssey of the early Greek poet Homer, but without convincing success. Emphasis has been laid upon a connection between the Gilgamish and Siduri episode and the somewhat similar episode of the nymph Calypso and Odysseus on the island Ogygia.^® An exhaustive study of possible traces of the influence of this epic upon Hebrew mythology and upon the principal characters of early Chris- tianity as they appear in the New Testament, Jesus and St. Paul, has not convinced scholars, largely owing to the fact that
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the attempt assumes real history to be legend. An example of this kind of reasoning is the following. The Israelites, led by Jacob, went to Egypt from Canaan, where his son Joseph became their leader and where Jacob died. Then the Egyp- tians under a new Pharaoh oppressed the Israelites and made them build treasure cities for the Egyptians. This is said to be derived from the first book of the Epic of Gilgamishj the citi- zens of Erech were sorely oppressed by Gilgamish, who com- pelled them to build the walls of Erech, and repair the tem- ple of the Heaven-god Anu, which is called a “ store house ” in the epic.
Pharaoh had a dream in which he saw seven fat kine feed- ing in the pasture. And there came up seven lean kine which devoured the seven fat kine. This was interpreted by Joseph to mean that Egypt would have seven years of great prosper- ity followed by seven years of famine. Joseph, therefore, ad- vised the Pharaoh to appoint officers to lay up corn during the seven years of plenty against the years of famine. In the sixth book of the Epic of Gilgamish Ishtar implored her father Anu to create the bull of Heaven to destroy Gilgamish against whom she was enraged. In a broken passage there is a refer- ence to seven years of famine, which Anu prophesies, if he creates the bull, and he commands Ishtar to gather provisions for men and cattle. This Ishtar did. The seven lean kine of the Hebrew story are made to correspond with the bull of the Gil- gamish Epic. By this line of argument traces of the epic have been found in many other mythologies and the reader must be referred to the two large volumes devoted to this theory.^®
The theory which connects the various episodes with the passage of the sun through the twelve signs of the zodiac may be taken more seriously, but here again all attempts to explain this complicated myth on astral principles have failed. The hunter who appears in book one has been identified with Betel-
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geux in Orion, and Humbaba with Procyon in Canis Minor. Gilgamish was the national hero of the Sumerians and Baby- lonians, and the Epic of Gilgamish was their national epic. Shamash, the Sun-god, appears in several episodes as the friend and patron of Gilgamish, and Humbaba, whom Shamash hated, was slain by Gilgamish. There is no reason to suppose that Gilgamish was regarded as a “ redeemer ” of men j on the con- trary it was through his stupidity that the plant of rejuvena- tion was not recovered and given to mankind. If Shamash hated the wicked Humbaba, that is probably because this mon- ster of the Syrian cedar-clad mountains was originally an his- torical person, and the foe of the early Sumerian kingdom. Nor is there any obvious reason for identifying Gilgamish with the two stars of Gemini, Castor and Pollux, nor the scorpion- man, whom Gilgamish met on the shore of the western sea, with the constellation Scorpio. The order of events, the re- ligious and ethical theories put upon them by the author or au- thors of this epic, are now fairly clear, and they do not dis- close any astral or solar order. So far as can be determined, the old Babylonian version did not have twelve books, and in the Assyrian edition the twelfth book is clearly a late addition. There is, therefore, no attempt to base the narrative upon the year of twelve months, nor can any astral connection be dis- covered in any of the twelve books to confirm this, even if the books be assigned to the months of the solar year, beginning with Nisan (March) and ending with Adar (February), and placing the origin of the epic in the period when the sun at the spring equinox stood in Taurus. On this assumption the sun stood in Gemini during the second month, and in the sec- ond book Gilgamish met his friend Enkidu. But on this as- sumption Gilgamish’s meeting with the scorpion-man should have been told in the seventh book} for in the seventh month the sun stood in Scorpio. The episode of the scorpion-man occurs in the ninth book. However suggestive these theories
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may be, they must be considered on their merits and they ob- viously have nothing to recommend them. The epic was based upon historical circumstances, developed under the glamour of legend into a great national poem which served as medium for teaching some of the most important doctrines of the Su- mero-Babylonian religion.
CHAPTER VIII
LEGENDS OF THE DESTRUCTION OF MEN OR
THE POEM OF EA AND ATARHASIS
I N the Chapter on the Flood story references to other world catastrophes were found and an Accadian poem in at least three books or tablets was devoted to a series of such calamities/ The texts of this long epical composition are so badly preserved that only a general idea of their contents can be obtained from them. In each catastrophe a person called Atarhasis-ameluy “ The man Atarhasis,” is mentioned. This name means “ He who knows exceedingly much ” and as a title is used of Adapa, Utnapishtim, and of gods. In this poem the title is used as a proper name and, if the same person is intended in each case, it would mean that the same man survived each world catastrophe, a conclusion obviously impossible. In each episode it was he who appealed to the god Ea to allay the wrath of the gods. The name is, therefore, only a title and the text affords no in- formation concerning the actual name of the hero of each epi- sode. There are apparently five destructions of the world, the last one being the Flood, and since the Atarhasis of this epi- sode is Ziusudra or Utnapishtim, the same title in the preced- ing calamities must refer to respectively four of the legendary kings before the Flood. In their reigns occurred the succes- sive destructions of the world at long intervals.
The entire section at the beginning of the poem is lost. It contained an account of how the Earth-god Enlil became an- gered against mankind because of their wickedness and prophe-
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sied that they would be destroyed by drought and famine, text then preserves the description of the famine.^
The
Col. i, I. “ When the first year arrived there was . • .
When the second year arrived there were still stores.
When the third year arrived
The people struggled with each other in their cities.
5 . When the fourth year arrived, their cities were reduced to straits.
Their wide . . . were reduced.
The people wandered in the streets downcast.
When the fifth year arrived, daughter waited to come in to mother.
But the mother opened not her door to the daughter.
10. Daughter gazed at the scales of mother.
Mother gazed at the scales of daughter.®
When the sixth year arrived, they provided a daughter for meat.
They provided an infant for meat; they filled the . . .
One house devoured the other.
15. Like millet were their faces covered.
The people lived in the midst of failing life.”
Here there is a long lacuna, at the beginning of which there is a reference to the people sending a message to someone. Here followed an appeal by Atarhasis to Ea, who appeased the wrath- ful Enlil, and the famine ceased. After a long lapse of time, under another pre-diluvian king (Col. ii), Enlil was again angered by the wickedness of men, and again prophesied and sent a famine, caused by a drought. The drought and famine are described.
3- “ On high Adad made scarce his rain.
Beneath (the fountain) was stopped and the flood mounted not from the fountain.
5. The field diminished its grain heaps.
He turned back the breast of Nidaba; the dark meadows turned white.
The wide plain bore saltpetre.
Grass sprang not up, grain sprouted not.
Pestilence was prepared for the peoples.
10. The womb (of the ewe) was bound and delivered not the young.”
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Here followed the same description of six years of famine as in the first episode. Now “ the lord of wisdom,” Atarhasis, had his “ ear open unto Ea his lord,” and spoke with his god, but Ea answered him not. The broken text refers to some ceremony in which Atarhasis, to obtain an interview with the Water-god, Ea, did something at the “ door of his god,” and placed his bed over against the river. The narrative is again lost in a short break. Here stood the account of how Ea al- layed the wrath of Enlil (Col. iii) and stayed the destruction of mankind a second time.
The next episode begins with a description of why Enlil de- cided for a third time to destroy mankind.
2. “ Because of their uproar he was troubled.
Because of their multitude he had no quiet.
He held his convocation (of the gods),
5. Saying unto the gods, his sons:
‘ Oppressive has become the uproar of men.
By their uproar I am troubled.
In their multitude they maintain not silence.
Let . . . and there be fever.
10. Quickly let pestilence still their uproar.
Like a cyclone may there blow upon them Sickness, ague, fever, and plague.’ ”
And so there was fever, and quickly pestilence stilled their clamour, diseases blew upon them.
Again Atarhasis had his ear open unto Ea his lord and spoke with his god, and Ea spoke with him. This time he obtained a reply without magical ceremony.
21. “ Atarhasis opened his mouth and spoke.
Saying to Ea, his lord:
‘ . . . mankind lament.
And your . . . consumes the land.
. . . mankind lament.
And the ... of the gods consumes the land.
... ye have created us.
May sickness, ague, fever, and plague be warded off.’ ”
28.
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Ea replied to Atarhasis, and told men to pray to their goddess, and make sacrifices before herj she would hear their words. This is the end of the third episode. The Assyrian text of the fourth world destruction is now supplemented by the second Tablet of the old version which begins here. Enlil summoned his convocation of the gods his sons. He complains that the sins of men have not diminished, but have become greater than be- fore. He was disturbed by their clamour, and in their multitude they kept not silent.
42. “ Let the fig tree be cut oflF for the people,
And vegetables be few in their stomachs.
On high may Adad make scarce his rain.
45. Beneath let (the fountain) be stopped and the flood not rise in the fountain.
Let the field diminish its grain heaps,
Let him turn back the breast of Nidaba; let the dark meadows turn white.
Let the wide field bear saltpetre.
Let her bosom rebel ; may grass not spring up, grain not sprout. 50. Let pestilence be prepared for the peoples.
Let the womb (of the ewe) be bound and deliver not the young.”
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K. 3588. 38. “ O door of the forest, thou deaf one.
With whom there is no understanding,
40. At a distance of twenty double hour marches I have admired thy (beautiful) wood.
While I saw the tall cedar . . .
Not did thy wood have a strange (^affearance') .
Seventy cubits thy height, twenty-four cubits thy breadth . . .
Thy threshold, thy post foot and thy post . . .
45. Thy . . . thy ... in Nippur . . .
Had I known, O door, how is this thy . . .
And this thy beauty,
Lo I had lifted an axe, lo I had . . .
49. A baldachin surely I had erected . . .”
(Tab. V, Col. ii.) At this point the narrative is interrupted by a break in the sources of nearly two hundred lines save for a few almost unintelligible fragments, and then another lacuna (Col. iv), when Gilgamish (.?) is speaking to Enkidu (?) of a dream which he had (K. 3588, Col. vi.). Enkidu lies ill in his bed and his condition is described during a period of twelve days when Gilgamish cries out : “ My friend, he has cursed me,” “ I
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feared the battle,” and the narrative of this episode ends by re- ferring to the head of Humbaba which they had (cut off) . For- tunately this battle with Humbaba, so deficiently preserved on the Assyrian tablets, has been partly recovered in the Hittite translation.®** These fragments begin by describing how Gil- gamish, or Gishgimmash, as the Hittites pronounced the name, was cutting down the cedars, and Humbaba in rage cried out: “ Who has come and cut down the cedars which are held 'precious in my mountains? ” Now the Sun-god, Shamash, comes to the aid of Gilgamish and Enkidu, as the elders of Erech had told them.®^ He encouraged them to fear not and they advanced to meet Humbaba. Apparently the attack resulted in disaster, and Gilgamish is found weeping before Shamash. The Sun-god heard his prayer and mighty winds arose against Humbaba. The north wind, the south wind, the snow-storm, the cyclone, the wind of the wicked god, altogether eight winds, smote Hum- baba in the eyes, so that he could not move forward or back- ward.
Humbaba submitted and implored Gilgamish for mercy. “ Let me go, Gilgamish, thou shalt be my lord, and I will be thy servant.” He promised to deliver to him the much prized cedars and {huild) houses for him. But Enkidu protested and told him not to spare Humbaba.
The Humbaba episode, which occupies half of book three and all of books four and five in the Assyrian edition, forms, therefore, one of the principal parts of the epic. It certainly entered into the scheme of the original Sumerian source. This monster of the cedar forests is invariably called a god in the texts and the original name was clearly Huwawa. There is no mythological or philological connection between Huwawa and the Combabus of the Syrian legend of Stratonice.®® Hum- baba became a demon in later mythology and prayers refer to him as a powerful being who takes charge of demons at the command of Tammuz. A man tormented by a devil prays to Tammuz:
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“ The evil spy, supporter of evil, who is bound in me,
Unto the mighty god Humbaba, the merciless demon. Confide.”
A variant of this passage reads “ god Hum-ba,” and another has “ Hubaba the wicked demon,” where he is not called a god.®® He seems to have been a monster whose name was de- rived from the name of an animal. Prognostications made from examining the entrails of an animal say that the entrails
may resemble the eye of Humbaba, for which an- other scribe wrote “ god Humhum a terra- cotta mask (Fig. 79) shews the Babylonian conception of his terrible face, the beard being represented by entrails. It is inscribed with a similar omen: “ If the entrails be like the head of Huwawa, it is the Fig. 79. Terra-cotta Mask of Humbaba omen of Sargon who
ruled the world.” ®* This proves that the custom of comparing entrails with the face of Huwawa, or Humbaba, was already known in the period of Sargon of Accad in the twenty-eighth century b.c., and that the monster was not then classified as a deity. Other omens de- rived from the strange appearances of monstrosities born of women are compared with eyes of Huwawa, or the visage of Huwawa.®® The face of this monster as he appears on Fig. 79, and on another similar mask,®® is designed by a single winding line, except eyes. This design was adopted because the early artists had represented him with tortuous grinning features and a curly head suggestive of entrails. The connection with en- trails having been introduced into omen literature led to an over
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emphasis of this aspect. Figure 80 probably represents the real Humbaba of Sumerian and Babylonian mythology. A great number of these masks shewing the head in the same style as Fig. 80 have been found, all having projecting ears pierced by a small hole, and clearly intended to be attached to a wall or part of the house as a protection against the demons. Some of these masks wear a merry grin, and illustrate the ancient principle of fighting the de- mons by presenting to them a caricature of themselves.
There is an Elamitic god called Humba, described as the Enlil or Earth-god of Susa, and this deity is a variant of Hubaba in the texts. This seems to be mere homophonic confu- sion, but the view that the two are identical and that the cedar forest of Hum- baba was in Elam has been generally held by scholars before the original name Huwawa was discovered.
Moreover in cuneiform in- scriptions the “ cedar forest ” always refers to the Lebanons. If a king of an early Sumerian dynasty became the subject of a legend in which he subdued a monster who ruled the cedar-clad mountains of Syria, and who offered cedars of his realm to pro- pitiate his conqueror, it must be due to some unknown historical expedition in very remote times.
Fig. 80.
Terra-cotta Bas-relief Humbaba
OF
SEMITIC MYTHOLOGY
256
(Tablet VI.) The return journey of Gilgamish and Enkidu to Erech after their victory over Humbaba is not described in the epic. The poet passes at once to the famous story of Ishtar’s unrequited love for the hero of the legend. Gilgamish once again in Erech washed his hair, cleaned his garments, and let his hair fall over his body. Ishtar beheld his beauty and loved him, and offered to make him her husband. Kings and princes would kneel before him.
17. “. . . mountain and land shall bear thee tribute.
Thy she goats shall bear prolifically, thy ewes shall bear twins.
Thy colt shall come with the burden of a mule.
Thy horse shall be strong in running with the chariot.
And may (thy ox) have no equal under the yoke.”
But Gilgamish rejected her gifts and her proposal. The treach- erous love of Ishtar as told in this book of the epic has already been described in a previous chapter.®^ Every one who had loved her had fallen on sorrow. Tammuz, the allallu bird, the lion, the horse, a shepherd, Ishullanu the gardener, all had been loved by her and shamefully treated.
“ And me thou lovest and me even as them thou wouldst [treat].”
On hearing Gilgamish’s reply, Ishtar appealed to Anu, her father, to create “ the bull of Heaven ” to destroy Gilgamish. The account of Anu’s creation of the Gudanna, or bull of Heaven, is lost in a lacuna. The text refers to his descending (from Heaven), and his terrible breath destroyed two hun- dred men at each snort. The third time he snorted against Enkidu,®® but he seized him by the horns and the thick of his tail. Together they slew the bull and placed the carcass before Shamash, they went far off, prostrated themselves before this god, and sat down “ they the two brothers.”
From the wall of Erech Ishtar cried aloud and cursed Gil- gamish. Enkidu hearing this tore off the bull’s right leg and threw it in her face, saying that he would do to her as he had done to the bull. Ishtar assembled her whores and prostitutes,
THE EPIC OF GILGAMISH
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and instituted wailing over the right leg of the bull. Gilga- mish gave the bull’s horn to his god Lugalbanda to serve as an ointment vase. The two friends washed their hands in the Euphrates and went riding in the streets of Erech. The in- habitants assembled to see them and said:
182. “ Who among strong men is illustrious?
Who among manly ones is glorious?
Gilgamish among strong men is illustrious.
Gilgamish among manly ones is glorious.”
Then he instituted a feast in his palace j men lay down to sleep ; Enkidu slept and had a dream, arose, and disclosed it to his friend, and said:
“ My friend, why have the great gods taken counsel together? ”
(Tablet VII.) So began the seventh book of the epic, and here the Assyrian sources have a long lacuna of one hundred lines. This part of the narrative has been found in the Hittite ver- sion.^® Enkidu said that he saw Anu, Enlil, Ea, and Shamash (in counsel). Anu said to Enlil:
“ ‘ Since they have slain the bull of Heaven, and the god Huwawa They slew, so shall he who devastated the mountains of the cedars,’ Said Anu, ‘ among these (two) [die].’
But Enlil said, ‘ Enkidu shall die.
But Gilgamish shall not die.’ ”
Now Shamash, god of the Heavens, opposed Enlil and said:
“ Did they not slay at thy command The bull of Heaven and the god Huwawa?
Now shall the innocent Enkidu die? ”
This speech is contrary to the statement in the third Tablet which stated distinctly that Humbaba was slain at the order of Shamash himself. The Hittite version says that Enlil angrily replied to Shamash and explained that he was moved to con- demn Enkidu because he, Shamash, had daily accompanied the two heroes as a companion. All this Enkidu saw in his dream.
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And so Enkidu lay before Gilgamish in distress j Gilgamish wept because the gods had declared him innocent and his brother Enkidu guilty, saying:
“ Now I will sit me down by the ghosts, at the door of the ghosts and see my beloved brother no more with (my) eyes.”
The death of Enkidu does not occur until after another episode, the nature of which remains obscure because the lacuna, in the first part of book seven, which led up to the cursing of the harlot, has never been completed. (Col. iii.) But for some rea- son Enkidu seems to have attributed his fate to her. He prob- ably argued that if she had not seduced him to leave his savage but peaceful life on the plains, he had never known Gilga- mish and had never undertaken the heroic labours which ended in his condemnation to die. The narrative now contains an account of how he cursed the harlot who had brought him to Erech. “ I will curse thee with a great curse,” said he. The contents of this long and terrible curse can be surmised from the few direful phrases preserved. “ The shadow of the wall be thy place,” “ The drunkard and the thirsty shall smite thy cheek,” “ The highway shall be her abode, and she shall be the ridicule of maidens.”
“ Because thou hast . . . me,
And me . . . thou hast ... in my field.”
Shamash heard the words of his mouth and straightway called to him from Heaven:
35. “ Why, O Enkidu hast thou cursed the hierodule, the harlot?
Who caused to eat bread fit for divinity,
Who gave to drink wine fit for kingliness.
Who clothed thee in a great garment.
And caused thee to have the pious Gilgamish as a companion.
40. Now Gilgamish thy friend, thy elder brother.
Caused thee to sleep on a great bed.
In a bed of fine workmanship he caused thee to sleep.
He caused thee to sit in a peaceful seat, a seat at (his) left hand, Making the kings of the earth kiss thy feet.
THE EPIC OF GILGAMISH 259
45. Causing the people of Erech to weep for thee, causing them to wail for thee,
Placing at thy disposal the service of thriving peoples.
And he brought sores upon his body behind thee,
48. Clothing himself in a lion’s skin, and coursing the plain.”
Enkidu’s wrath was appeased by the argument of Shamash, and there follows, in a defectively preserved text, a complete re- versal of Enkidu’s disposition toward the harlot. (Col. iv.) Now he blesses her and declares that kings and princes shall love her, and she shall have an amorous husband.
Now Enkidu was miserable in mind, lay down to sleep alone, saw another dream and reported it to his friend.
15. “ The Heavens cried out, the earth shook.'*®
... as I stood.
There was a . . . whose face was darkened.
Like a . . . was his face.
19. His . . . , claw of an eagle was his claw.”
The strange being seen by Enkidu in his dream led him to a house of darkness, the abode of the goddess Irkalla or Allat, goddess of the lower world, to the house whose inhabitants are deprived of light, where their nourishment is dust and their bread clay.
38. “ They are clad in a garment with wings like birds And they see not the light, sitting in darkness.
At the house of dust which I entered I looked and crowns lay there.
They of crowns sat there, they that ruled the land since former times.
Bejore Anu and Enlil they were setting forth roast meat.
45. Cooked food they were setting forth, and giving them to drink cool water, waters of drinking pouches.
High priests and psalmists sat there.
The priests of the water cult and the high pontiffs sat there. Etana sat there, the god Gira sat there.
50. Ereshkigal, queen of the lower world, sat there,
Belit-seri, scribe of the lower world, kneeled before her.
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SEMITIC MYTHOLOGY
She . . . reading before her.
She lifted up her head and saw me, (saying)
54. ‘ . has seized this man.’ ”
(Cols. V, vi.) Most unfortunately Enkidu’s vision of Arallu and his experiences there cannot be followed j for the fragments completely fail from this point j the whole of the interpreta- tion is also lost in a lacuna of one hundred lines. Here was told the tale of how his dreams were fulfilled, and he died.
(Tablet VIII.) The eighth book described the wailing of Gilgamish for his friend. It began at sunrise, when he wept for his friend, addressing him as though he were still alive, first recalling his early nomad life among the cattle and then their exploits against Humbaba in the cedar forest and the slaying of the bull of Heaven in Erech. He now asks the el- ders of Erech to hear him.
Col. ii, 2. “I weep for Enkidu my friend,
Like a woman wailer I lament woefully.
He, the axe of my side, the ... of my arm.
The sword of my girdle, the ... of my face.
The raiment of my feasts, the ... of my pleasure.
7. ... has gone forth and lejt me.”
Here begins a lamentation which recurs three times in the tenth book:
8. “ My friend, my adopted brother, chaser of asses of the
mountain, panther of the plain,
Enkidu, my friend, my adopted brother, panther of the plain.
We who travelled everywhere and ascended the mountain. We who seized the bull of Heaven and slaughtered him,
12. We who cast down Humbaba that dwelt in the cedar forest.
Now what dream is it that has taken possession of thee? Thou hast turned dark and hearest me not.”
But Enkidu lifted not his head; Gilgamish touched his heart but it beat not. And so he knew that his friend was dead, and
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he covered him like a bride. “ He roared ( ? ) like a lion, and like a lioness which had been rohhed (?) of her whelps he . . There seems to be a reference to shearing his hair and tearing his clothes in sign of lamentation. Here the narrative is inter- rupted by a long lacuna, and when the text is resumed, he is recalling the kind deeds he had done for his dead friend.
Col. iii. “ I caused thee to sleep on a great bed,
In a bed of fine workmanship I caused thee to sleep,”
and repeating the lines addressed to Enkidu by Shamash in the seventh book. (See p. 258 11 . 41 ff.) The passage ends:
“ I clothed myself in a lion’s skin, coursing the plain.”
Each period of his wailing began at sunrise, and in the next section there is a reference to his removing cult objects which had been used in his lament at sunrise on the day before, when the rehearsal of his kindness to Enkidu occurred. If a new fragment can be placed here,^® the lamentations continued at sunrise the next day with a ritual in which Euphrates water (?) (Col. iv), lapis lazuli, and cornelian are mentioned. The ceremony also mentions alabaster, Enkidu’s clothing, and vari- ous quantities of gold, and this day’s lament also ends with an address to his dead friend in which he mentions “ thy sword,” and an offering to the god Bibbu, that is the planet Mercury. After a long lacuna the texts (Col. v) preserve the address of some deity, probably Shamash, to Gilgamish, and when he heard his instructions, Gilgamish “ conceived the image of a ndruP In the preceding instructions he had either been told to make a naru^ or Shamash had described to him how Enkidu had crossed the naru or river of death. There is uncertainty about the ritual here. The word naru also means “ a singer.” It is improbable that Gilgamish had the supreme power of gods to create a living creature, and the passage may mean that Gilgamish pictured to himself the legendary Hubur river which his friend had crossed.
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At sunrise of the next morning he again continued his lamentations and prepared a great table, filled a cornelian bowl with honey, and a lapis lazuli bowl with cream. Here the text of the eighth book ends, and the long lacuna which described the ritual and lament has not yet been filled in. The eighth book contained lamentations for six days, and when the text is restored it will provide complete information concerning Baby- lonian funeral services.
Books nine, ten, and eleven describe the wanderings of Gilga- mish in quest of the plant of “ never grow old,” in the land of Utnapishtim, where he also hears the story of the Flood. These episodes have been told in the preceding Chapter.^^
Tablet IX, Col.i, I.
5 -
10.
12.
“ Gilgamish for Enkidu, his friend,
Weeps woefully, coursing the plain.
‘ Shall I not die even as Enkidu?
Sorrow has entered into my heart.
I have feared death, and so I course the plain. Unto the presence of Utnapishtim, son of Ubartutu,
I have started on the way, and quickly will I go. I will come to the mountain passes by night.
If I see lions and be frightened,
I should lift up my head praying to the Moon- god.
Unto the goddess, . . . the ... of the gods, shall my implorations come.
O . . . save me, even me.’ ”
He had a terrifying dream in which he saw certain ones, “ who rejoice to live.” He dreamed that he lifted an axe to his side and drew a sword from his girdle. Like a javelin it fell among them, he smote and scattered them. As the narrative is un- folded it was seen that “ those who rejoice to live ” are the attendants of the boatman who plied between the sea-border of the world and the land of the immortal Utnapishtim. The narrative is interrupted here by a long break and is again re- sumed when he arrived at Mount Mashu, and with the episode of the scorpion-men.^®
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9. “ In Erech, the sheepfold, an ‘ axe ’ was laid and they assembled about it.
Erech, the Land, stood about it.
The Land was assembled about it.
The skilled men gathered about it.
I brought it and cast it before thee.
I loved it like a woman and fell upon it in embrace.
15. It hast thou made to rival with me.? ”
The old version has also this curious reference to an “ axe ” in the second dream. There it is said that the axe was of strange form, and that Gilgamish put it on his arm, rejoicing to see it. By some obscure simile “ axe ” is here employed for Enkidu. Ninsun the wise, who knows all things, replied to her son Gil- gamish and interpreted the second dream:
18. “ The axe which thou hast seen is a man.
Thou shalt love him like a woman, falling upon him in embrace.
I have made him to rival with thee.
This is a mighty companion who delivers a friend.
Mighty in the land is his strength.
23. Like the army of Anu has his strength been made mighty.”
The parallel Interpretation in the old version is lost. Gilga- mish’s reply on hearing the interpretation of his two dreams has not been preserved. It is clear from both versions that the long account of the dreams was told to Enkidu by the harlot.
(Tablet II, Col. i.) The narrative is now continued on the old version which preserves the contents of Tablet II, Col. i, of the Assyrian edition. Enkidu sits before the harlot forget- ful of his past life. Again he cohabited with her six days and seven nights. Again she praised his godlike appearance and urged him to leave his flocks and go to Erech. Her words pleased him.
Tab. II, ii, 17. “ She tore off a garment and clothed him with it.
Old Ver. With a second garment she clothed herself.
She clasped his hand, guiding him like a . . .
33. To the home (.? ) of the shepherd.”
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In a short lacuna apparently the harlot introduced him to the customs of civilized life. Milk of the cattle he drank j they placed food before him, but he was only perplexed and under- stood not. Enkidu had not learned to eat human food and the harlot said to him:
Tab. II, iii, 12. “Eat bread, O Enkidu, it is the conformity of life. Old Ver. Drink beer, it is the custom of the land.”
Enkidu ate and drank even seven pots of beer and became merry. He anointed his body and became like a man. “ He put on clothing, being like a husband, seized a weapon, and at- tacked lions v/hich fall upon shepherds by night. Jackals he smote, lions he subdued, and the great shepherds reposed.” Enkidu, happy with the harlot, now lifted up his eyes and saw for the first time a man, and cried out:
Tab. II, iv, 5. “ O harlot, take away the man, why has he come? Old Ver. His name I will forget.”
But the harlot wishing to educate Enkidu called the man and Enkidu looked at him and said:
10. “O man, whither hastenest thou? Why is thy going . . . ? ”
The man tells him that the custom of the people is to live at home with a family. Gilgamish, king of Erech, lives with his legitimate wife. For, “ when his breath (literally nostrils) was created, this was his fate,” [Lines 28—9].
When Enkidu heard the name of Gilgamish he turned pale. He and the harlot now (Col. v) enter Erech and the artisans assembled about him, standing in the street of Erech of the carrefours, discussing his appearance:
Tab. II, Old Ver., v, 9. “ He is like Gilgamish, but in stature is shorter.
In bone he has been made powerful.”
Here is narrated an episode which led to a combat between Enkidu and Gilgamish. A couch was laid for the goddess
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SEMITIC MYTHOLOGY
Ishara, and Gilgamish went in to lie with her. But Enkidu cut off his access to her chamber. All Erech stood about him. He came forth before Gilgamish and they met in the carrefour. Enkidu barred access to the house of Ishara (?) and prevented Gilgamish from entering. They grappled with each other, goring like an ox.
Tab. II, Old Ver., vi, i8. “The threshold they destroyed, the wall
trembled.
Gilgamish ’s foot rested (firmly) on the ground.
His wrath was cooled; he turned back his onslaught.
After he had turned back his onslaught,
Enkidu said unto him, unto Gilgamish,
‘ As one extraordinary has thy mother borne thee.
She the wild cow of (Erech) the sheep- fold, Ninsun.
Thy head has been exalted more than a husband.
33. Royal power over the people has Enlil de- creed for thee.’ ”
Enkidu, fulfilling the mission for which he was created by Aruru at the request of the gods, attacked Gilgamish ostensibly for the possession of the goddess Ishara. This is the only good story of a wrestling match in Semitic mythology. Hebrew mythology has a story of Jacob’s wrestling with El, by the stream Jabbok, which seems to be nothing more than an attempt to explain the name Israel, attributed to Jacob. This name means “ El strives (with),” and occurs in early Accadian as Ishri-el, “ God strove (with).” Curiously enough this Ac- cadian name occurs on a seal which represents Gilgamish strug- gling with a bull and Enkidu with a lion. Jacob left alone by night found himself wrestling with a man until day-break, who found that he could not prevail against Jacob, and so smote his thigh that it was disjointed. The man wished to depart at day- break, for it was none other than El. Jacob refused until El
THE EPIC OF GILGAMISH
245
had blessed him. El, or here El 5 him, then demanded to know his name, and was told that it was Jacob. El then said: “ Thy name shall be called no more Jacob, but Israel; for thou hast striven with Eldhim and with men and hast prevailed.” Jacob then asked his adversary for his name and received only the reply: “ Wherefore dost thou ask for my name? ” but El blessed him there. The place was henceforth called Peniel, “ Face of El,” for there Jacob had seen El face to face. This
Fig. 78. Gilgamish, Enkidu, and Ishtar. Cylinder of Hammurabi Period
story of Jacob’s wrestling with El is referred to by the Prophet Hosea: “ In his strength he strove with Elohim, and he strove with an angel and prevailed, he wept and besought him for favour.”
The episode became famous in Sumer and Babylonia and it is shewn on numerous seals. Fig. 78, a seal of the age of Hammurabi, has a good illustration of the combat of Gil- gamish and Enkidu, and the miniature figure of a woman stands between them. Gilgamish at the left has seized the right wrist of the bull-man Enkidu; Enkidu has hold of the right wrist of Gilgamish. This seems to reproduce faithfully the text of the epic. They struggled for the possession of a
SEMITIC MYTHOLOGY
246
woman or a goddess. On seals of this kind almost invariably a nude woman stands by watching the contest.^®
The meeting of Gilgamish and Enkidu resulted in their be- coming fast friends, but at this point both versions are sadly destroyed. Tablet III of the old version began with Gilgamish’s reply to Enkidu after the latter had acknowledged his su- premacy at the end of Tablet II and at the top of Col. iii of the second Tablet in the Assyrian edition. Gilgamish asked him why he desired to do this thing. For some reason Gilgamish again describes to his mother Ninsun the powerful physique of his newly found friend.
Tab. II, Col. iii, 43. “ In the land mighty is his strength,
Like the army of Ann has his strength been made powerful.”
There was none like him and Gilgamish asked his mother to “ provide him with . . . ,” for a wailer was he. The lost section of the narrative may have described how Enkidu had forsaken the harlot and how he lamented his licentious conduct. Ninsun’s reply is almost entirely missing. “ My son . . . bit- terly he weeps,” said she. (Col. iv.) In woe they stood (looking at Enkidu), and saying: “ Enkidu has (no rival?), his hair is dishevelled, and he lies ... In the plain was he born and none . . .” Enkidu, standing by, heard their words and was sad. His eyes filled with tears, his arms were limp, and his strength failed. Gilgamish wondered at his misery and asked him why he wept.
Tab. Ill, Old Ver., 84. “ Enkidu opened his mouth, speaking to Gil- gamish,
The female companions, my friend, have slackened my sinews.
My arms have become limp, my strength is exhausted.”
Here begins the series of adventures of Gilgamish and En- kidu. Gilgamish proposes to slay the monster Humbaba in the cedar forests. The name is written Huwawa in the old ver-
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247
sion and in the Hittite version. The prophecy of the gods is fulfilled. Enkidu’s coming has diverted the attention of the tyrant Gilgamish to far away ventures and Erech had peace. The narrative now depends entirely on the text of the old Accadian edition. After Gilgamish had proposed his plan to attack Humbaba, Enkidu replied;
105. “I knew, O my friend, in the mountain, when I wandered with the cattle.
That the forest stretched far away to a distance of ten thousand double hour marches.
Who is there that will descend therein?
The roar of Humbaba is a hurricane, his mouth is fire, his breath is death.
Why hast thou desired to do this thing,
1 15. A battle without precedent, the conquest of Humbaba? ”
But Gilgamish persisted and Enkidu again warned him of the difficult journey and of Humbaba who sleeplessly guarded the cedar forest. (Col. v.) For Enlil had decreed for him sevenfold terror to keep safely the forest. He hears at a dis- tance of ten thousand double hour marches in the cedar moun- tain and whosoever goes down to his forest is seized by disease. Gilgamish replied:
140. “ Who, my friend is so superior that ... he has ascended and dwells with Shamash forever?
The days of man are numbered, and whatsoever they do is wind. 144. Now thou fearest death, vanished is the might of thy valour.
I will go before thee, perchance let him shout to me and thou fearest to approach.
If I fall I shall establish my fame.
‘ Gilgamish fell by Humbaba the powerful,’ it shall be said.”
He then gave orders to the craftsmen to make weapons. Axes weighing three talents each they moulded, and swords whose blades weighed two talents, and the edges of their sides weighed thirty mana each. Gilgamish then boasts of his venture:
1 8 1. “I Gilgamish will see him of whom they speak.
Him by whose name the lands are filled.
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Will I conquer in the cedar forest.
‘ How is the offspring of Erech mighty,’
Shall I cause the Land to hear.
I will set my hand thereto and cut down the cedars.
I will make for myself an everlasting name.”
The elders of the city attempted to dissuade him, and describe Humbaba in the same way as Enkidu had done. As he still persisted in his adventure they advised him to seek the aid of Shamash, the Sun-god.
215. “ Gilgamish kneeling (before Shamash) spoke these words:
‘ I come, O Shamash. I (grasp) thy hands.
Henceforth shall I save my soul.
Bring me back to the quay wall of Erech.’ ”
He now puts on his armour, bow and quiver, sword, and hatchet and they take the road. (Assyrian Ver. Tablet III, Col. i.) The Elders give him advice:
2. “Trust not, O Gilgamish, to thy might.
May thy . . . conquer (.i* ), make sure thy blow.
He that goes before will deliver a companion,
He that knows the route has protected a friend.
6. Enkidu will go before thee.
He knows the way of the cedar forest.
In battle he is proficient, in conflict experienced.
Enkidu will protect a friend and save a companion,
10. And will carry his body over the ditches.
In our assembly, O king, we have shewn thee respect,
12. And in turn shalt thou shew us respect, O king.”
In the old version the advice given to Gilgamish by the el- ders is much longer. Shamash will cause him to attain his desire and open the closed way for him, and give him victory, and the god Lugalbanda will stand by him in his victory. He shall wash his feet in the river of Humbaba, pour out cold water to Shamash, and in his libation forget not Lugalbanda. And Enkidu, now enthusiastic for the venture, encouraged him to fear not. And so they began the journey to the cedar forest of Humbaba.
In the Assyrian version Enkidu’s address of encouragement
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is omitted j after the speech of the elders Gilgamish and En- kidu go to Egalmah, temple of Ninsun, clasping each other by the hand. Gilgamish entered before Ninsun and said:
23. “ O Ninsun, I have said (that I go)
On a far journey to the place of Humbaba.
A battle, which I know not, will I meet,
A route, which I know not, will I traverse,
27. Until the days when I go and return.
Until I arrive at the cedar forest.
Until I slay Humbaba the ferocious,
30. And destroy whatsoever evil Shamash hateth in the land.”
Ninsun heard the words of Gilgamish her son. (Col. ii.) She attired herself in her regal garments, ascended to the roof of her temple, offered incense to Shamash, and said:
10. “ Why hast thou put upon my son Gilgamish a restless heart and incited him?
Now thou hast touched him and he goes.
On a far journey to the place of Humbaba,
18. And destroys whatsoever evil thou hatest in the land.”
(Col. iii, iv, V, vi.) Here there is a long lacuna where the narrative is completely lost. Gilgamish has made libation to Shamash and the Sun-god seems to reprove Enkidu for not hav- ing done the same. There are references to further sacrifices in Ninsun’s temple and finally Gilgamish apparently recites to Enkidu the speech of the elders of the city ending:
Col. vi, 8. “ Enkidu will protect a friend and save a companion.
And will carry his body over the ditches.
In our assembly, O king, we have shewn thee respect.
And in turn shalt thou shew us respect, O king.”
To this Enkidu replied and apparently promised him faithful service.
(Tablet IV.) At this point the narrative is no longer even approximately continuous on the fragments, and the order of the fragments is uncertain.^® Following the order assumed by
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the writer, after a long lacuna Gilgamish is found describing three dreams which had come to him, and this part of the epic has been recovered in the library of the Hittite capital in Asia Minor.“^ Gilgamish had told Enkidu his first dream j he was glad, his face beamed. Apparently they are now on their jour- ney, and as they rested by night this series of dreams came to Gilgamish. After the first dream was told they took up their journey and again rested by night.
KUB. iv. 1 2, 6.
10 .
15 -
20 .
“ A dream, poured out by night, made him shiver.
At midnight his dream was ended.
He related the dream to Enkidu, his friend.
‘ How! didst thou not summon me? why did I awake ?
Enkidu, my friend, I have seen a second dream. Thou hast summoned me, why am I terrified?
In addition to one dream I have seen a second.
My friend, in my dream the mountain crumbled. It cast me down, fastening my feet in [the debris]. There was a mighty spectacle in the land. A peculiar man [appeared] .
His beauty was beautiful in the land . . .
He drew me out from beneath the mountain range . . .
He gave me water to drink and my heart . . .
And he set my feet on the soil.’
Enkidu said to that god, even to Gilgamish,
‘ My friend we will go . . .’ ”
The Assyrian version does not mention the man who saved Gilgamish in his dream, and the Accadian text from Asia Minor has preserved only a few signs of Enkidu’s interpretation} it says only that “ he will (stand) by thee.” But the interpreta- tion of the dream is more intelligible here. The mountain fell on both of them and they were crushed like flies. Enkidu in- terprets the dream to be favourable. Their being trapped by the falling mountain means that they will seize Humbaba, and cast his body on the ground.
Tab. IV, Col. ii, 43. K. 8586. In the morning they heard the command of Shamash. After twenty double hour marches they
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broke bread, and after thirty double hour marches they halted for the night. Before Shamash they dug a well. Gilgamish went up on a (mountain) and poured out his offering of fine meal (to Shamash), saying:
“ O mountain, bring a dream . . .
Make for him . .
A cold wind blew and caused Gilgamish to sleep.
Tab. IV, Col. iii, 7. Sm. 1040.
10.
15-
20.
“ Sleep that is poured on men fell upon him.
At midnight he ended his sleep.
He rose saying to his friend:
‘ My friend, didst thou not call me ? Why have I awakened?
Didst thou not touch me? Why am I terrified? Has a god not passed by? Why is my flesh agitated?
My friend, I have seen a third dream.
And the dream which I saw is altogether terrible.
The Heavens cried out, the Earth rumbled. The day lapsed into silence, darkness came up. Lightning flashed, fire flamed.
... it rained death.
Light . . . , and fire was extinguished.
The . . . which fell turned to ashes.’ ”
Enkidu interpreted this third dream, but here the narrative is again lost and the prophecy derived from it has not been found on the existing fragments. (Col. v.) After a long lacuna the text speaks of the arrival at the forest. Humbaba wears seven cloaks. He was like a furious wild bull and he called the guard of the forest. Here again the text has a lacuna, and when the narrative can be resumed (Col. vi) Enkidu com- plains of weariness and does not wish to enter the forest, and Gilgamish replies:
K. 8591. 30. “O my friend, knower of conflict, who . . . battle, . . . thou didst overthrow having no fear of . . . Thou didst . . . with me lions and . . .
Like a kettledrum verily was . . . the . . .
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May the weakness of thy arms vanish, and the feeble- ness of thy hands depart.
35. Stand . . . , O my friend, together we will go down.
Let thy heart . . . for conflict, forget death and fear not.”
And so they two came to the cedar forest (Tablet V, Col. i), and stood gazing at its height, looking at the entrance to it “ where Humbaba wanders about setting his footsteps.” The roads were straight and the way good. The cedar mountain was the abode of gods and the sanctuary of the goddess Irnini. The cedar mountain is probably the Lebanons, the gods and goddess of this region were Adad, Shamash, and Astarte. The cedars held high their luxurious beauty on the face of the moun- tain, “ good was its shade full of pleasure.” Gilgamish spoke to Enkidu,^® but his speech occurs in a lacuna, and Enkidu’s re- ply contains references to a door and when the narrative can again be followed he is speaking to this door as to a person:
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El5him revealed to Noah his intention to send the mabhuly “ Flood,” a word which is not used by the writer of the other document.^® It is probably a corruption of the word ahubu con- sistently used in the Accadian sources. He promised to make a covenant with Noah, which was fulfilled after the Flood. Noah was commanded to enter into the ark with his sons, his wife, and his sons’ wives. Of each kind of living thing he must take a male and a female into the ark. Noah was six hundred years old when the Flood came 3 he entered the ark with his sons, his wife, and his sons’ wives, and took two of all beasts, clean and unclean, of all fowls and creeping things.
He entered the ark on the seventeenth day of the second month. This is usually taken to be the month corresponding
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approximately to May, the year beginning in the spring accord- ing to the later Hebrew system. On that same day “ the foun- tains of the nether sea were cleft asunder and the windows of Heaven opened,” the writer using the same Babylonian cos- mological conceptions as he had employed in his description of the creation of Heaven and earth in Genesis i.6— 7. Here again his narrative reveals intimate knowledge of the Baby- lonian account. The waters covered the earth fifteen cubits deep, and the mountains were submerged. All living creatures perished. The waters covered the earth one hundred and fifty days, when Eldhim caused a wind to pass over the earth, and the waters began to dry up. The ark rested upon the moun- tains of Ararat in Armenia, on the seventeenth day of the sev- enth month, but not until the first day of the tenth month did the tops of the mountains appear. By the beginning of the next year, on the first day of the first month the waters had dis- appeared, and by the twenty-seventh day of the second month the earth was dry. The Flood in this narrative lasted a year and eleven days. This writer makes no reference to the send- ing forth of a raven and a dove, but passes immediately to the command of Eldhim to Noah, “ Go forth from the ark.” And so he and his family descended with all the living things. Elohim now blessed Noah, which corresponds to the blessing of Utnapishtim, who received eternal life at the hands of Enlil. The blessing of Noah is entirely different, for it contains re- ligious and legal instructions, and in content corresponds more to the instructions given by Xisuthrus to his family in the ac- count preserved by Berossus.'*®
The blessing of Noah by Elohim marks a distinct moral and religious advance upon all preceding narratives of the Flood story and is clearly monotheistic. Man shall henceforth be master of all living things, and they shall be his meat, but he is forbidden to eat flesh which contains blood; for blood is the seat of life and sacred to God. He is also forbidden to take human life, and there is also the extraordinary instruction that
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every beast which slays man shall be held accountable by Eldhim. This theory, in which the death of man by an animal is held to be murder is peculiar to Hebrew religion. Baby- lonian law merely imposed a fine on the owner of an ox which gored a man to death, if the owner knew that the ox was wont to gore. In Hebrew law both ox and owner were put to death. Babylonian law makes no reference at all to a formerly inoffen- sive ox which gored a man, but Hebrew law not only required such an ox to be stoned to death, but even its flesh might not be eaten. Elohim’s instructions on this point rest upon a more profoundly religious conception of animal life than that found in any other Semitic religion or in Sumerian religion.
Elohim now fulfils his covenant with Noah and with his seed after him, that not again should a flood destroy the earth, and the sign of this covenant was that henceforth his “ bow ” should be seen in the clouds. This is apparently the literal meaning of the text, and assumes that the rainbow was not previously known to man. It is difficult to deny that the writer actually means to explain this natural phenomenon by this clearly mythologi- cal origin. The word employed for “ rainbow ” here is the ordinary Accadian and Hebrew word for “ bow,” and never means “ rainbow ” in Accadian, nor is there any such my- thological explanation found in Accadian. The bow which Marduk used in his battle with Tiamat became the Bow Star or Canls Major in Babylonian mythology. Yaw and Elohim fought the same primeval battle with the dragon of Chaos,^^ and beyond doubt his bow was identified with the rainbow in Hebrew mythology. This identification would have been natu- ral in the case of Yaw, originally the god of clouds and storms. The word for rainbow in Sumerian and Accadian is unknown.^®
CHAPTER VII
THE EPIC OF GILGAMISH
T he standard Assyrian edition of the legend of Gilgamish has twelve Tablets} three Tablets of the old Accadian edi- tion have been found, one of which is numbered (Tablet II), and these do not agree in content with the corresponding num- bers of the Assyrian version. The number “ twelve ” is, there- fore, accidental, and the authors of this epic clearly did not adapt the episodes to the twelve months. The myth contains two principal themes which are interwoven with many minor ones, the education of the savage Enkidu and Gilgamish’s quest of a plant by which he might escape death. The major theme is the mortality of man, and has been discussed in the preceding Chap- ter. Only fragments of the original Sumerian epic have been recovered, and it is probable that it did not originally con- tain anything more than the narrative of the exploits of Gil- gamish and Enkidu, the latter’s death, and Gilgamish’s wan- derings to escape the eternal fate of man.
Gilgamish was an historical character, and fourth king of the first dynasty of Erech} his father Is said to have been a Ulla, which probably means an Ignorant person, a fool.^ For some reason legends concerning him were rife in Sumer, and one has been preserved by the late Greek writer Aellan, who tells the following story. Seuechorus, king of the Babylonians, heard how his astrologers had prophesied that his daughter would bear a child and that this child would seize the kingdom. He locked his daughter in the citadel, but she bore a son by an obscure man. The king’s guards threw the child from the tower. An eagle, perceiving him fall, seized him by the back and carried the babe to a gardener who reared him. This child was Gilgamos, who became king. The fragments of the origi-
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nal Sumerian epic do not yield much information^ One of these texts contains an episode not mentioned in the Accadian version, a battle with the dragon Zud It was, however, the god Lugalbanda, originally a king of Erech, and second predecessor of Gilgamish, who smote Zu,^ an exploit attributed in later mythology to Gilgamish.
Like his predecessors in the early Erech dynasty, Lugal- banda and Tammuz,® Gilgamish became a recognized deity. A prayer to him in a ritual of expiation begins;
“ Gilgamish, all powerful king, judge of the Anunnaki,
Prince, the solicitous, mighty among men.”
The prayer emphasizes his judicial insight into the affairs of men, and it was the Sun-god who entrusted him with the super- vision of judgment and decision.® He seems to have become an underworld deity, and is mentioned in omens with Ningishzida, and associated with the serpent.'^ His constant association with Shamash in magic indicates a connection in late mythology with the Sun-god, and especially with the Sun-god in the nether world. A man harassed by the ghosts of his dead relatives, prays that they stand before Shamash and Gilgamish, who con- sign them to imprisonment in Hell. He is called “ lord of the lower world,” and associated with Tammuz.® He had control of the souls of heroes and in the month Ab (July- August), he released them from their prison house for nine days.® For he, although a god, had crossed the Hubur river of death, and had taken his place among the gods of the “ great city ” of the dead.
The Accadian Epic of Gilgamish was known from its first line, “ He who saw all things.” Tablet I, Col. i, begins with an account of the wisdom of Gilgamish, how he discovered the mysterious wisdom of the gods and brought home information about the period before the Flood. He made a far journey in weariness and pain and engraved on a stela all his labours. He built the wall of Erech, a fact also referred to by a later ruler of that city. He looked at the wall of Eanna, Anu’s tem-
V — 1 7
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pie, which was made like brass and examined its foundation wall, and attained the thresholds which had been there since long before. He examined its foundations to discover whether they were made of kiln-baked bricks, and whether they had been laid by the seven wise men of old. There followed here in a lacuna an account of his restoration of Eanna.
(Col. ii.) In the next part of the text the poet describes his appearance. He was two thirds god and one third man. He had no equal and his weapons went forth. The men of Erech dreaded him. He decimated them, leaving not a son to his father nor a maiden to her mother. The gods heard the lament of daughters and wives and said to the Mother-goddess Aruru:
“ Thou hast caused to come into being a son, fierce like a wild bull and high is his head.”
After describing again the tyranny of this “ shepherd of Erech ” they appealed to Aruru:
“ Thou, Aruru, hast created Gilgamish,
And now create his like.
Verily let his rage be like to the rage of his heart.
Let them be rivals and Erech repose.”
And so Aruru washed her hands, cut off a piece of clay and cast it on the ground, and created Enkidu the hero, a hostile off- spring. His body was covered with hair, and the hair of his head was like that of a woman.
“ The shag of his head hair grew luxuriantly like corn.
He knew not men and the Land.
He was clothed like Sumugan (the god of cattle).
Eating grass with the kids.
Drinking at the watering place with the cattle.”
Enkidu is the representative of prehistoric and savage man, before he had been civilized. In late mythology the name has always the determinative for “ god,” and in fact, like Gilga- mish and many other ancient heroes, he received the divine title and is found even in the official pantheon.^® The name occurs
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in very ancient times without the title of deity/^ and is ex- plained by the scribes as “ he who causes the canals and water courses to lave the corn, and make the grain to thrive.” The word was also pronounced Enkimdu, and the Hittites bor- rowed it as Enkita. In the legend of the origin of civilization, discussed in Chapter IV, the men of the prehistoric period ate grass like sheep and drank water from the springs. They knew not food as prepared by men, and in fact the half human creatures of that period were not called “ man with the soul
of life ”j for as such he only came into being after the gods had created the goddesses of flocks and grain, and made civilization possible.^^
The archaeological representations of Enkidu and Gilgamish occur on seals of the early period and were found at Kish below the riverine stratum, which certainly represents one of the floods which destroyed the cities of the Euphrates Valley. Since Gilgamish, in this epic. Is placed after the famous Flood described by Ziusudra, it is clear that the Flood of Sumerian, Babylonian, and Hebrew legend must refer to one of much earlier date, traces of which were found at Kish and Ur almost at water level, and not later than 3500 b.c. and probably earlier. Fig. 76 shews a seal of the period circa 2730 b.c. On the right in the group of large figures Enkidu appears In com- bat with two lions, one of which attacks him with left paw
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lacerating his breast. The lower parts of Enkidu are those of a bull with long tail falling to the ground and shaggy tufts of hair grow about his knees. The bust, arms, and bearded face are human, but the head has the horns and ears of a bull. The long, bird-like nose is characteristic of all the innumerable rep- resentations of Enkidu and Gilgamish which occur prolifically in every ancient Sumerian city.^® To the right of the lions is the human-headed bull with long beard. At the left of this
Fig. 77. Gilgamish and Enkidu. Cylinder Seal from Kish.
Agade Period
scene in smaller dimensions are tw'o representations of the di- vine bull in conflict with Gilgamish. The conflict of Enkidu and Gilgamish with this “ bull of Heaven ” has already been described.^^
In describing this seal, which is utilized here specifically to illustrate the agreement between the description of Enkidu in the text and the representations of him in art, the discussion has anticipated the story. Enkidu’s conflict with lions is repeatedly mentioned in later parts of the epic. A good example of the representations of Gilgamish in combat with a bull, and of Enkidu with a lion, current in the period of the Agade dynasty is seen in Fig. 77 from Kish.
A hunter met Enkidu at the well where Enkidu was drink-
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ing and was terrified at his appearance, and “ his face was like one who had come on a far journey.” He entered his house and said to his father:
Col. iii, 2. “ My father, a peculiar man there is who has come from the mountain.
In the land mighty is his strength.
His strength has been made mighty as the army of Anu.
5. He goes about in thy land [like . . .]
Eating grass with the cattle always,
And his feet are ever set at the watering place.
I feared and came not nigh him.
He has filled the wells which I dug . . , ,
10. Torn the nets which I stretched out.
He caused the cattle, the flocks of the field, to go away from me.
Permitting me not to work in the field.”
His father sends him to Gilgamish in Erech and says that Gil- gamish will advise him to take a harlot and lead her to Enkidu. He will love her and abandon his cattle. And so he seeks Gil- gamish in Erech and repeats to him the description of Enkidu and his malevolent behaviour. Gilgamish directed him to take a harlot, and when Enkidu follows the cattle to the watering- place let her entice him with her sexual attractions. He will ap- proach her and the cattle will abandon him.
The scene represented in Fig. 12 probably refers to this story of the seduction of Enkidu. He is seen there in combat with the bull of Heaven, but behind him, supported by two kneeling figures, is a figure of a woman with nude bust.
And so the hunter conducted the harlot to the watering place where they arrived after three days. There they sat two days as the cattle and flocks came to drink. (Col. iv.) Enkidu came also and drank. The harlot beheld the savage man. The hunter said:
Col. iv, 8. “ This is he; O harlot, undo thy breast.
Open thy bosom, let him take of thy voluptuousness.
Be not ashamed, take of his lust.”
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And so Enkidu fell to the seductions of the harlot. Six days and seven nights he remained with her. When he returned to his cattle the goats and herds fled from him.
26. “ Enkidu was distressed and his body was paralysed.
Still stood his knees as his cattle went away.
Enkidu slackened his running, not as he did formerly.
And he comprehended, extending his knowledge.
30. He returned and sat down at the feet of the harlot,
Looking upon the face of the harlot.
And as the harlot spoke his ears comprehended.”
The harlot said to him:
34. “ Thou art become beautiful, O Enkidu, like a god thou art.
Why with the flocks wanderest thou on the plain?
Come, I will bring thee into Erech, the sheepfold.^*
To the holy temple, abode of Anu and Ishtar.
Where is Gilgamish, the perfect in might,
39, And like a wild bull tyrannizes over the people.”
Enkidu now longed for a companion and agreed to accompany the harlot to Gilgamish, saying:
Col. iv, 47. “I will summon him, ‘The mighty in strength speaks to thee.’
Col. V, I. I will cry aloud in Erech, ‘ Mighty am I.’
I will change the things arranged.
He who was born in the plain, mighty is his strength.”
The harlot describes Erech where the people clothed them- selves in mantles and held festivals. She also describes Gil- gamish to Enkidu:
Col. V, 16. “ Beautiful in manliness, having vigour.
His whole body is adorned with voluptuous grace.
He has mighty strength more than thee.
Lying down to sleep neither day nor night.
20. O Enkidu, change thy perverse conduct.
Shamash loves Gilgamish.
Anu, Enlil, and Ea have enlarged his understanding. Before thou earnest from the mountain,
Gilgamish in Erech sees visions of thee in dreams.
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25. Gilgamish rose up to interpret the dreams saying to his mother:
‘ My mother, I saw a dream in my night.
There were stars in Heaven,
He fell upon me like the army of Anu.
I lifted him but he was too strong for me.
30. I pushed him away but could not shake him off.
Erech, the Land, stood about him.
36. [I loved him] like a woman and fell upon him in embrace.
[I brought him] and cast him at thy feet.
And thou hast made him to rival with me.’ ”
This dream of Gilgamish according to the Assyrian version is told to Enkidu by the harlot. The second tablet of the early Babylonian version begins here and in the first fifteen lines has nearly the same content. Gilgamish’s mother was the goddess Ninsun, according to the Assyrian text/^ and this was also the legend found in Sumerian texts. Ninsun was the wife of Lugalbanda, deified ancient king of Erech, and latterly the kings of Ur claimed themselves to be sons of Ninsun. Ninsun then interprets the dream.
41. “ The stars of heaven are thy . . .
[The army] of Anu fell upon thee,
[Him thou didst lift,] and he was too strong for thee,
[Him thou didst push away] and wast not able to shake off,
45 - [Whom thou didst bring] and cast at my feet.
Him have I made to rival with thee.
[Thou didst love him like a woman] and fell upon him in embrace.
Col. vi, I. This is a mighty companion who delivers a friend.
Mighty in the Land is his strength.
Like the army of Anu has his strength been made mighty. [Thou didst love him like a woman] and fell upon him in embrace.
5. He will . . . thee.”
The interpretation of the dream given in the old Babylonian version contains a command that Gilgamish should spare En- kidu and bring him to her.^® Again Gilgamish dreamed and reported it to his mother.
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Enki, therefore, admits that EnliPs reason for sending the Flood was the sin of mankind, but not all men were sinners and he should not have destroyed the righteous. Both versions of the Flood story in the Hebrew text of Genesis vi.5— 8 and vi. 9-22 attribute the Flood to the sins of men among whom only Noah was found righteous by Yaw or Elohim. According to the Hebrew version all received their just rewards. The tradi- tion of the total destruction of mankind by a Flood occurred in the Irra myth,®^ where another universal disaster by wild beasts was mentioned. A myth, commonly designated as the Poem of Ea and Atarhasis, describes a series of world calamities caused by Enlil, drought, pestilence, and finally a flood, discussed in Chapter VIII. The destruction of Babylonia by Irra seems to have been based upon a later political catastrophe, but Ea now reminds Enlil of all these former catastrophes and at the end includes one caused by Irra, which cannot be that described in Chapter V.
182. “ Instead of thy bringing about a deluge, let a lion come up and decimate the people.
Instead of thy bringing about a deluge, let a leopard come up and decimate the people.
Instead of thy bringing about a deluge, let hunger prevail and the land . . .
185. Instead of bringing about a deluge, let Irra come up and the people . . .”
Ea then tells Enlil how he caused Utnapishtim, here called atrahasisy “ the exceedingly wise,” to have a dream, by which he learned the plan of the gods to send the Flood. But above (lines 19-31) this version had another explanation j Ea had
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spoken directly to Utnapishtim in a mysterious manner, com- municating his warning by a reed hut. This discrepancy in the narrative is due to redaction of documents containing divergent accounts of the legend. Ea defends the theory of individual re- sponsibility, which is, in fact, contrary to the accepted Baby- lonian principle of communal responsibility. EnliPs course of action was entirely harmonious with the Babylonian theory of sin and punishment, and especially with the doctrine that from Adapa and Tagtug all men had inherited sin and deserved pun- ishment. If one man and his family escaped this disaster it was due to the intrigue of Ea, as the loss of eternal life through Adapa was due to his intrigue inspired by jealousy. Noah’s deliverance in the Hebrew version is clearly based upon the doctrine advocated by Ea in the Assyrian edition of the Gilga- mish Epic. He was saved because he was righteous.
Ea convinced Enlil that he was wrong in attempting to de- stroy all men because many were sinful, or at least the poet so assumes, and he ends his address with the following words:
“ And so now take ye counsel concerning him.”
This is addressed to all the gods who had aided Enlil in his plan to destroy all living creatures. And so Enlil ascended into the boat, took Utnapishtim by the hand and led him forth with his wife whom he caused to kneel at his side. Enlil touched their foreheads, stood between them and blessed them.
193. “ Formerly Utnapishtim was a man,
But now Utnapishtim and his wife shall be like the gods, even us.
Utnapishtim shall dwell far away at the mouth of the rivers.”
Here again there seems to be a confusion of sources, for Gilga- mish’s journey with the boatman across the western sea to find Utnapishtim as related in Tablets nine and ten cannot be recon- ciled with the location of the land of the blessed at the mouth of the rivers in Tablet eleven, or the Flood story. The “ mouth
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of the rivers ” is surely taken from the old Sumerian legend in which Ziusudra was translated to Dilmun. Obviously some island at the mouth of the Tigris and Euphrates is meant here. Utnapishtim thus told Gilgamish the story of the Flood and how he had attained immortality. In reply to Gilgamish’s quest for the same blessing from the gods he said:
197. “ Now who of the gods, for thee, will take thee also into their
assembly? ”
For Gilgamish, on meeting Utnapishtim, had marvelled how he had been received into the assembly of the gods.
198. “ The life which thou seekest shalt thou find?
Come, lie down to sleep six days and seven nights.”
When he sat down a deep sleep fell upon him and Utnapishtim said to his wife:
“ See the strong man who desires life!
Sleep like a storm blows over him.”
His wife urged her husband to wake him and let him return by the way he had come. Utnapishtim’s reply is enigmatic and has been variously interpreted :
210. “ Mankind is evil, but is it evil for thee? ”
Apparently he means to say that to send him back to his land would be to shew no mercy. Although mankind is wicked, that is the concern of the gods and not theirs. There follows here a magical ceremony whose meaning is obscure. Utnapishtim orders his wife to bake seven breads and place them by the head of Gilgamish as he lies in deep sleep beside his boat.
215. “ His first bread was dry.
The second was kneaded, the fourth was white, his roasted bread.
The fifth, she put Tihu with it, the sixth was cooked.
218. The seventh — suddenly he touched him and the man awoke.”
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Gilgamish on waking complains of being stiff and of having been suddenly roused from his sleep. He is told to count his breads. He asks Utnapishtim how he should proceed and where he should go.
231. The plunderer has seized my . . .
Death sits in my sleeping chamber And in the place . . . has death placed.”
Utnapishtim, now angry with his boatman for having conducted to his quay this mortal, covered with sores and exhausted in strength, thus addressed Ursanapi :
239. “ Take him and bring him to the washing-place.
Let him wash his sores in water that they be like snow.
Let him cast off his skins and the sea carry (them) away.
Well shall his body be clothed.
Let the turban of his head be made new.
With a garment, the clothing of his secret parts, let him be clothed.
Until he comes to his city.
Until he arrives on his route,
Shall the garment not be soiledy but remain new.”
And so Ursanapi washed and clothed Gilgamish in new gar- ments. Now they again embark in their boat and set out to sea. Then Utnapishtim’s wife said to her husband:
259. “ Gilgamish goes, he is weary, he labours.
What wilt thou give him? he returns to his land.”
And so Gilgamish lifted his pole and pushed the boat to the shore, when Utnapishtim said to him:
264. “ Gilgamish, thou art gone, thou art weary, thou labourest.
What shall I give thee? thou returnest to thy land.
I will reveal to thee a secret matter.
And not [shall thou disclose it] ; lo I will tell thee.
268. There is a plant like a briar \in the midst] of the ocean.
Whose thorn is like the rose and it will \_frick thy hand].
If thy hand attains that plant [thou shall live (?)].”
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When Gilgamish heard this he tied heavy stones [to his feet], which drew him to the ocean. The word used for “ ocean ” means the mythical freshwater sea beneath the earth j it is difficult to determine what meaning the myth concerning the location of this plant intends to convey. The plant of healing, kiskanUy grew in the ocean where dwells Ea, the Water-god, at the junction of the two rivers. The myth, as narrated here, has brought Gilgamish to a land beyond the bitter waters and be- yond the extreme limits of the earth and the underworld ocean. Apparently this version has again made use of the older Su- merian poem which located the abode of Utnapishtim on an island in the Persian Gulf. The plant grew in the depths of a freshwater lake or fountain. Gilgamish obtained it, and, cast- ing off each stone from his feet, rose to the surface and said to the boatman:
288. “ O Ursanapi, this plant is the plant of metamorfhosis
By which man obtains his vigour.
I will carry it to Erech of the sheep-fold, will give it to eat to the . . . and may he cut it off.
Its name is, ‘ The old man becomes a young man.’
I will eat and return to my youth again.”
They now set out on their return voyage across the sea. After twenty double hours they broke bread. After thirty hours they rested. Gilgamish saw a spring and descended to bathe. A serpent smelled the odour of the plant, came up and carried it away. As the serpent returned, it cast off its skin. And so it was the serpent and not man that received the power of renew- ing its youth. Gilgamish sat down to weep:
293. “For whom of mine, O Ursanapi, are my arms weary?
For whom of mine is the blood of my heart perished?
I have done myself no good.
A lion of the earth had done good for himself.
Now to a distance twenty double hours the wave carries the plant away.
As I opened the jar it poured out the equipment.
299. But I have found the marvel which was placed beside me; I will depart.”
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227
After fifty double hours they reached Erech. It is difficult to understand why Ursanapi abandoned Utnapishtim and returned to live among mortals. Gilgamish tells him to ascend the wall and walk about on it, to look for its dedication if perchance its brick inscription had not been replaced, or the seven wise ones had not laid its foundation.
In following the narrative of the Flood as told in the eleventh book of the Epic of Gilgamish, the wanderings of Gilgamish have been included, since the mythology concerning Ziusudra or Utnapishtim is so closely connected with it. The episode of the quest for the plant of rejuvenation has been also included, although it forms in reality one of the major topics of the Gil- gamish myth. This episode has no connection with the Flood, but it completes the narrative of Gilgamish’s Odyssey.
The myth incidentally explains the well known phenomenon of the annual rejuvenation of the serpent, and adds to the legends of Adapa and Tagtug still another legend of how man lost eternal life. The serpent’s theft of the plant has been found in a Sumerian incantation against “ serpent seizing,” that is, to heal a person seized by a serpent. Into this incantation which begins; “ O serpent of double tongue, double tongue, ^ Great serpent ’ is its name,” a reference to the theft of the plant has been incorporated:
“ The serpent by the stone, the serpent in the water, the serpent at the quay of life.
Seized the watercress.
O woe, the dog tongue, the watercress it seized.”
The plant of rejuvenation was, therefore, the sihlu^ a kind of cress or mustard.
The legend of the serpent’s theft of the plant, “ The old becomes young,” passed early into Greek mythology by way of Asia Minor. Aelian tells the following story about the snake called Dipsas.
“ I must also sing a song upon this creature, a story which in fact I know by hearsay, that I may not appear to be ignorant of
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it. Tradition tells us that Prometheus stole fire, and the legend relates that Zeus was indignant, and gave to those who informed about the theft a drug which was an antidote to old age. I have been told that the recipients put it on the back of an ass, who went off carrying his burden. It was summer time, and the thirsty beast went to a spring to quench his thirst. The snake that guarded it stopped him and was driving him off, but the ass in his distress gave him as payment for the ‘ cup o’ kindness ’ the drug which he was carrying. So an exchange took place j the one- drank, and the other doffed his slough, taking upon him, as the story goes, the ass’s thirst. What then? Am I the maker of the legend? Nay, I cannot say soj since before me Sophocles, the tragic poet, and Deinolochus, the antagonist of Epicharmus, and Ibycus of Rhegium and Aristias (?) and Apollophanes, comic poets, sing of it.”
The names of some of these poets which Aelian has preserved are significant, for they had some connection with Asia Minor. Ibycus of the sixth century b.c. lived at the court of Polycrates in Samos } and it is recognized that Sophocles shews traces of familiarity with the eastern stories of Herodotus. Again, Ni- cander, a didactic poet of the second century b.c., a native of Colophon in Lydia, tells in his T heriaca what he calls “ an old- world tale ” about the reason why the Dipsas has acquired its name. This title “ Thirsty ” means that the snake causes in- tense thirst in the victims of its bite, and the story gives the reason why snakes cast their slough. It runs as follows:
“ An old-world tale is preserved among men, that when Cronus’ eldest son became master of Heaven, he divided up in his wisdom glorious governments amongst his brethren, and gave youth as a reward to short-lived menj so honouring them, because they disclosed the thief of fire, fools that they were! for they got no gain from their evil counsel. Slow and weary they made their gift follow upon ‘ White-coat.’ ‘ Frisky ’ sped on with a throat burning with thirst j and seeing a deadly reptile in its hole, he wagged his tail and besought
LEGENDS OF THE DELUGE
229
the creature to succour his evil plight. Then the snake asked the poor fool for the load which he had taken upon his back, and the ass in his necessity did not refuse it. From that time forth reptiles cast their aged slough, but evil old age envelops menj while the deadly beast received ‘ Brayer’s ’ complaint, and inflicts a scarce-seen wound.”
The Scholiast on the passage gives two versions of the story which differ only in one respect: in the first, mankind entreats the gods to give them youth, to the intent that they might never grow old} the other tale he calls “ Promethean,” and in it, as in Nicander, the gift of “ Never-grow-old ” is given to man- kind as a reward for disclosing who it was who stole fire. He adds that the story is in Sophocles’ Kd-phoi^^
Two more small Accadian fragments of the Flood story have been recovered, but they add no material information to the two principal texts discussed in this Chapter. They only prove the popularity of the legend among the Babylonians and Assyrians.^^ In West Semitic mythology the legend survived among the Aramaeans at Bambyce,^® and among the Hebrews. The Hebrew story has survived in two sources, one early and one late. They have been redacted into a single document in Genesis vi.5— ix, but are easily distinguished. The version of the early source so far as its narrative was preserved by the later revisers has the following account.
Yaw saw that all men were wicked, and repented that he had made man. And He said, “ I will destroy man whom I have created from the face of the earth, both man and beast, and the creeping thing and the fowl of the air.” Only Noah found fa- vour before Yaw, who said to him: “ Come thou and all thy house into the ark} for thee have I found righteous before me in this generation.” He was commanded to take with him into the ark seven males and seven females of every kind of clean beast, a male and a female of every kind of unclean beast} also seven males and seven females of all kinds of birds. These instruc- tions were given seven days before the Flood. Yaw predicted
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that He would cause it to rain upon the earth forty days and nights. The Accadian version does not state the number of days between the warning by Ea and the “ fixed time ” of the Flood, but only that Utnapishtim laid down the frame of the ark on the fifth day. The rain-storms lasted only six days and nights in the Accadian version, and the disaster was increased by the breaking of dams and locks.
And so it rained forty days and forty nights as Yaw had said ; the waters increased and bore up the ark. All living things on the earth were destroyed. When the rain ceased at the end of forty days Noah opened the window of the ark and sent forth a raven which went to and fro until the waters dried up. The word for raven in the Hebrew text is the same as in the Ac- cadian version, where it is the third bird sent forth, which found the waters drying up and returned not. It is clear that the Hebrew account depends upon the Accadian, but has changed the order of the release of the birds.
Noah sent forth the dove, which found no resting place for the sole of her foot and returned to the ark, precisely as in the Accadian account. He waited another seven days and again sent out the dove, which returned with an olive leaf in her mouth. After another seven days he again sent forth the dove, “ which returned not again to him any more.” He then built an altar and sacrificed of every clean beast and fowl} ,Yaw smelled the sweet savour of the sacrifices. This is taken almost literally from the Accadian narrative of Utnapishtim’s sacrifice and how the gods smelled its sweet odour. Yaw now resolves never again to curse the ground because of man’s innate sinfulness nor to smite again all living things} but henceforth the natural order of nature shall prevail, as He had imposed it upon Adam and his seed after the expulsion from Eden. Man must sow and reap, there shall be cold and heat, summer and winter, day and night.
The soliloquy of Yaw is again based upon the polytheistic version of the Accadian narrative, where Ea convinced Enlil of his error in causing all life to be destroyed because of man’s
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sinful nature and his wrong in punishing the righteous with the sinful. Yaw declares, entirely in accordance with Sumero-Baby- lonian theology, that “ the imagination of man’s heart is evil from his youth up.” The Hebrew narrative is entirely mono- theistic in spirit and teaching. The only trace of polytheism which the writer allowed to survive is in the reference to Yaw’s smelling the incense of the sacrifice. This is all the more re- markable in view of the obvious dependence of this early He- brew writer upon the Accadian polytheistic narrative.'’^
The second and later Hebrew account of the Flood invariably used the name Elohim for the monotheistic deity, and although written at a later period than the source discussed above, is cer- tainly based upon a source equally ancient. It begins by giving the generations of Noah, i.e., Shem, Ham, and Japhetj Noah was “ a just man who walked with God.” Elohim found that “ all flesh had corrupted his way upon the earth,” and said to Noah that “ the end of all flesh is come before me.” He com- manded him to build an ark with rooms in it and to pitch it within and without. The length was three hundred cubits, or four hundred and forty-three feetj its breadth fifty cubits or seventy-four feetj the height thirty cubits, or forty- four feet. It had three stories and a door at the side.
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SEMITIC MYTHOLOGY
' Why are my cheeks not pale and is my countenance not fallen?
My heart not made sad, my appearance not exhausted?
Not woe in my mind,
And my face not like one who has come on a far journey?
My face . . . not scorched by cold and heat?
. . . and I wander not on the plain?
My friend, my adopted brother, chaser of asses of the mountain, pan- ther of the plain,
Enkidu, my friend, my adopted brother, panther of the plain.
We who travelled everywhere and ascended the mountain.
We who seized the bull and slaughtered him.
We who cast down Humbaba, that dwelt in the cedar forest.
Col. ii, I. We who in passes of the mountains slew lions.
My friend [who] went [with me] in all difficulties, Enkidu, who went [with me] in all difficulties.
The [fate of man] has overcome him,
Six days and nights I wept over him, not handing him over to the tomb,
5. Until the worm fell on his nostril.
I feared and was frightened at death wandering on the plain.
8. The affair of my friend \^weighs heavily ufon me^.
I have wandered on the plain a far journey, the affair of Enkidu [weighs heavily upon me^.
A far road I have wandered on the plain.
How shall I be silent? How shall I cry aloud?
My friend whom I love has become like clay, Enkidu whom I love has become like clay.
Shall I not sleep like him?
14. Shall I not rise (from the tomb) through all eternity? ”
Siduri, according to the ancient Babylonian version, gave him this advice:
Ccl. hi, I. “ O Gilgamish, whither wilt thou go?
The life thou seekest thou shalt not find.
When the gods created mankind.
Death they prepared for man,
5. But life they retained in their hands.
Fill thou, O Gilgamish, thy belly.
Be merry day and night.
Every day prepare joyfulness.
Day and night dance and make music.
10. Let thy garments be made clean.
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213
Let thy head be washed, and be thou bathed in water. Give heed to the little one that takes hold of thy hand. Let a wife rejoice in thy bosom.
14. For this is the mission of man.”
The late version omits this advice of Siduri, which is similar to that given to him by Shamash. Now he enquires of her the way to Utnapishtim, and asks for its “ sign.” If it be possible he would cross the seaj if not he would wander by the plain. She tells him that none had ever crossed that sea, save the Sun-god.
ASSYR. VERSION, TAB. X
Col. ii, 25. “ Deep are the waters of death which prevent access to it.
Where, O Gilgamish, wilt thou cross the sea?
When thou reachest the waters of death, what wilt thou do? ”
She then gave him the name of Utnapishtim’s boatman, Ur- sanapi, Sursunabu in the old version, Ur-shanabi in the Hittite translation. His name means, “ servant (?) of Enki,” sana'pt, or the word for “ two thirds,” being a sacred number for this god. He had also another title, Puzar-Kurgal, “secret of the god Enlil,” kurgaly “great mountain,” being a title of Enlil who plotted to destroy mankind by the Flood and whose secret was discovered by Enki. The boatman of the ark was saved and translated to the isle beyond the waters of death with his lord Utnapishtim, and the epithets which he bears refer to his connection with the Flood legend.^® There were “those of stones ” with the boatman, an expression which recurs and has not been explained.^® Ursanapi was engaged cutting urnu in the forest. She told Gilgamish to consult the boatman 5 if it be possible, to cross the sea with him, but if not to turn back.
32. “ When Gilgamish heard this,
He lifted his axe to his side,
34^. Drew the sword from his belt.
34*^. It whistled and descended upon the cruel ones.^°
35. Like a javelin it fell among them.”
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SEMITIC MYTHOLOGY
For some reason Gilgamish shattered “ those of stone,” and in the fragmentary text which follows, Ursanapi addresses Gil- gamish 5 a boat, the waters of death, the wide sea, and a river are mentioned.^^ Here Gilgamish is asking for a passage over the sea. Again Ursanapi addresses him:
Col. iii, 2. “ Why are thy cheeks pale, is thy countenance fallen?
Thy heart is made sad, thy appearance exhausted,
[And] there is woe in thy mind.
Thy face is like one who has come on a far journey.
. . . thy face is scorched by cold and heat.
7. ... and thou wanderest on the plain.”
To this Gilgamish replies in the same lines as those of his reply to Siduri:
10. “ Why are my cheeks not pale and is my countenance not fallen? etc.,
ending,
31. “ Shall I not sleep like him?
Shall I not rise (from the tomb) through all eternity? ”
Thus Ursanapi also hears how Gilgamish, fearing the death which had overtaken his friend Enkidu, seeks eternal life from Utnaplshtim.^^
Gilgamish now asks the boatman the way to Utnaplshtim, and demands “ the sign ” of the way. If the way over the sea be impossible he would wander by land.
The old version has this account of the meeting of Gilgamish and the boatman:
Col. iv, I. “ He shattered them in his rage.
He then stood again over against him.
Sursanabu beheld his face.
Sursanabu spoke unto him, unto Gilgamish:
5. ‘ Who art thou by name? O tell me!
6. I am Sursunabu, of Utnapishtim the far away.’ ”
Gilgamish replied:
8. “ Gilgamish is my name, I
Who have come from . . .
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215
12. Now, O Sursanabu I see thy face.
Show me Utnapishtim the far away.”
ASSYR. VERSION
(Col. iii, 36.) Ursanapi in his reply reminds Gilgamish of how he had shattered “ those of stone.” He commands him to take his axe, go to the cedar forest, and cut poles sixty cubits long.^*
42. “ Construct and make ready a tula^^ bring it \to me \ .”
Gilgamish and Ursanapi embarked and launched the ship on the billows of the sea, for the voyage of a month and fifteen days. After three days Ursanapi reached the waters of death. He thus addressed Gilgamish:
Col. iv, 2.
6 .
10.
15 -
18.
“ Thou crossesty O Gilgamish, \^the waters of death].
Let not thy hand touch the waters of death, . . .
Take thou a second, a third, and a fourth pole, O Gil- gamish.
A fifth, a sixth, and a seventh pole take, O Gilgamish. An eighth, a ninth, and a tenth pole take, O Gilgamish. An eleventh, a twelfth pole take, O Gilgamish,
With one hundred and twenty (strokes) Gilgamish had come to the end of the poles.
And he loosened his girdle . . .
Gilgamish . . .
With his hand he caused the boat to reach the quay.^^ Utnapishtim sees him afar off,
And said in his heart speaking a word,
Meditating with himself;
‘ Why are “ those of stone ” of the ship shattered?
And one not belonging to it sailing in the boat?
He who comes, what for a man is he not?
And . . .
I looked and what for [a god] is he not? ’ ”
Here the narrative concerning the meeting of Gilgamish and Utnapishtim is lost. When it can be resumed Gilgamish is speaking:
Col. V, I. “ Why are my cheeks not pale, and is my countenance not fallen?
My heart not made sad, my appearance not exhausted? ”
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SEMITIC MYTHOLOGY
In the lacuna before this passage Utnapishtim had spoken to him the same words as Siduri and Ursanapi had done:
“ Why are thy cheeks pale, is thy countenance fallen? ” etc.,^®
Gilgamish’s reply is again identical with his two previous re- plies to the goddess wine-merchant and the boatman.^® After these late interpolations in the Assyrian text Gilgamish explains to Utnapishtim the reason for his having crossed the sea to obtain immortality. (Col. v, 23-35.) He relates the perils of his journey through all lands, and over all seasj he had slept not, and his body was fatigued with pain and misery. He had slain wild animals for his food, and Siduri the wine-merchant had locked her gate against him. Utnapishtim’s reply is pre- served in a broken section of the text. He comments on the misery allotted to mankind, and, after a long break, his reflec- tions, which form part of the wisdom attributed by the Baby- lonians to him, continue:
Col. vi, 26. “ Build we a house for ever?
Seal we (contracts) for ever?
Do brothers divide their inheritance for ever?
Is there begetting for ever in the \land,\ ?
29. Has the river brought up the flood . . . for ever?
35. (Frail) man is bound; and after he worships . . .
The Annunaki, the great gods, \hofue gathered hini\.
Mammit, maker of fate, together with them, has fixed the fate.
Life and death they have provided.
39. They have not made known the days of death.”
The foregoing narrative, taken from Tablets nine and ten of the Epic of Gilgamish,®^ contains the pilgrimage of Gilgamish to Utnapishtim. A Babylonian map preserves their cosmologi- cal conception of the world. Fig. 75 is a simplified repro(^uc- tion of this map which comes from the period of the first dynasty (2169-1870 b.c.). The inner circle represents the
Fig. 74. Flood Stratum at Kish
LEGENDS OF THE DELUGE
217
earth, which floats on the sea and is surrounded by the “ bitter river.” Beyond this sea are seven regions (marked A, B, C, D, E, F, G). Beside region E, beyond the western sea, the scribe wrote “ three? double hour marches between,” that is between the sea-shore and this unknown region, and adds “ place where the sun is not seen.” Beside all the other re- gions beyond the bitter river, the scribe indicates the interven-
ing distance. According to the Epic Gilgamish’s voyage across the sea in the west occupied one month and fifteen days.
An inscription, with this figure, describes seven regions be- yond the sea, each seven double hour marches from the land. The drawing is damaged. From this Babylonian cosmology the Persians obtained their idea of the seven Karshvars, of which the earth is the central one (Hvanirathra). The Babylonian map may have only six regions beyond the seaj for G and A are not on the plan as preserved. The earth is not indicated as a “ region ” on this map and consequently the plan is re- stored on the supposition that they conceived of seven trans- marine regions. The inscription speaks of three kings who
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SEMITIC MYTHOLOGY
seem to have crossed this sea of death, Utnapishtim, Sargon, and Nur-Dagan. Sargon is the famous founder of the empire of Agade in the twenty-eighth century b.c.®^
Gilgamish, having heard the pessimistic wisdom of Utnapish- tim on the fate of all men, marvels that he, who had attained immortality, nevertheless appears to be a mortal like himself. This moved him to explain how he came “to stand in the assembly of the gods,” and how he “ discovered life.” The story of the Flood is now described to Gilgamish as a “ mystery.”
Tab. XI, II.
U-
20 .
25.
30.
“ Shuruppak there is, a city which thou knowest,®® Which on the bank of the Euphrates was founded. That city was old and the gods in it Were moved in their hearts to send the Deluge, they the great gods.
In it was their father Anu,
Their counsellor, the heroic Enlil,
Their throne-attendant Ninurta,
Their leader Ennugi.
Ninigikug, the god Ea, sat with them And repeated their words to a reed hut:
‘ O reed hut, reed hut, O wall, wall,
Reed hut, hear, wall, understand.
O man of Shuruppak, son of Ubar-Tutu,
Destroy the house, build a ship.
Abandon possessions, seek life.
Hate property, seek life.
Bring up the seed of all living things into the ship.
The ship which thou shalt build.
Its proportions let be measured.
Its width and its length shall correspond.
. . . the deep cover it.’ ”
Utnapishtim promised to do as Ea had ordered, but was con- cerned about what the people of Shuruppak would say when they saw him building a ship. Ea tells him to say that Enlil hates him, and he would dwell no more in their city but abide with Ea on the ocean. But Utnapishtim seems to betray the secret to his fellow citizens, for he said to them:
LEGENDS OF THE DELUGE
219
43. “ He (Enlil) will cause too much rain to fall upon you.
To the annihilation of birds, the annihilation of fishes.
[He will destroy for you] the thriving harvest.
The sender of hailstones
47. In the night-time will cause a hailstorm to rain upon you.”
As soon as the next day dawned all his people, small and great, began work on the ship. He laid down its frame on the fifth day. The bottom was one hundred and twenty cubits square or about two hundred feet square, and its walls were one hun- dred and twenty cubits high. Its roof corresponded, being one hundred and twenty cubits wide and long. In other words, the Babylonian ark was a huge cube two hundred feet on each side. He built into it six floors, thus dividing it into seven compart- ments or storeys. The interior had nine compartments, meaning apparently that each storey had nine rooms. He drove water- stoppers into its middle part. He secured a pole and put into the ship all things necessary. Six sars of pitch he put into an oven. Three sars of pitch he caused to be brought into the interior. The ship’s basket-bearers brought three sars of oil beside a sar of oil put into the hold, and two sars of oil which the boatman stowed away. He slaughtered oxen and sheep each day for feeding his workers and gave them beer, wines, and oil, and they made a carnival as on New Year’s day. Utnapishtim anointed himself with oil and reposed from his labour. The date of the completion of the ship seems to have been given as the month [Tesh]ri-tu, but this is uncertain. If so, the Flood came in the autumn, but this would conflict with the reference to the destruction of the harvest. He loaded the ship with his gold and silver} all of his family embarked, and he brought in cattle and all animals of the field, and all skilled men.
86. “ The Sun-god had prepared the appointed time,
‘ When the sender of hailstones in the night-time shall cause a hailstorm to rain.’
‘ Enter thou into the ship and close thy door.’
That appointed time came.
V — 16
SEMITIC MYTHOLOGY
220
go. The sender of hailstones in the night-time caused a hailstorm to rain.
I looked at the appearance of the day.
Upon seeing the day (weather) I took fright.
I entered the boat and closed the door.
To the keeper of the ship, to Puzur-Kurgal the boatman,
95. I gave over the great house, together with its possessions.
When day broke
There went up from the eastern horizon a black cloud.
Adad thundered therein.
Shamash and Marduk went before it.
100. Over mountain and sea went the throne-bearers.
The mighty Irra seized away the beams (of the dams).
And Ninurta coming caused the locks to burst.
The Anunnaki bore torches.
Making the land to glow with their gleaming.
105. The noise of Adad came unto Heaven.
Everything light turned to darkness.
The land like . . .
For one day the hurricane . . .
Swiftly blew . . .
1 10. Like the shock of battle over the [people] it came.
Brother saw not brother
And men could not be recognized from Heaven.
The gods were terrified at the Deluge,
Withdrew and ascended to the Heaven of Anu.
1 15. The gods, crouched like dogs, lay by the outer walls.
Ishtar cried like a woman in travail.
The queen of the gods (Mah), she of the sweet voice, moaned: ‘ (They of) yesterday verily (are) returned to clay.
Because I commanded evil in the assembly of the gods.
120. How in the assembly of the gods have I commanded evil?
Or commanded the shock of battle to destroy my people?
It was I who bore my people
And like the brood of fish they (now) fill the sea.’
The gods, the Anunnaki, wept with her.
125. The gods sat dejected in weeping.
Their lips were closed . . .
Six days and six nights
Raged the wind, the Deluge, the hurricane devastated the land. When the seventh day arrived, the hurricane, the Deluge, the shock of battle was broken,
130. Which had smitten like an army.
The sea became calm, the cyclone died away, the Deluge ceased.
LEGENDS OF THE DELUGE
221
I looked upon the sea and the sound of voices had ended.
And all mankind had turned to clay.
Like a roof the hedged park was levelled.
135. I opened a window and the light fell on my cheek.
I kneeled and sat down to weep,
Tears streaming on my cheeks.
I looked on the quarters of the billowing sea.
A region stood out at a distance of twelve double hour marches. 140. The boat touched upon mount Nisir.®®
Mount Nisir held it fast and allowed it not to move.”
On the seventh day Utnapishtim released a dove, which went forth and returned, for it found no resting place. He released a swallow, which returned. He sent forth a raven which saw that the waters were drying upj it found food, wallowed in mud, scratched and returned not. And so he knew that the waters were dried up, and he released the animals to the four winds and made an offering on the top of the mountain. The gods smelled the incense of cedar and myrtle. They assembled like flies about Utnapishtim as he sacrificed; for man had been created to serve the gods and they now hungered for food of the burnt offerings. Then came Mah, mother of men and queen of the gods. She bore the great jewelsy which Anu had made for her and said:
164. “O ye gods, these here, as I may not forget my lapis lazuli neck-lace.
So shall I remember these days and forget not forever.
Let the gods come to the libation ;
But Enlil shall not come to the libation.
For he was heedless and brought about the Deluge,
169. And fated my peoples to disaster.”
When Enlil came and saw the ship he was enraged against the gods of Heaven:
“And did anyone escape with (his) life? No man shall live in the disaster.”
Then his son Ninurta replied:
“ Who but Ea contrives schemes? And Ea knows all plans.”
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Ea at once admits his intervention to save mankind and spoke to Enlil:
178. “ O thou sage of the gods, and heroic,
How wast thou heedless and didst send the Deluge?
180. On the sinner place his sin; on the frivolous place his frivolity. Desist, let him not be cut off ; consider, let him not . .
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Of these eight divine helpers of man, four are male deities, and four, Ninsu-utud, who heals the aching tooth, Nazi, Dazima, and Nintil are goddesses. Ninkasi, god of the Vine, corre- sponding to the Greek Dionysus, is often defined as a goddess in Babylonian mythology. There was also the god of banquets, Siris, Sirash, who is sometimes defined as a goddess.
The ancient Hebrew legend of Adam and Eden is followed by a story of the birth of Cain and Abel, sons of Adam and Eve. Cain was a tiller of the soil and Abel a keeper of sheep: From Cain descended the following eight patrons of the arts, Enoch, Irad, Mehiyya-El, Methusha-El, Lamech, Jabal, Jubal, and Tubal-Cain. The text discloses the characters of only the last three, Jabal, patron of tents and flocks, Jubal, patron of music, Tubal-Cain, patron of metal-workers. Of these only one, Lamech, is of Sumerian origin; this name is probably Lumha, title of Enki as patron of singers. It is clear, then, that the Sumerian epical poem of Tagtug and Dilmun is directly connected with the ancient Hebrew document of Genesis ii.4— iv.22. Although the text of the Sumerian poem still has un- restored lacunae, and the meaning and connection of some lines remain in doubt, it is clearly the source of the most im- portant theological myth of Semitic antiquity.
CHAPTER VI
LEGENDS OF THE DELUGE
I N Western Asia the legend of the Flood is of Sumerian origin, and is now known from the excavations at Kish and Ur to have been based upon an historical catastrophe/ Fig. 74 shews the Flood stratum which passes through the ruins of the temple of Ninhursag at Kish, just below plain level, and below this stratum have been found early Sumerian antiquities of the best period of their civilization. Nineteen feet below this great Flood stratum are traces of another Flood, ap- parently identical with a thick Flood stratum found also at Ur. The great Flood stratum at Kish is dated by inscriptions above and below it at about 3300 b.c., whereas the traces of the earlier Flood may be placed shortly after 4000 b.c. It was certainly the earlier Flood which provided the Sumerian chroniclers with their scheme of dividing the history of Sumer and Accad into the antediluvian and post-diluvian periods. Their dynastic lists begin the post-diluvian period with the first dynasty of Kish, founded by Ga-ur, preserved as Euechoros by the Greeks.^ By no possible reduction can the founding of the first dynasty of Kish be reduced lower than 4000 B.c.
Babylonian and Assyrian scribes frequently refer to the age “ before the Flood ” as the lam abubiy abubu being the Accadian original of the Hebrew word for the Flood, mabbuly and the Aramaic mamola. A king praises himself as one “ [who loved to read] the writings of the age before the Flood.” ^ Enmen- duranna, or Enmenduranki, preserved as Euedorachos by Berossus, was one of the legendary kings before the Flood whom the Babylonians regarded as the founder of divination and
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apparently also of medicine and magic rituals of expiation.* These rituals had been handed down as secret instructions from the “ ancient sages before the Flood.” The Sumerians located the principal event of the Flood at Shuruppak, the modern ruins of which are named Fara, and one of these rituals was said to have been copied there by a sage of Nippur in the reign of Enlilbani of Isin (2144— 2121 b.c.). Ashurbanipal learned to read the monumental inscriptions before the Flood. Beros- sus preserved this tradition in his account of the Flood. Xisuthrus, as he rendered the name Ziusudra, last of the Sumerian antediluvian kings, warned of the Flood by Cronus, was ordered to write down all history from the beginning to the end, and to deposit the tablets at Sippar, city of the Sun- god. After his escape in a boat Xisuthrus, when the waters had dried up, found that it had stranded on a mountain in Armenia. He, therefore, descended with his wife, daughter, and pilot, bowed to the earth and offered sacrifices to the godsj these four all disappeared, and in the Babylonian account they received eternal life on an island beyond the Western Sea. When the others who had been saved in the boat descended they called for Xisuthrus, and heard his voice from the air admonishing them to be pious 5 for because of his own piety he had been translated to dwell with the gods. He ordered them to return to Babylonia, to search for the writings at Sippar and make them known to all men. This they did, and the Baby- lonians and Assyrians believed that all revealed knowledge, “ the mysteries ” of the expiation rituals and all true rules of conduct, had been thus preserved for them directly from the hands of the sages who lived before the deluge.®
The names of ten kings who lived before the Flood have been recovered. The clay prism, now in Oxford, gives the lengths of each reign, and the total is 456,000 years, a mythi- cal figure obtained perhaps by assigning 120 sars or 120 X 3600 years to this period, which yields 432,000 years, as preserved by Berossus. A Sumerian tablet has another
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version which gives only eight kings and 241,200 years or 66 sars. This long mythical period was received and revised by Indian and Chinese mythologists. The Chinese period or age of the thirteen kings of Heaven and eleven kings of earth, was also 432,000 years, and so was the Indian Kali-yuga. The Hindus have four cosmic cycles, divided into the proportions 4, 3, 2, I. There are krta^ 1,440,000 years of unblemished righteousness} treta^ 1,080,000 years of three fourths right- eousness} drapdrUy 720,000 years of half righteousness} and kali-yugay 360,000 years of one quarter righteousness. The Hindu tradition is apparently developed from the Sumerian- Indian-Chinese system by fanciful theological thinkers.®
The ten Sumerian antediluvian kings, who correspond to
the ten patriarchs of one Hebrew tradition, with corresponding Greek transcriptions.
are given below
SUMERIAN.
GREEK.
HEBREW.
Alulim.
Aloros.
Adam.
Alagar.
Alaparos.
Seth.
Enmeluanna.
Amelon.
Enosh.
Enmengalanna. god-Dumuzi, the
Ammendn.
Kenan.
shepherd.
Daozos.
Mahalalel.
Ensibzianna.
Amempsinos.
Jared.
Enmenduranna.
Euedorachos.
Enoch.
Ubardudu.
Opartes.
Methusaleh.
Aradgin.
Ardates.
Lamech.
Ziusudra.
Xisuthros (Sisythes)
Noah.
These Sumerian and Greek lists are obtained by critical ar- rangement of the sources.^
Sumerian and Hebrew traditions agree in placing the Flood in the time of the tenth king or patriarch.
The Syrian version of the Flood as it was transmitted and transformed at Bambyce has already been noticed in Chapter
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I.® The earliest version has been found on a Sumerian tablet from Nippur of about the twenty-third century b.c. Not more than one quarter of this document has been preserved. It apparently follows upon the myth of Tagtug in the pre- ceding Chapter j for with the first line preserved, Nintur, who had born Tagtug, mentions the “calamity” which had be- fallen mankind. To which Enki (?) replied: “Oh Nintur, what I have created. . . .” Then follow these lines spoken apparently by Enki:
“ ‘ The Land in its foundations will I restore.
Cities wheresoever they be shall they build, and I cause their shelter to give them rest.
In my city they shall lay its brick in a holy place,
And my dwelling in a holy place they shall set.
Brilliantly y with all things fitting shall they finish it.
The rituals and ordinances they shall fulfil magnificently.
The earth I will water and provide them counsel.’
After Anu, Enlil, Enki, and Ninhursag Had created the dark-headed peoples
Creatures with the breath of lije on earth he made plentiful.
The cattle of the field, them that are four legged, on the plains he called into being as was fitting.”
Here there is a long break in which the work of creation was described and then follows this passage:
“ Then kingship descended from heaven.”
After the establishment of rituals and precepts, Enlil (?) founded five cities, named them and assigned each to one of the gods. To Enki he gave Eridu, to the Virgin, i.e., Innini, he gave Badtibira, to Pabilhursag he gave Larak, to Utu (Shamash) he gave Sippar, and to Aradda he gave Shuruppak.
“ Ajterward he . . . planted fruit-trees.
Little canals, whose moistening irrigates all {the land\ he provided.
This description of the antediluvian period was continued in the break which recurs again here, and the reason for the
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destruction of the world by a Flood is also lost. One Sumer- ian list of the kings before the Deluge names the same five cities as consecutive capitals. The great dynastic list has six cities, Habur (Eridu), Ellasar, Badtibira, Larak, Sippar, and Shuruppak, that is, it inserts Ellasar between the first and second. The tradition reported by Berossus in Greek has only four, Babylon, Pantibiblos, Larak, and [Shuruppak]. Baby- lon and Ellasar owe their distinction in this prehistoric list to local pride of scribes who redacted the legend in those cities.
The Flood is now described. Then Nintur \cried^ like {a woman in travail^ and Innini wailed for her people. Enki bethought himself for counsel j the gods of Heaven and Earth \invokedd\ the names of Anu and Enlil. Enki had discovered the plan of Anu and Enlil to drown mankind. “ Now at that time Ziusudra was king, a priest of lustrations was he.” Daily he worshipped the gods with reverence, bowing his face to the earth in fear of them. Then Enki “ without a dream,” that is not by sending him revelation by a dream, repeated to him “ their command.” The obscure and sudden transition of the narrative seems to imply this interpretation. Enki repeated to Ziusudra the plan of the gods to send a flood. He was told that they had sworn by Heaven and Earth to destroy all man- kind. Enki’s revelation to Ziusudra now follows:
“ . . . the gods a wall . . .
Ziusudra stand thou within and hear.
Beside the wall at my left hand stand . . .
Beside the wall I will speak to the . . .
My instructions hear . . .
By my hand shall a deluge be sent upon the . . .
The seed of mankind shall [perish] in destruction.
This is the decision, the command of the assembly [of the gods] .”
Here the instructions to build an ark and save his family are lost in a long lacuna, and when the narrative reappears the deluge is being described:
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The rain storms, mighty winds all of them, they sent all at once.
The Flood came upon the . . .
When for seven days and seven nights.
The Flood had raged over the Land,
And the huge boat had been tossed on the great waters by the storms, The Sun-god arose shedding light in Heaven and on Earth.
Ziusudra made an opening in the side of the great ship.
He let the light of the hero the Sun-god enter into the great ship. Ziusudra, the king.
Before the Sun-god he bowed his face to the ground.
The king slaughtered an ox, sheep he sacrified in great numbers.”
The events after Ziusudra and his family descended from the boat are lost in a long lacuna, and when the narrative can be taken up again he is giving his last instructions to men before he was translated by Enlil.
“ By the life of Heaven and Earth shall ye swear, and by you shall it be bound (banned).
By Enlil and the life of Heaven and Earth shall ye swear and by you it shall be bound (banned).
The creatures with the breath of life shall you cause to go forth.”
The last line, if correctly rendered, refers to the living things saved in the ark. Then follow a few lines from a long de- scription of Ziudsudra’s translation to the mountain of Dilmun.
“ Ziusudra, the king.
Before Enlil bowed his face to the earth.
To him he gave life like a god.
An eternal soul like that of a god he bestowed upon him.
At that time Ziusudra, the king.
Named, ‘ Saviour of living things and the seed of humanity,’
They caused to dwell in the inaccessible mountain, mountain of Dilmun.”
The fragment ends here and the description of the mountain where he henceforth enjoyed eternal life has not been re- covered.®
Ziusudra left instructions to men, and a Sumerian fragment of them has been found. He gives these instructions, speaking
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in didactic style, each paragraph beginning: “ My son, where the sun rises.” There are instructions to protect the homeless and the stranger. There seems to have been a book of wisdom attributed to the immortal Ziusudra, or, as the Babylonians translated the name, Utnapishtim, all written in this style, and many such books have survived in the Accadian language.^® The Hebrew didactic style, “ My son,” in wisdom literature is borrowed from these Accadian, and eventually Sumerian, admonitions attributed to the Babylonian Noah.
The most detailed narrative concerning the Flood is in- corporated into the Epic of Gilgamish, where it is not an essen- tial part of that myth, being introduced because Gilgamish sought for the plant of life in the legendary abode of Utnapish- tim. It is written in Accadian, but the source is the older Sumerian legend. In Tablet IX, Column i, Gilgamish, ter- rified by the death of his friend Enkidu, determined to seek Ziusudra or Utnapishtim, son of Ubar-Tutu. After a terrifying dream he arose and journeyed to the Mashu Mountains, upon which rests the vault of Heaven and whose foundations attain Arallu:
Col. ii, 6. “ Scorpion-men guard its gate,
Whose terribleness is fierce, and whose glance is death. Terrifying is their dazzlement, overpowering the moun- tain ranges.
They guard Shamash at the rising and the setting of the sun.
10. Gilgamish saw them and with terror And dismay was his face darkened.
He took courage and saluted them.
The scorpion-man cries to his wife :
‘ He who comes to us — his body is flesh of the gods.’
To the scorpion-man his wife replied:
16. ‘ Two thirds of him is god and one third man.’ ”
Here the interview with the scorpion-man is broken by a long lacuna, after which the narrative begins with Gilgamish’s re- quest for information concerning the route to the abode of
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Utnapishtim. (Col. iii.) He is told that none before had traversed these mountains. Here there is a long break in the text, after which the scorpion-man’s address to Gilgamish can again be followed. (Col. iv.) He is told to traverse the Mashu Mountains. He pursues the “ road of Shamash,” that is toward the far west. His advance by stages of one double hour’s march each (about six and a half miles) is described, until he has painfully done twelve stages.
47. “ When he had accomplished the first hour’s march he . . . Thick was the darkness, there being no light.
It permitted him not to see the region behind him.”
(Col. V.) At the end of the eighth hour he cried out loudly. The eleventh hour was finished before sunrise, but at the end of the twelfth hour there was light. When he saw the trees of the ... he dashed forward. There he found cornelian stones bearing fruit, full of foliage, and good to look uponj lapis lazuli bore . . . and fruit desirable to see. (Col. vi.) There is a further description, after a lacuna, of various pre- cious stones in the region where Gilgamish arrived and came to (Tablet X, Col. i.) the goddess Siduri, described as a wine merchant {^sahttu). From an old Babylonian version’^ it seems that Gilgamish, after he reached the Paradise of trees and stones in the Mashu Mountains, met the Sun-god who, having learned of his quest for the plant of life, was sad and thus addressed him:
Old Version, i, 7. “ O Gilgamish, whither goest thou?
The life which thou seekest thou shalt not find.”
And Gilgamish replied:
Col. ii, 10. “ After I had roamed on the plain like a wanderer,
In the midst of the earth, the stars failed.
I lay down to sleep all years.
May my eyes see the sun, and may I enjoy the light. Far was the darkness, where (? ) is there light enough? 15. When shall the dead see the brightness of Shamash? ”
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Siduri, or Shiduri, is a west Semitic name of Ishtar as pa- troness of female wine-mixers and wine-merchants, and is described as the “ goddess of Wisdom ” and protecting genius of life in one text. The name is also written Shidurri on a tablet of this legend from the Hittite capital. Gilgamish found her dwelling in a cave by the sea. She had a wine jar" and a brewing tub, and was covered with a veil. He ap- proached her, clad in a skin garment; there was woe in his heart and he appeared like one arrived from a far journey. The Sabitu saw him from afar and said to herself;
ASSYR. VERSION, TAB. X
Col. i, 13. “ Who knows whether this man is a slayer [of . . .] ?
Whence has he flown hither in . .
When she saw him she fastened her gate; Gilgamish demanded admittance, threatening to shatter her door and smash the lock- pins. Apparently the Sabitu admits him to her presence, and there follows this passage which recurs whenever Gilgamish meets one of the gods or heroes on his journey.^® (Gilgamish describes to her his exploits with his friend Enkidu. See the Chapter on the Epic of Gilgamish) :
“ [We cast down Humbaba who dwelt in the] cedar [forest],
[In the f asses of the mountains] we slew lions.
[Sabitu] spoke to him, spoke to Gilgamish:
‘ The guard of the cedar forest thou didst slaughter.
[Thou didst cast down] Humbaba, who dwelt in the cedar forests.
[In the fasses] of the mountains thou hast slain lions.
[Thou hast seized] the bull which descended from Heaven, and thou hast slaughtered him.
Why are thy cheeks pale, is thy countenance fallen?
Thy heart is made sad, thy appearance exhausted.
[And] there is woe in thy mind.
Thy face is like one who has come on a far journey.
. . . thy face is scorched by cold and heat.
. . . and thou wanderest on the plain.”
Gilgamish replies to her in a passage which recurs twice again in his interviews with Ursanapi and Utnapishtim:
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SEMITIC MYTHOLOGY
in that uncivilized primeval age, and had religious instinct enough to worship Anu. The existence of the Igigi or great gods of the upper world is presupposed. But man is still a savage j now the gods in Dukug, the holy cosmic chamber, created the goddesses of corn and flocks, so that they them- selves might have food, but they were not filled, obviously be- cause civilized man had not appeared to provide them with regular sacrifices. Then men “ with the soul of life ” came into being, and they were created for the benefit of the gods. The theory that savage men, who ate herbs, had no souls, seems to be clear enough here, and the same belief is apparently held by the author of the Epic of Gilgamish, when he described the savage Enkidu, before he had been introduced to the ways of civilization and had learned to worship the gods.
But flocks were born and grain thrived only in the cosmic chamber. Now they are abundantly provided for man, a state- ment which proves clearly enough the doctrine so strenuously advocated by the representatives of the Pan-Babylonian school of Assyriologists, that what exists on earth pre-existed in Heaven, or in the home of the gods. The phraseology of the poem implies this; for the poet passes immediately from the description of the flocks and grain in Dukug to the statement that they henceforth were given unto men. The poem now continues:
46. “ The ewes which were placed in the folds,
The shepherd caused to become prolific in the folds.
The Grain- (goddess) which stood for harvest,
The flourishing maiden, was carried away in abundance.
50. In the field where she lifted high her head.
Where abundance from Heaven descended,
Flocks and grain they caused to be excellent.
Abundance they caused to be among the multitude of men.
In the Land creatures with the breath of life they caused to be. 55. The decrees of the gods they regulated.
In the store-houses of the Land food they made plentiful.
In the sanctuaries of the Land they caused glory to be.
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Him that of pressed ( ? ) the house of the poor They treated harshly, and caused it to have riches.
60. To two of them, whom in their land, Dilmun, they had placed. Their glory in the temple they augmented?^
At this point the text is too fragmentary to afford much in- formation. Mention is made of the vine and wine, and then the Grain-goddess begins an address to Lahar, the patroness of sheep. Here there is a long lacuna, and near the end of the poem Lahar is addressing Ashnan:
“ O Ashnan, take counsel with thyself.
And do thou like me give food to eat.
They behold thy laws.
And I will follow thee Let the miller . . .
What of thine is more, what of thine is less, make equal.
Then Ashnan by her fulness was pleased in heart and to earth hastened.”
Ashnan replied to Lahar:
“As for thee, Iskur (Adad) is thy lord, Sumugan is thy minister; the guardian of thy sleeping chamber.”
The text of the second part of this poem, as interpreted by the writer, describes the conditions of civilization introduced, after a long age of barbarism, by the Earth and Water-gods, Enlil and Enki. If the translation of the lines referring to the punishment of those who oppress the poor is correct, the poem does not describe a sinless Paradise, but only a perfectly or- ganized society in which the gods had established absolute justice.'^
Another Sumerian hymn to the Grain-goddess, created by Enlil, describes the age before man had built cities, sheep-folds, and cattle-stalls 5 and it was Nidaba, the Grain-goddess, who inaugurated the age of civilization.® At the end of the poem, translated above, there is a reference to two persons who had been placed in Dilmun. This is the well known land, men-
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tioned in historical and religious texts throughout the long history of Sumer, Accad, Babylonia, and Assyria} it lay on the shores of the Persian Gulf and has been located by the writer and others on the eastern shore. By some it has been identified with the island Bahrein, and also with the western or Arabian coast land opposite the island Bahrein. Whatever may have been its geographical definition in historical times, Dilmun must have included Eridu at the mouth of the Euphrates in my- thology, and Dilmun was the Sumerian land and garden of Paradise. A long Sumerian poem on Paradise and the loss of eternal life has a somewhat different account of this myth than that recorded In the later Accadian poem on Adapa.® It bears the rubric, “ Praise Nidaba,” which defines the composi- tion as a theological poem, unlike the Adapa poem, which was written as a prelude to an incantation. From the rubric one should expect that the author had written a myth on the origin of civilization, attributing it to the Grain-goddess. It presents, however, an almost complete parallel to the Hebrew legend of Adam and the Garden of Eden.
The poem is divided into the following sections;
(A). ENKI AND HIS WIFE (DAMKINA) REPOSED IN DILMUN WHERE MEN LIVED IN PARADISE, OBVERSE I-II, 19:
“ They alone reposed in Dilmun ;
Where Enki with his wife reposed,
That place was pure, that place was clean.”
At the end of the poem translated above, “ two of them ” who had been placed in Dilmun, must, therefore, refer to these two deities and not to two human beings. The poem now describes the prehistoric age of bliss in Dilmun.
“ In Dilmun the raven croaked not.
The kke shrieked not kite-like.
The lion mangled not.
The wolf ravaged not the lambs.
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The dog knew not the kids in repose,
And the grain-eating swine he did . . .
The growing scion . . .
The birds of Heaven {abandoned) not their young.
None caused the doves to fly away.
None said, ‘ O disease of the eyes, thou art disease of the eyes.’
None said, ‘ O headache, thou art headache.’
None said to an old woman, ‘ Thou art an old woman.’
None said to an old man, ‘ Thou art an old man.’
In (that) city none inhabited a pure place which had not been laved with water.
None said, ‘ There is a man who has trespassed against a canal.’
No prince withheld his mercy.
None said, ‘ A liar lies,’
None said ‘ Alas! ’ in the sanctuaries of the city.
Ninsikilla spoke to her father Enki (saying) :
‘ Thou hast founded a city, thou hast founded a city, to which thou hast assigned its fate.
Dilmun, the city thou hast founded, thou hast founded a city to which thou hast assigned a fate.
[Eridu} ] thou hast founded, a city thou hast founded, to which thou hast assigned a fate.
In thy great . . . waters spring forth.
Lo, thy city drinks water in abundance.
Lo, Dilmun drinks water in abundance.
Lo, thy well of bitter waters springs forth as a well of sweet waters. Lo, thy city is a house by the quay border in the Land.
Lo, Dilmun is a house by the quay border in the Land.
Now, O Sun-god arise.
O Sun-god in Heaven stand.
He that waits in Duezenna,
In the sleeping-chamber of Nanna(r),
Stands forth in prayer to thee at the mouth where the waters flow, by the sweet waters of the earth.’
In his great . . . waters sprang forth.
His city drank waters in abundance.
Dilmun drank waters in abundance.
His well of bitter waters became a well of sweet waters.
In field and plain at harvest time grain throve.
His city became the house by the quay border in the Land.
Dilmun became the house by the quay border in the Land.
Now O Sun-god, shine forth. Verily it was so.’
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The poem up to this point has been interpreted by some scholars as a description of the earth before civilization was bestowed upon mankind by Enki, and not as a description of primeval Paradise. This view does not take into consideration the totally different account in the poem translated above/^ which is really a description of the conditions such as these interpreters wish to place upon this section of the poem under discussion. The longer poem is a continuation of the former, and obviously describes how “ the two ” who had been placed in Dilmun, that is Enki and his wife, instituted a sinless age of complete happiness in Dilmun. If this were not true, then there would be in the further development of the argument an account of the creation of gods, man, animals, and vegetation. The existence of man in Dilmun is clearly implied not only in the section translated above, but by the whole of the subsequent argument.
(B). REVELATION OF ENKI TO THE MOTHER- GODDESS NINTUR, WHO HAD CREATED MAN, COL. II, 20-46. SHE SHALL BEAR OFFSPRING FROM THEIR UNION.
At this point begin several obscure episodes. It is certain that they refer to the impregnation of the Mother-goddess Nin- tur, Ninkur, by the god Enki. This was the interpretation of many critics and I was quite wrong in my earlier editions in translating these episodes as descriptions of the Deluge. Enki, the possessor of wisdom, revealed his decision to Nintur, that he would cohabit with her, and by this union was produced Tagtug or Uttu.^®
“ His purpose secretly, grandly, and kindly he made known to her.^^
He said; ‘ Let none enter unto me.’
Enki said.
By heaven he swore:
‘ Lie with me, lie with me,’ were his words.
Enki beside Damgalnunna spoke his command:
‘ The womb of Ninhursag will I impregnate.
In utero accipiat semen dei Enki.
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It shall be the first day in her first month.
It shall be the second day in her second month.
It shall be the third day in her third month.
It shall be the fourth day in her fourth month.
It shall be the fifth day in her fifth month.
It shall be the sixth day in her sixth month.
It shall be the seventh day in her seventh month.
It shall be the eighth day in her eighth month.
It shall be the ninth day in her ninth month, month of the period of woman.
Like fat, like fat, like tallow,
Nintur, mother of the Land,
. . . shall bear.’ ”
(C). OBVERSE III, 1-8.
“ Nintur by the shore of the river replied:
^ Deus Enki super me procumbety procumbet*
Isimu, his messenger he called :
‘ None shall kiss this first-born daughter,
Nintur, this first-born daughter, none shall kiss.’
Isimu, his messenger, replied:
‘ None shall kiss this first-born daughter,
Nintur, this first-born daughter, none shall kiss.’ ”
(D). IMPREGNATION AND CHILD-BIRTH OF NINTUR. OBVERSE III, 9-39.
“ My king (Enki), full of awfulness, yea of awfulness.
Set foot alone upon a boat.
Two attendants as watchmen he stationed.
Uber suum attigity voluptarie earn osculans.
Enki impregnated her womb.
In utero accepit semen del Enkl?^
This episode of the impregnation of the Mother-goddess Nintur in a boat on the Euphrates is now followed by an account of the nine months of her pregnancy, and the birth of a child. Then the whole episode is repeated 5 at the end of this repeti- tion the following episode occurs. The offspring of this divine pair was Tagtug, the weaver and smith, founder of civilization. He is described throughout as a god.
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(E). EDUCATION OF TAGTUG. OBVERSE III, 39 — REVERSE II, 15.
“ Tagtug she reared.
Nintur to Tagtug called:
‘ I will purge thee, and my purging . . .
I will tell thee and my words . . .
He who alone super me procuhuity frocubuky Was Enki qut super me procuhuity procubukd
Thus Tagtug learned from his mother the secret of his origin. Here there is an unfortunate break in the text, but, from a few signs, Nintur seems to be giving him his education in the midst of a garden. He is told to stand in the buildings Baraguldu and Rabgaranj for
“ In the temple he has caused to sit my guide,
Enki has caused my guide to sit.”
Then she tells him that two attendants will fill the canals and irrigate the fields and garden. The secret instructions given to Tagtug seem to have been discovered by Enki, for he says;
“ Who art thou that in the garden . . . ?
Enki to the gardener
Enki then sat on his throne, took his sceptre and waited for Tibir in the temple. Tibir arrived and Enki ordered him to open the door and enter, saying:
“ Who art thou? ”
To which Tagtug (Tibir) replied:
“ I am a gardener, the irriX plant and the fig . . .”
“ I will bestow upon thee the form of a god,*
said Enki. And so Tagtug joyfully opened the door of the temple.
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“ Enki educated- Tibir.
Joyfully he imparted to him his counsel.
Tagtug he educated^ he . . . him and . . . him.”
By the unfortunate break in this text the further instructions given by Enki to the gardener of Paradise are lost, and when the account can again be followed there is a description of how at least seven plants grew in the garden j this seems to be part of an address of Nintur to Tagtug, who again repeats to him the phrase that it was Enki who impregnated her.
(F). LEGEND OF THE FALL OF MAN, REVERSE
II, 16-47.
This section is closely parallel to the Hebrew legend of the “ tree of knowledge ” in Eden. Enki summoned his messenger Isimu and said:
“ I have decreed for ever the fate of the plants.”
It is apparently Nintur, desiring to know this secret, who asks the messenger: “What is this. What is this? ” If so, it was she who desired to know the names of those plants which Tagtug might eat and the name of the one forbidden.
“ His messenger Isimu replied (to her? ) :
‘ My king has spoken of the nard,
He may cut therefrom and eat.
My king has spoken of the plant . . . ,
He may gather therefrom and eat.
My king has spoken of the plant . . . ,
He may cut therefrom and eat.
My king has spoken of the prickly plant . . . ,
He may gather therefrom and eat.
My king has spoken of the plant . . . ,
He may cut therefrom and eat.
My king has spoken of the plant . . . ,
He may gather therefrom and eat.
My king has spoken of the plant . . . ,
He may cut therefrom and eat.
My king has spoken of the cassia^
He may gather therefrom and eat.’ ”
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SEMITIC MYTHOLOGY
Here follows the line vital to the interpretation, and unless it be taken in the sense implied by my interpretation, there can be no question of a forbidden plant, by eating which Tagtug brought upon himself the curse of the gods. The natural translation would be:
“ Enki fixed the fate of the plant(s) and placed it (them) in the midst (of the garden).”
But there now follows the following curse:
“ Ninhursag spoke an oath in the name of Enki,
‘ The face of life until he dies shall he not see.’ ”
The Anunnaki sat in the dust (to weep).
Violently she spoke to Enlil,
‘ I, Ninhursag, bore thee a child and what is my reward? ’ ”
Obviously Tagtug had committed some sin, the consequence of which was the loss of eternal life. The expression “ face of life ” is obscure, but the curse clearly means that, “ until he dies,” that is, as long as he lives, he shall be no longer sheltered from the woes that henceforth would beset all flesh — sickness, death, and trouble. This sin is not mentioned and can be ex- plained by interpreting the vital line of the passage above: “ Enki fixed the fate of a plant and placed it in the midst of the garden,” forbidding Tagtug to take from it to eat. This he seems to have done, bringing upon himself the same curse as Yaw placed upon Adam. It is, however, strange that the text does not refer to this sin, and this interpretation must be ac- cepted with caution. Ninhursag, the Mother-goddess, in this episode appeals to Enlil, not to Enki, and as she was the wife of Enlil, perhaps the myth should receive a different interpre- tation. The motif of the curse may be jealousy on the part of this divine pair. Enraged by the blessings bestowed upon the offspring of Enki by Nintur, Ninhursag (who is in fact only another name for Nintur) condemns Tagtug to remain a mor- tal. Certainly by strict interpretation of the text and not read-
THE SUMERIAN LEGENDS
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ing anything into it from the Hebrew legend of Adam, the latter is the safest explanation.
Enlil the begetter replied vehemently:
“ Thou Ninhursag hast born me a child.
And so, ‘ In my city I will make thee a creature ^ shall thy name be called.
. . . his head as a peculiar one he modelled.
His feet ( P ) as a peculiar one he designed.
His eyes as a peculiar one he made brilliant.”
The creation of another man or god by Enlil has no apparent connection with the fate of Tagtug. Clearly Enlil created the “ only one,” or “ peculiar one,” to appease Ninhursag, who through jealousy ( ? ) had brought about the fall of the gardener of Dilmun. According to another legend the Moon-god Sin was born by the union of Enlil and Ninlil (= Ninhursag).
(G). THE MOTHER-GODDESS NINHURSAG CRE- ATES DIVINE PATRONS TO AID IN HIS MORTAL LIFE. REVERSE III.
Enlil and Ninhursag provided for the future, decreed the fate (of Tagtug?), and fixed (his) destiny. Ninhursag now addresses someone as “ my brother.” This, by the nature of the address, must be Tagtug, son of Enki.
My brother, what with thee is ill?
Abu I have created for thee.
My brother, what with thee is ill?
Nindulla I have created for thee.
My brother, what with thee is ill?
Ninsu-utud I have created for thee.
My brother, what with thee is ill? ‘ My mouth is ill.’ Ninkasi I have created for thee.
My brother, what with thee is ill?
Nazi I have created for thee.
My brother, what with thee is ill?
Dazima I have created for thee.
My brother, what with thee is ill?
‘ My flocks are ill.’ ‘ My wells are ill.’ ‘ My teeth are ill.’
‘ My memhrum virile is ill.’ ‘ My side (?) is ill.’
‘ My rib is ill.’
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Nintil I have created for thee.
My brother, what with thee is ill? ‘ My intelligence is ill.’
Enshagme I have created for thee.”
These eight divinities created to serve fallen man are then further described as follows:
“ These children who were born, who were provided for him —
Let Abu be lord of vegetation.
Let Nindulla be lord of Magan.
May Ninazu possess (marry?) Ninsu-utud.
Let Ninkasi be he that fills the heart.
May Umundara possess (marry?) Nazi.
May . . . possess (marry?) Dazima.
Let Nintil be queen of the month.
Let Lnshagme be lord of Dilmun.”
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“ The advice which I have given thee shalt thou not neglect.
That which I have commanded hold thou fast.”
The messenger of Anu came to the house of Ea and seized Adapa, “ who had broken the wings of the south wind.” “ Bring him to me,” commanded Anu.
“ He caused him to take the road to Heaven, and he ascended to Heaven. When he ascended to Heaven and came nigh to the gate of Anu,
In the gate of Anu stood Tammuz and Gishzida.
When they saw Adapa they cried: ‘ Help!
0 man, for whom art thou become like this? O Adapa,
For whom art thou clad in sackcloth? ’
‘ In the land two gods have disappeared and I
Am clothed in sackcloth.’ ‘ Who are the two gods who have disap- peared in the land? ’
‘ They are Tammuz and Gishzida.’ They looked at each other,
And were astonished. When Adapa before Anu, the king.
Arrived, Anu beheld him and cried:
‘ Come, O Adapa. The wings of the south wind, why Hast thou broken? ’ Adapa answered Anu: ‘ My lord,
For the temple of my lord in the midst of the sea
1 was fishing. The sea was like a mirror.
THE MYTH OF ADAPA AND ADAM i8i
But the south wind rose and immersed me,
It caused me to descend to the house of the lord; in the rage of my heart,
The south wind I cursed.’ They answered . . . Tammuz And Gishzid, words of mercy to Anu
Speaking. He calmed and his heart was seized with fear, (saying) :
‘ Why has Ea caused man, the unclean.
To perceive the things of Heaven and Earth? A mind
Cunning has he bestowed upon him and created him unto fame.
What shall we do for him ? Bread of life
Get for him, let him eat.’ Bread of life
They got for him, but he ate not. Water of life
They got for him, but he drank not. A garment
They got for him, and he put it on. Oil
They got for him, and he anointed himself.
Anu beheld him and was astonished at him, (saying):
‘ Come, O Adapa, why hast thou not eaten and not drunk?
Thou shalt not live . . ”
Adapa replied that it was Ea who ordered him to act in this manner, whereupon Anu ordered his messenger to take him back to earth.
So ends the Canaanite fragment. An Assyrian fragment contains a few lines from the end of the poem. Here Ann’s wrath at Ea’s interference is mentioned. Adapa, from the gates of Anu, scanned the wide Heaven from east to west and saw its grandeur. Here the fate of Adapa was given, but the text is unfortunately illegible. Anu placed some penalty upon him corresponding to that imposed upon Adam by Yaw in Genesis iii. 17-19. But, as in the Sumerian legend of the Fall of Man, described in Chapter V, Anu provides some allevia- tion for the sorrow and pain which should henceforth be the lot of man. Upon Adapa he conferred sacerdotal privileges in Eridu for ever. The fragment closes with these lines :
“ In the days when Adapa, the offspring of man.
With his . . . cruelly broke the wings of the south wind.
And ascended to Heaven, so verily
Did this come to pass, and whatsoever he brought about evilly for men. And disease which he brought about in the bodies of men.
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This will the goddess Ninkarrak allay.
May the sickness depart, the disease turn aside.
Upon that man may his crime fall
And . . . may he rest not in sweet sleep.”
From these lines it is obvious that the entire myth was com- posed as an incantation to heal the sick. The author means to say that the disease which the magician endeavours to heal was caused not by the sins of the patient, but by Adapa, whose fatal act brought death and pain into the world in an age when sorrow was unknown in Paradise. But the gods provided for man a divine physician, the goddess Gula or Ninkarrak.
Gula, often called the great physician, is a specialized form of the Mother-goddess, Mah, Ninmah, Aruru, the Accadian Belit-ili. Her symbol on monuments is the dog, as in Fig. 51, third register, last figure on the right. The monuments usually include the figure of Gula, seated on a throne, the whole sup- ported on the back of the dog. Sometimes the dog, always a hound, appears alone on boundary stones j on some the dog sits beside her throne, the goddess is represented with both hands raised in prayer to the gods on behalf of men.^® The dog seems to have been associated with Gula because she is a defender of homes. A Babylonian, in fear of demons, secured the protection of his house by the magic ritual of a priest, and was assured that “ a great dog sat at his outer gate, and Gula the great physician sat on the lintel of his door.” But another Babylonian invoked Ninkarrak to aid him against slanderers. The following obscure lines occur in his invocation:
“ At the assembly of the palace gate,
At the congregation of wise men,
O Ninkarrak, restrain thy whelps.
In the mouths of thy strong dogs place a bit.”
Apparently he fears that false accusations by slanderers will cause him to be brought into court, but why the goddess, who is a protectress of the righteous, should loose her dogs against
THE MYTH OF ADAPA AND ADAM 183
him is not clear. Perhaps her dogs refer to the slanderers, in which case the passage has no mythological meaning, and is meant to describe evil-minded men as dogs.
The myth teaches the doctrine of original sin, in this case attributed to Adapa. The doctrine arose in the orthodox priest- hood as a defence of divine providence, when a Babylonian school of philosophers challenged the ancient teaching of the Sumerians, who held that the gods are good and just. It was not they who sent disease and sorrow into the world, not they who created man to die, but pain and mortality originated in the ignorance of a great ancestor, tricked by the jealousy of a god, and so passed for ever the great opportunity of mankind.
The parallel myth, as it appears in an ancient Hebrew docu- ment, has influenced the beliefs and conduct of mankind more than any legend that has ever been conceived by the poets and priests of antiquity. The Hebrew writer could not have had the same motij in teaching the doctrine of original sin and the origin of pain and sorrow that inspired the Babylonian author. For the pessimistic literature of the Hebrew sceptics (Job, Ecclesiastes) is much later than his period. Nor is there any trace of its origin in rituals to heal the sick. Since the Adapa legend and similar Babylonian doctrines concerning inherited sin were known in Canaan before the earliest Hebrew docu- ments existed, it is probable that the Hebrew myth is adapted from them. Although the teaching of the Hebrew myth is the same as that of the Adapa legend, the manner by which Adam brought mortality and sorrow upon man is entirely different, and contains the episode of the serpent which does not occur in either the Adapa nor the Tagtug myth. The legend is told in the third Chapter of Genesis, and is preceded in the same document by the account of the creation of Adam, the first man, and his wife.^®
In the account of creation given by this document, Yaw- Elohlm planted a garden in Eden toward the east. This is
SEMITIC MYTHOLOGY
184
surely a survival of a Sumerian legend j for the word edin in Sumerian means “ plain,” and “ Eden to the eastward,” refers to some legendary part of Sumer, from the point of view of a writer in Canaan. In the Tagtug legend of Paradise, this primeval land of bliss is located in Dilmun, on the eastern shore of the Persian Gulf. In this garden he placed “ man,” adam, afterwards used as a proper name, Adam, and all trees good for food, and “ the tree of life.” There was also “ the tree of knowledge of good and evil.” Adam was forbidden to eat from the tree of knowledge, in other words his happiness de- pended upon his remaining entirely unconscious of evilj for “good” has no meaning before evil exists. It was the plan of Anu to keep man {amelutu) in ignorance of the secrets of Heaven and Earth, and when he found that Adapa had learned them from Ea, he had no alternative but to give him the bread and water of life. Yaw had the same intention for Adam, who became the gardener in Eden. Yaw caused a deep sleep to fall upon Adam, and took one of his ribs, closed up the flesh, and from it made woman. They were naked and yet had no sense of shame ; for shame springs from knowledge of evil. Into this garden of Paradise came the serpent, in Sumerian mythology symbol of the earth’s fertility, and specially connected with Ningishzida and Tammuz. The introduction of the serpent into the myth probably rests upon the same motif y the jealousy of God, who, knowing that man was immortal, tempted him to his doom. Yaw had told Adam that in the day when he should eat of “ the tree of knowledge ” he would die.
The serpent discovered from the woman that Yaw had permitted them to eat the fruit of all the trees which He had caused to grow for them, but had forbidden them to eat from the tree “ in the midst of the garden,” lest they die. The ser- pent replied that, on the contrary, by eating from it they would discover the secrets of God, and knowing good and evil, they would become like Him. The woman took and ate and gave to her husband, who also ate. Straightway their nakedness was
THE MYTH OF ADAPA AND ADAM 185
revealed to them, and they concealed it with garments of fig- leaves. Then came Yaw into the garden j Adam and his wife hid themselves among the trees. Yaw called for the man who said: “ I heard thy voice in the garden and was afraid, because I was naked j and I hid myself.” By this reply Yaw dis- covered that he had eaten from “ the tree of knowledge.” Asked to explain his violation of the divine command, Adam said that the woman had taken fruit from the tree and given him to eat. The woman, questioned by Yaw, reported to Him the temptation by the serpent. The serpent, therefore, is cursed by Yaw:
“ Because thou hast done this thing,
Cursed art thou above all cattle,
And above all living things of the field.
Upon thy belly shalt thou go.
And dust shalt thou eat all the days of thy life.
And I will put enmity between thee and the woman;
And between thy seed and her seed.
It shall bruise thy head And thou shalt bruise its heel.”
This condemnation of the serpent is introduced into the myth to explain the natural abhorrence of man for this creature, and has no connection with the subtle reason for making the serpent the cause of the Fall of Man. That rests surely upon the Baby- lonian theory of the jealousy of the gods of fertility, probably of Ningishzida and Tammuz, of whom the serpent was sym- bolic, jealous of that man who would attain immortality like themselves.
Yaw then condemns woman to the pains of child-birth, and makes her subject to her husband. Babylonian rituals contain ceremonies for the delivery of women in child-birth,^'^ and it is possible that they also had a myth in which the pangs of child- birth were attributed to the sin of some heroine of ancient times, precisely as sorrow and disease were attributed to Adapa.
Yaw cursed the ground that it should no longer bear fruit
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SEMITIC MYTHOLOGY
spontaneously for man; henceforth he must obtain his food by toil, and without toil the ground would now produce only thorns and thistles. Mortality was, thereafter, the lot of man; from dust had he been created and to dust must he return. After the loss of Paradise and eternal life. Yaw made for Adam and his wife coats of skin and clothed them, as Anu gave Adapa a garment after he had rejected the bread of life. In the earlier
Fig. 71. Deity Offering Poppy Branch to a Worshipper
part of this document the tree of life is mentioned, but no refer- ence is made to its being a forbidden tree. At the end of the document Yaw expelled man from the garden of Eden, lest he also eat from the tree of life. Eden remained on earth, guarded by Cherubim and a flaming sword to bar the way to the tree of life. For, said Yaw: “ the man is become like one of us to know good and evil; and now, lest he put forth his hand and take also of the tree of life and eat and live for ever.” The ex- pression “ one of us,” implying polytheism, is clearly taken from a Babylonian source. A legend of a tree of life has been
THE MYTH OF ADAPA AND ADAM 187
redacted with one concerning a tree of knowledge, of which, at present, there is no trace at all in cuneiform literature.
If the scene on the seal (Fig. 70) really refers to the Tempta- tion, then the tree of life is the date palm, at least in Sumer. The Sumerians called a plant used in medicine the u-nam-tily “plant of life,” Accadian irrUy identified by some with the poppy, from which opium is made.^® But it is used in a mythi- cal sense also. Suppliants of the king of Assyria wrote to him as follows: “To the king, our lord, thy servants Belikbi and
Fig. 72. Goddess Offering Palm Branch to Three Gods
the Inhabitants of Gambulu (write), Ninurta and Gula com- mand peace, happiness, and health of the king, our lord, for ever. Dead dogs are we, but the king (our) lord has made us live, offering the plant of life to our nostrils.” Of Asarhad- don it is said: “ May (my) kingship be pleasing to the flesh of peoples like the plant of life.” Sumerian seals sometimes shew a deity who offers a poppy branch to a worshipper (see Fig. 71 ), and it has been argued that the branches, which spring from the shoulders of the goddess Ishtar on a monument of a king of Lulubu in the upper valley of the Diala, are those of the poppy. Fig. 72, an archaic Sumerian seal, shews a goddess offering a palm branch to three godsj the god at the left is a
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SEMITIC MYTHOLOGY
deity of vegetation, indicated by palm-branches growing from all parts of his body. This scene may perhaps represent the presentation of the tree of life to the dying gods, Tammuz, Ningishzida, Ninsubur. Frequently the Sumerian seals repre- sent a god presenting a small cup to a worshipper. Fig. 73, which is a good example of this myth, has the figure of the Mother-goddess standing behind the worshipper, in an atti- tude of interceding with the god on behalf of the man. The
Fig. 73. Mother-goddess, Worshipper, and Tammuz
inscription reads: “Goddess Ishtar and god Tammuz.” This scene may represent the myth of Adapa, to whom Tammuz at the command of Anu offered the water of life. Inscriptions and religious archaeology, therefore, seem to prove the exist- ence of the myth of a plant of life, and of the water of life.
References to the Garden of Eden do not occur in Hebrew literature again until the end of the Jewish kingdom in the time of Ezekiel,^’^ and the legend of Adam does not seem to have been known to any of the early Hebrew writers. Ezekiel composed a dirge on the destruction of Tyre and its king, Ithoba‘al, who is described as having proclaimed himself to be a god. “ In Eden, garden of God, wast thou and he sat
THE MYTH OF ADAPA AND ADAM 189
among Cherubim on the holy mountain of God. But Yaw caused him to perish from among the “ sons of God.” Ezekiel also compared Pharaoh Hophra to a cedar whose like existed not in the “ garden of God,” and all the trees of Eden which are in the “ garden of God ” envied it. The trees of Eden in these prophecies refer to proud princes of hostile states and cities, but Ezekiel’s figurative sarcasm proves that he has in mind the ancient Hebrew legend of Genesis. Adam and Eve, however, are not mentioned again in Hebrew mythology until the late Apocryphal period, when the myth formed the subject of endless allegorical and theological speculation.
CHAPTER V
THE SUMERIAN LEGENDS OF TAGTUG AND PARADISE
A mong the primeval heroes who were clients of the Water-god, Enki-Ea, was also one Tagtug, better known under another title Uttukku, “ the Weaver.” Tag-tug is in- variably designated as a god, and the syllables mean, literally, “ maker of garments.” The title was also given to a woman, latterly identified with Ishtar, the weaver, spinster, under which form she became the goddess who spins and cuts the thread of life.^ This weaver, like Adapa, was a client of Enki, and a door-keeper of Enki in Eridu.^ The name was also pos- sibly pronounced Tibir,® “ smith,” “ metal-worker.” He is mentioned in a Sumerian poem concerning the origin of civiliza- tion which reads as follows:
I. “In the mountain of Heaven and Earth,
When Anu had created the gods, the Anunnaki,
When the Grain-goddess had not been created, and had not been made verdant.
When Tagtug, the ... of the Land, had not yet been made,* 5. And Tibirra had not laid a (temple) foundation.
Ewes bleated not, lambs skipped not.
Goats were not, kids skipped not.
Ewes had not yet borne their lambs.
She goats had not yet borne their kids,
10. The name of the Grain-goddess, the purifying, and of the god- dess of Flocks,
The Anunnaki, the great gods, had not yet known.
The grain semus for the thirtieth day was not.
The grain semus for the sixtieth day was not.
The grain . . . and barley-grain for the cherished multitudes, were not.
THE SUMERIAN LEGENDS
191
15. Homes for repose were not.
Tagtug had not been born, nor lifted (to his head) a crown, The lord, the god Mirsi,® the precious lord, had not been born. The god Sumugan, the watchman, had not appeared.
Men of ancient days 20. Had not known food.
And they knew not tents of habitation.
The people in reed huts ( ? ) made their devotions.
Like sheep . . . they ate grass.
And they drank rain-water.
25. At that time in the place where are the forms of the gods.
In their house, ‘the holy chamber’ (Dukug), the goddess of flocks and the Grain-goddess had not been made to thrive. Then they made them to occupy the house of the table of the gods.
The abundance of the goddess of flocks and of the Grain- goddess,
The Anunnaki in ‘ the holy chamber ’
30. Ate and were not filled.
In their holy cattle-stall good milk . . .
The Anunnaki in ‘ the holy chamber ’
Drank and were not filled.
In the holy park, for their (the gods’) benefit,®
35. Mankind with the soul of life came into being.
Then Enki said to Enlil:
‘ Father Enlil, flocks and grain
In “ the holy chamber ” have been made plentiful.
In “ the holy chamber ” mightily shall they bring forth.’
40. By the incantation of Enki and Enlil
Flocks and grain in ‘ the holy chamber ’ brought forth.
Flocks in the folds [increased].
Pasture they provided for them abundantly.
For the Grain-goddess they prepared a house.
45. A yoke of four oxen for the plough they provided.”
The first eighteen lines of this myth refer to the age immedi- ately after Anu, the Heaven-god, had created the gods of the nether sea. Ashnan, the Grain-goddess, and Lahar, the god- dess of sheep, had not yet appeared, nor had Tagtug, patron of the craftsmen, been born. Mirsu, god of irrigation, and Sumu- gan, god of the cattle, had not been sent to aid mankind. Lines nineteen to twenty-five state clearly that man existed already
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“ After they had sworn an oath,
All their children were conceived, all were born.
The serpent begat in the shade of an elm.
The eagle begat on its mountain peak.
The serpent caught a wild bull and an antelope,
And the eagle ate, his children ate.
The serpent caught a panther and a marsh lion.
And the eagle ate, his children ate.”
When the eaglets had grown strong the eagle plotted to devour the young serpents :
“ Lo, I will devour the offspring of the serpent . . .
I will ascend and in Heaven dwell,
I will descend and eat fruit from the tree-tops.
My children have grown up and become large,
They shall go and seek [food for themselves:]
They shall seek the plant [of birth:].”
THE LEGEND OF ETANA 169
But one of the eaglets, who was “ exceedingly wise,” warned his father against this treachery.
“ Eat not, my father, the net of Shamash will entrap thee.”
“ But he listened not to them, listened not to the words of his son.”
He descended and devoured the young of the serpent, cast his friend, the serpent, from its nest and tore it assunder.
“ The serpent looked and his offspring were not.”
The serpent wept before Shamash.
“ I put my trust in thee, O heroic Shamash ; to the eagle I gave a gift of good-will, but now he has torn my nest asunder.”
“ The wickedness, which he has done, Shamash, thou knowest.
Surely, O Shamash, thy net is the wide earth.
Thy trap is the far away Heaven.
From thy net may the eagle not escape.
The evil-doer, Zu, he that upholds evil against his companion.”
Here one version identifies the eagle of this myth with the dragon Zu, the lion-headed eagle, enemy of the gods, but a variant text has here “ doer of evil and shamelessness.” The appeal is to Shamash, as god of Justice. The god advised him to pass over the mountain, where he would find the carcass of a wild bull, and to hide in its interior. The birds of Heaven would descend upon it and devour its flesh. The eagle, not knowing the danger, would descend upon the carcass.
“ When he enters into the interior, seize him by the wings.
Tear off his wings, his pinions and his talons.
Strip him and cast him into a pit. . . .
May he die the death of hunger and thirst.”
The serpent followed the advice of Shamash. The eagle saw the carcass and said to his children;
“ Come, let us descend and devour the flesh of this wild ox.”
But “ the exceedingly wise one ” of his sons warned him of the danger.
“ Descend not, my father, perchance the serpent lies in the interior of the wild ox.”
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SEMITIC MYTHOLOGY
But he heeded not the warning, descended and walked about on the entrails, fluttered over the loins, was seized by the serpent.
“ The eagle opened his mouth saying to the serpent:
‘ Have mercy upon me and I will bestow upon thee a dowry like a bridegroom.’ ”
But the serpent said that Shamash had ordered his punishment. He stripped him of his wings and pinions and cast him into a pit.
Fig. 65. Combat of Eagle and Serpent
A Sumerian version of these episodes surely existed. Gudea, in his great Sumerian cylinder inscriptions of the twenty- sixth century, speaks of the dragon “ Zu, who with the serpent passed over the mountain.” The combat of the eagle and the serpent is represented on a soap-stone bas-relief from Nippur, found in debris near a shrine of Bur-Sin of Ur (twenty-fourth century), and shews the eagle in mortal combat with a serpent (Fig. 65).* The astronomical origin of this episode is suggested perhaps by the close connection between Serpens and Aquila, if these identifications are earlier than the myth. Aquila stands near the tail of Serpens, but Babylonian astrologers may have made these identifications from the myth, which is more prob- able. There is, however, no evidence that the Babylonians saw
THE LEGEND OF ETANA
171
a serpent in the group of stars now called Serpens. There was, however, a star in Aquila called the “ carcass.”
From the pit the eagle appealed daily to Shamash:
“ Shall I die in the pit? Who knows how thy punishment has been laid upon me?
Save the life of me the eagle.
Unto eternal days I will cause thy name to be heard.”
And Shamash replied:
“ Thou hast caused grave evils to be committed, bringing sorrow.
A thing inhibited by the gods, a disgraceful thing hast thou done. Thou didst swear and verily I will visit it upon thee.
Go to a man whom I shall send thee ; let him take hold of thy hand.”
Now Etana appears in the argument. He was praying daily to Shamash, reminding him of the sacrifices he had ceaselessly made to him. He had always honoured the gods and revered the souls of the dead.
“O lord, by thy command may (a child) come forth; give me the plant of birth.
Shew me the plant of birth; deliver my offspring and make me a name.”
Shamash directed him to the pit where the eagle was cast, say- ing: “ He will shew thee the plant of birth.” Etana found the eagle praying to Shamash and promising to repay the man who would deliver him by doing anything he might ask. In the eighth month Etana lifted him from the pit and gave him food j he ate like a ravenous lion, and became strong.
“The eagle opened his mouth saying to Etana:
‘ My friend, verily we are joined in friendship, I and thou.
Tell me what thou desirest of me and I will give it thee.’ ”
Etana asks for the plant of birth. Here there is a long lacuna, which gave an account of the first stage of the ascent of Etana on the back of the eagle, to obtain the plant of birth in the third Heaven of Anu. They reach the planetary sphere or
V — 13
SEMITIC MYTHOLOGY
172
first Heaven. Here the text is regained, and the eagle de- scribes to Etana what he sees at the gates of Sin, Shamash, Adad, and Ishtar, that is, of sun, moon, Venus, and the Thunder-god, Adad. Ishtar sat in the midst of splendour, and lions crouched at the foot of her throne. The text of the description of what the Babylonians believed to be the planetary sphere and also of the Thunder-god is too defective to yield any further in-
formation. The eagle now prepares for the second stage, to reach the plane of the fixed stars.
“ Come, I will bear thee to the Heaven of Ann.
Place thy breast against my breast.
Upon the feathers of my wings place thy hands.
Upon the stumps of my wings place thy arms.”
Etana’s ascension is pictured on numerous seals, all of the early Sumerian period. Fig. 66 shews Etana sitting crosswise on the eagle’s breast with his arms about its neck. The seals in- variably have Etana’s dogs looking upward toward their disap- pearing master and his flocks of sheep and goats, left behind in charge of shepherds. On the left this seal has a tree in which the eagle sits, holding a small wild animal, apparently a lion’s cub, in his right talon. The male and female lions, whose offspring he has seized, rage impotently around the tree. They ascended a double hour’s march.® The eagle said to Etana :
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“ Behold, my friend, the land, how it is.
Look upon the sea and the sides of the earth-mountain.
Lo the land becomes a mountain and the sea is turned to waters
of . . .”
They ascended another double hour’s march, and again the eagle remarks on the appearance o£ land and sea. After three double hour’s marches the sea looked like the canal of a gar- dener. They arrived at the gates of Anu, Enlil, and Ea, that is the plane of the three paths of the fixed stars. What they saw here again fails us on the fragments, and we now come to lines which imply that Etana fears to fly higher.
“ The load is too great . . . ; abandon the quest for the plant of birth.”
But the eagle ascends through the next stage, to the plane of Anu and Ishtar, the Queen of Heaven. After a double hour’s march the wide sea appeared as a cattle-yard. After a second double hour’s march the land appeared as a garden and the sea like a wicker basket. At the end of a third double hour’s ascent Etana could no longer distinguish the sea, and said:
“ My friend, I will not ascend to Heaven.
Take the way; lo I will descend (? ).”
Through the spheres they fell, and here the fragments as pre- served give us no more clear information. Apparently Etana perished in his fall j for a few lines at the end refer to his wife who seems to be lamenting his death. His ghost is invoked to deliver from some trouble.®
Such was the issue of the vain attempt to obtain the mystic plant and reach the Paradise of the gods. From the origins of Sumerian civilization to the end of the Persian period, this tale must have been read and repeated throughout Western Asia. After the death of Alexander the Great, who had conquered and ruled Babylonia, it was transferred to him. The legend of the Ascension of Alexander spread throughout the ancient world and has descended to modern times in endless versions, Greek,
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Latin, Armenian, Coptic, Syriac, and Old French. Representa- tions of Alexander’s ascent on eagles yoked together are found on tapestries, on illuminated manuscripts, painted on walls of palaces, and even in sculptures of Christian cathedrals. A Jew- ish scribe of the fourth century a.d. refers to it in the Talmud. “ Alexander the Macedonian wished to ascend in the air. He mounted, mounted, until he saw the earth as a cup and the sea as a caldron.” Here follows a resume of the earliest Greek versions. Arrived at the extremity of the earth, Alexander de- sired to discover where the vault of Heaven reposed on the earth. His soldiers selected two great birds, which he caused to be without food for three days. He then put them under a yoke, and attached the hide of a bull to the yoke. A basket was fastened to the yoke, into which he climbed, having a long spear. To the end of this spear he attached the liver of a horse. The liver he held high above the heads of the hungry birds j in their eagerness to reach it they carried him upward. He ascended until the air became icy cold. Here he was halted by a bird-man who said to him: “ Alexander, thou art ignorant of terrestrial things, why desirest thou to understand those of Heaven? Return quickly to earth, and fear lest thou be the prey of these birds. Look upon the earth below.” Seized with fear Alexander looked downward, and the earth looked like a threshing floor, surrounded by a serpent, which was the sea. He descended successfully “by the mercy of supreme Providence,” but landed seven days’ journey from his camp. Saved from famine by a satrap he received a guard of soldiers and reached his camp.’^
CHAPTER IV
THE MYTH OF ADAPA AND ADAM
T he theological school of Eridu held the theory that mankind lost eternal life through the jealousy of Enki (Ea), who consistently appears in Babylonian myths as the patron and saviour of mankind. The theory is set forth in a poem, preserved only in Accadian, and in fragments of two versions, one Canaanitish-Babylonian and one Assyrian. The Canaanitish version was used as a text-book.^ Adapa of Eridu was famed in legend as a sage, and his ordinary title afqallu indicates that he was one of the pre-diluvian wise men. He is said to have written a work on astronomy,^ and, like the seven sages, he was a patron of the priesthood of incantations. “The wise Adapa, sage of Eridu,” restrains the demoness Lamastu and keeps her under surveillance in Eridu.* The beginning of the Accadian poem concerning Adapa is lost and consequently its title. To Adapa the god Ea gave vast under- standing, “that he might give names to all concepts in the earth.”* In Hebrew mythology Yaw, having created Adam, brought before him animals and birds that he should name them. The Accadian myth is more profound in that to Adapa, “son of Ea,” is attributed the origin of all nouns of human speech. If the opening lines of the myth were preserved, they might prove that Adapa was also the first man in this tradi- tion, although one passage describes him as “ human offspring,” that is one descended from the human race.®
Ea, his creator, withheld from him eternal life. “ At that time, in those years, Ea created the sage, the Eridian like a leader among men.” None could annul his command 5 he ex- celled in wisdom, and the Anunnaki, gods of the Ea pantheon.
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had given him his name. His hands were clean, and he was a
priest of lustrations {-paUsu)
, who superintended the rituals. He worked with the bakers and provided the food and holy water in the cult of the Water- god of Eridu, preparing the al- tar table, and without him it was not cleared away. He sailed a boat and pursued the trade of fishing for Eridu. Daily he guarded the sanctuary of Eridu, when the far-famed god Ea went in to his sleeping chamber. At the quay of Eridu he embarked on a sail-boat; the wind arose and his boat went out to sea, as he steered with his rudder. The south wind blew and his boat sank. “ I will break thy wings,” he said to the south wind, and as he spoke the wings of the south wind were broken. For seven days the south wind blew not and so Anu called to his mes- senger Ilabrat:
“ ‘ Why has the south wind not blown upon the land since seven days? ’ His messenger Ilabrat answered him: ‘ My lord,
Adapa, son of Ea, the wings of the south wind Have broken.’ ”
Ilabrat, or more properly Ili-abrat, “ god of the Wings,” ap- pears in mythology more commonly under the Sumerian title Papsukkal, “ Chief messenger,” and clay figurines, often found
THE MYTH OF ADAPA AND ADAM 177
in foundation boxes beneath the doors of temples, have been taken to represent this messenger of the gods.® Fig. 67 is a specimen of this type, identified with Papsukkal because of in- scriptions on their backs, “messenger of the gods.” He usu- ally carries a wand in his right hand. There are no figures of him as a winged being.
Ninsubur is the deity to whom the titles Papsukkal and Ili- abrat really belong.
On monuments he is represented by a ra- ven, sometimes ac- companied by the inscription, “ god Pap- sukkal,” or “ god Suk- kal.” The Babylonians, therefore, certainly held him to be a winged messenger.’' When Anu bestowed upon Ishtar her divine powers he addressed her in the following words:
“ My faithful messenger, whose lips are precious, who knows my secrets,
Ninsubur-Ili-abrat, my seemly messenger, verily shall be the executor of thy desires at thy side.
Before thee may he constantly make agreeable the intentions of god and goddess.”
Ninsubur is only a form of Tammuz, who, with Ningishzida, guards the gate of Anu. When Anu heard the reply of his messenger he cried “Help,” rose from his throne and said: “Let them bring this one to me.” But Ea knew what had transpired in Heaven. He devised a ruse for Adapa to deceive Anu. He caused Adapa to be covered with boils, rendered him soiled with . . . and put sackcloth upon him, giving him
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this advice: “When thou goest up to Heaven and contest nigh to the gate of Anu, Tammuz and Gishzida will stand in the gate of Anu and behold theej they will question thee (saying) : ‘O man, for whom art thou become like this? O Adapa, for whom art thou clad in sackcloth? He is told to reply: “In our land two gods have disappeared and I have been
brought to this plight.” Then they will say to him: “ Who are the two gods who have disappeared in the land? ” Adapa is to reply: “ Tammuz and Gishzida are they.”
This is the only reference to the ascension of the dying gods to Heaven j Tammuz and Ninsubur were both identified with Orion, and Ningishzida was identified with Hydra. These two constellations stand at the beginning and end of the Milky Way.® The astral identifications were made in view of their mythological characters 5 Tammuz, the shepherd, is connected with Orion, called the constellation Sibzianna, “ Faithful shepherd of Heaven,” and Ningishzida, who is represented as a serpent deity, is, therefore, connected with Hydra. In the develop- ment of the legend, these two gods offer Adapa the bread and water of life, and it may be conjectured that the dying god had attained immortality and was received in Heaven be- cause he had eaten these elements of divine life. The dying god was originally called Ushumgalanna, “ Mighty serpent dragon of Heaven ”j Tammuz and Ningishzida are only dif-
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ferentiated types of this ancient deity, connected with the ser- pent because they are gods of the earth’s fertility. There must have been a Sumerian legend of the tree of life, for the serpent is connected with trees not only on the early painted ware of Susa, but also on bowls of the Sassanian period there. Fig. 68, taken from a decoration on a bowl of the late period, has been (together with similar designs) taken to be a survival of the serpent guarding the tree of life. The artist may have in-
Fig. 70. The Temptation, According to Sumerian Myth
tended to represent nothing more than the connection between the serpent and vegetation, but taken with the design on another bowl (Fig. 69), where the serpent stands behind a woman, it is difficult to dismiss the theory that the legend of the serpent and the tree of life in Hebrew mythology actually survives on the Susa pottery.® It must be of Sumerian origin ; for an early roll cylinder (Fig. 70) now in the British Museum apparently does refer to the temptation as held by the Sumerians. The tree is obviously the date-palm, and two clusters of dates hang from the trunk just below the branches. On the left is a woman, behind whom stands the serpent. The man, who like Adapa is a deified protagonist of an ancient tale, has the horned head-dress of a god. The presence of the dying gods at the gates of Anu, where Adapa now finds the food of immortality.
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is probably due to the legend that they had escaped the annual pains of death by receiving the ambrosia of the gods.
Ea tells Adapa that, when he explains to Tammuz and Gishzida that he has come mourning for the dying gods of the earth’s fertility, they will look at each other in astonishment and speak kind words on his behalf to Anu, and “cause his face to beam upon thee.” When he shall stand in Anu’s pres- ence they (Tammuz and Gishzida) will offer him “bread of death ” to eat and “ water of death ” to drink j Ea tells him to refuse both. Thus is revealed the jealousy of the god Ea, who did not wish his worshipper to obtain immortality. He de- ceives him by so describing this food and drink, which were, in reality, the sacred elements of eternal life. They will also offer him a garment, and Ea tells him to put it onj and oil they will extend to him, with which Ea orders him to anoint himself.
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in an ark of bulrushes which was placed among flags in the river and found by a daughter of Pharaoh belongs to the same cycle of miraculous births of men, favoured by the gods and sent as divinely appointed servants among men. The trans- ference of the myth of a son of a god, who delivered the gods from evil and inaugurated a new era, to a king, is ancient. Sumerian kings frequently proclaimed themselves to be sons of the Virgin-goddess and not infrequently assumed the title “ god,” and even identified themselves with Tammuz.
Nabu, literally the “ prophet,” “ herald,” god of writing, whose cult and temple, Ezida, were at Barsippa, ten miles south-west of Babylon, has a Semitic name. This is a transla- tion of the old Sumerian title Me, “ to proclaim,” “ to be wise,” or Sa. The oldest known titles are Ur and Dubbisag, “ the scribe.” He, like Marduk, appears to have been adopted by his city from the pantheon of Eridu, and he owes his promi- nence in the late period entirely to the political Importance of Barsippa. In the old Sumerian pantheon it was the Grain- goddess Nidaba who was the patroness of letters. Nabu, how- ever, was a divine scribe from the beginning of Sumerian re- ligion, and was specially connected with Dilmun, a land on the eastern coast of the Persian Gulf, made famous in legend by the location of Paradise there in a poem to be discussed. His wife was Tashmetu, “ hearing,” “ mercy,” also a Semitic title. An earlier Sumerian name for her has not been found, and she is described, usually, as “ the daughter-in-law ” of Marduk, father of Nabu, and first-born daughter of Ninurta. Nabu is consistently described as a god of wisdom and letters, the Mummu or creative Logos of Enki, bearer of the tablets of fate, and mighty messenger of the gods, “ without whom no plan is initiated in Heaven.” His symbol on monuments. Fig. 51, third register, is a writing-desk supported on a table, and the whole stands upon the back of a monster hardly distinguishable from the mushussu of Marduk. That this is the symbol of
THE SUMERO-ACCADIAN PANTHEON 159
Nabu is proved by Fig. 64/^® an Assyrian seal shewing Marduk standing on the dragon (right) : he has bow and quiver, sceptre and ring. Before him stands the spade j on the left is Nabu standing upon an almost identical dragon, and identified by the mason’s chisel before him. He holds a clay tablet in his left hand. The ordinary symbol is an object which seems to be a ruler or measuring rod with a deep groove down the centre.^^^
Fig. 64. Assyrian Seal. To right, Marduk on Dragon. To left, Nabu on
Dragon
The stage tower of Ezida at Barsippa was named Eurmeim- inanki, “ House of him who controls the seven decrees of Heaven and Earth.” According to Rawlinson, who examined its ruins in the middle of the nineteenth century, the seven stages still retained their colours, and from the ground upward had the following order, each representing a planet: (i) black (Saturn), (2) brown-red (Jupiter), (3) rose-red (Mars), (4) gold (Sun), (5) white-gold (Venus), (6) dark-blue (Mer- cury), (7) silver (Moon).^^® The top stages of this mighty tower are not preserved now, nor are the colourings of the lower stages; at Ur the lower stage of the four-staged tower
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is painted black and the top stage is blue. In contrast to Mar- duk, Nabu represented the period of the sun when the days were shortest, from the eleventh of Tammuz to the third of Kislev, or in a loose sense, the winter solstice. In the mystic ritual of the New Year’s festival the sanctuary of Nabu at Baby- lon was veiled, in memory of his descent or the descent of the sun to the lower world. This veiling of the shrine occurred on the fifth of Nisan, during the rejoicing for Marduk, the risen god of the Spring-sun. The custom, however, has sur- vived in Christian rituals in the veiling of the Cross during the period of Jesus’ repose in the tomb.’^“ Since Mercury is al- ways seen near the sun before sunrise and after sunset (like Venus), Nabu, as messenger and prophet of the Sun-god, was identified with that planet. A hymn has: “ Star of sunrise and sunset ... at whose appearance the Igigi and Anunnaki joy- fully As a fixed star Nabu seems to have been
identified with Aldebaran, which in the period of the origin of astrology (first Babylonian dynasty) rose approximately at the beginning of the Babylonian year (end of April) and hence announced the year. Aldebaran was known as the “ star of the tablet.” For this reason it was Nabu who wrote the tablets of fate at the spring festival.’”
In late Hebrew and Jewish mythology, Nabu, the scribe of the gods, who keeps the tablets of fates, appears in various writers as an angel. Ezekiel saw in a vision seven men, one of whom carried a writer’s ink-horn, and he went through Jeru- salem setting a mark upon those who abhorred wickedness. Enoch, an orthodox Jew of the early Christian period, men- tions the angel Pravuil or Vretil, “ who is wise and writes down all the Lord’s works.”
The national god of Assyria, Ashur, originally Ashir, bor- rowed his entire mythological character from the Sumerian Earth-god, Enlil, and the Sun-god, Marduk. Assyrian edi- tions of the Epic of Creation substitute his name for Marduk in the text, and Assyrian representations of the combat of Bel
THE SUMERO-ACCADIAN PANTHEON i6i
and the Dragon refer to him and not to Marduk. So far as we are concerned with the figures of the pantheon which are important in the Sumerian and Accadian myths, the only deity which remains to be defined is Ereshkigal, “ Queen of the lower world.”
The ordinary word for “ lower world,” Arallu, explained as “ the great city,” “ mountain house of the dead,” has also many synonyms. It is often referred to as “ Land of no re- turn,” and the souls of the dead descended thereto by the seven gates which were located in the west, or the place of the setting sun. It was also known as “ the mountain,” and an ordinary expression for dying is “ to reach the mountain.” Since judgment was passed on the dead in Arallu, a word for mountain {hursag^ Accadian hursanu^ hursu) was used for “place of judgment,” in mythology and in legal procedure. To send a defendant at law to the mountain meant to put him to the ordeal, a custom which ordinarily consisted in throwing him into the river. If the river “ overcame him,” i.e., if he drowned, he was proved guilty, but if the river “ declared him clean,” i.e., if he survived, he was proved innocent. This form of ordeal is documented for cases against persons accused of sorcery or wives accused of adultery. Another word for Arallu is ganziTy explained by irkallu, “ great city,” and by “ gate of the goddess of the lower world,” “ darkness.” One of the names of Ereshkigal is Ganzir. A synonym is hilib. Eresh- kigal appears repeatedly in Greek magical texts of the first four centuries a.d. as EpecxiTaX, and often with a deity Ne/3ouTO(roi;X?70, in which scholars find the Babylonian Nebo, Nabu. An exorcism from Carthage has: “I curse thee in the name of Hecate . . . and by the mare of Aktidphi Ereschei- gal ”5 Aktibphi is said to be a name for Hecate. In some texts Ereshkigal occurs with Persephone.^^®
Her Accadian name is Allatu, and her messenger is Namtar, “ Fate,” chief of the seven devils, whose wife Hushbishag keeps the tablets of Arallu on which the hour of death of every man
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is written. To Arallu, the land of darkness, infested by mon- sters and wandering souls of the wicked who had not received the last rites of burial on earth, went the souls of all men. The shades of the wicked {etimmu, Sumerian gigim) are demons who rise from Hell to torment mankind. A man tormented by these demons prays to the ghosts of his family, who, by virtue of proper burial and perpetual offerings maintained for them by their descendants, reposed in peace in Arallu:
“ O ye ghosts of my family, enlighteners of the tomb,
Of my father and grandfather, of my mother and grandmother, of my brother and sister.
Of my family by male and female lines,
As many as sleep in the lower world, I have burnt funeral offerings to you.
Water I have poured to you, I have caused you to repose.
I have bewailed you and . . . you.
This day before Shamash and Gilgamish stand in prayer for me.
Judge my case, render my decision.
The wickedness which is in my body, flesh and sinews.
Give over to the hand of Namtar, messenger of the nether world. May Ningishzida, throne-bearer of the wide nether world, strengthen their bondage.
To Nedu, great watchman of Hell, their faces
Let them set and descend to him unto the Land of no return.
I your servant may live and prosper.
Because of the witchcraft I have called upon your name.
I will cause your resting place to drink cool waters.
Give me life and I will sing thy praise.”
Namtaru kept the demons of the wicked in bondage, for those who prayed. But he is consistently portrayed as the most ter- rible of the demons.
In the early Sumerian texts and in Accadian texts, the hus- band of Ereshkigal is always Ninazu and a Sumerian month in which fell the autumn equinox was called Kisig-Ninazu, “ Feast of the farentalia of Ninazu.” He is, therefore, the Sun-god about to enter the period of decline, and to him, as lord of Arallu, the Sumerians instituted a feast of All Souls. The fol- lowing month was called Ezen-Ninazu, “ Festival of Ninazu,”
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and Hammurabi calls himself “ the establisher of holy repasts for Ninazu.” A myth, found on tablets of the fifteenth century in Egypt among the correspondence of Canaanites, Babylonians, Assyrians, and MitannI, tells how Nergal became husband of Ereshkigald®^ This myth, written in Western • Babylonian script, is annotated by points to divide the words, and seems to have been a text-book in Canaan. The gods had prepared a feast and wished to invite their sister Ereshkigal. But they knew that she would not come, so they by a messenger requested her to send for her portion of the food. She sent Namtar, who mounted to high Heaven. Here there is a break, in which Nergal alone of all the gods refused to rise from his seat to greet Namtar.
When Namtar reported this to Ereshkigal, she raged and ordered Namtar to tell the gods to send her the offender that she might slay him. And they said :
“ Behold now, the god, who stood not up before thee.
Take away unto the presence of thy queen.”
Namtaru counted the gods, but one hid himself in the back- ground. The discovery of the culprit Nergal followed in a passage where the text is sadly damaged. He appealed to Ea, who in all difficulties found a way of escape, and is by figure of speech called NergaPs father here. Ea gave him fourteen com- rades to go with him unto Ereshkigal. The names of the first three are not preserved here. The others are Mutabriqu, “ the lightning-maker,” Sharabda, “ Slanderer(? ),” Rabisu, “ Spy ”5 Tirid, “ Terror Idiptu, “ Whirlwind ”5 Bennu, “ Plague Sidanu, “ Fever ”5 Miqtu, “ Prostration by heat ” j Belup( .? )ri j Umma, “Heat”j Libu, “Ague.” He came to the gate of Ereshkigal and summoned the watchman to loosen the strap of the latch :
“ I will enter into the presence of thy queen,
Ereshkigal. I have been sent. The watchman went and Spoke to Namtar: ‘ A god stands at the entrance of the gate.
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Come, look at him, let him enter.’ Namtar went out And saw him. . . . He said To his queen, ‘ My queen, it is the god who in Months ago disappeared and did not stand up before me.’
‘ Bring him in, he shall not go, surely I will slay him,’ she said.”
Nergal entered and placed each of his companions at one of the fourteen doors, entrances to the house of Ereshkigal. He cre- ated havoc in the forecourt and slew Namtar. To his comrades he gave instructions to open all the doors: “For now will I hasten for you.” In the interior of the house he seized Ereshki- gal by her hair and cast her from her throne, and was about to sever her head on the floor. “ Slay me not, my brother, I would say thee a word,” she said. Nergal heard her and loosened his grasp. She wept and sobbed:
“ Thou shalt be my husband, and I thy wife. I will cause thee to possess
Kingship in the wide underworld. I will place the tablets of Wisdom in thy hand. Thou shalt be lord And I shall be queen.”
Nergal heard her speech, lifted her up and kissed her, wiping away her tears, and said:
“ Why hast thou desired me since far away months, even until now? ”
The myth ends in this abrupt manner, and it is obviously a late composition in glorification of Nergal. In the myth of the Descent of Ishtar to the house of Ereshkigal, she descends by seven gates, and a text names seven watchmen of Ereshkigal: Nedu, Kishar, Endashurimma, Enzulla, Endukugga, Endu- shuba, and En-nugigi.
Ereshkigal was identified with the constellation Hydra, but her son Ningishzida was also identified with the same constella- tion. An Assyrian text has this description of the Babylonian Hecate: “ The head has the form of a turban, she has the snout of a 'pagu{ ? ). One horn, which is like that of a kid, on her back is short. One horn, which is like that of a kid, on her forehead
THE SUMERO-ACCADIAN PANTHEON 165
is sharp. She has a sheep’s ear and a human hand. With her two hands she carries food and holds it to her mouth. Her body is that of a fish and she is bent on her back. The sole of her foot is . . . From between her horns to her rump hair is laid. Beside the soles of her feet she . . . From her loins to her soles she is a dog. The navel(? ) therein . . . She puts on a waist-band. She is covered with scales like a serpent.”
CHAPTER III
THE LEGEND OF ETANA AND THE PLANT OF BIRTH
P ASSING now to the legends of Sumer and Babylonia, which gave rise to epics and poems, those which concern the mysteries of life and death command first attention. These are invariably connected with mythical plants and foods. The long poem, which forms the subject of this Chapter, has for its theme the plant of birth, which was in the keeping of Anu in high Heaven, and the quest for it by Etana, king of Kish, who, being without heir, sought to procure from Anu that magic plant, which would cause his wife to bear a child. The lesson taught by this myth was that kingship is hereditary, and that legitimate kings, descended from one appointed by the gods, are the sources of all civilization. The divine right of kings, their messianic character as sons of the Mother-goddess, form the Sumerian and Babylonian theory of the state. The Sumerian lists of antediluvian and post-diluvian kings begin both periods with the statement that “ rulership descended from Heaven.” In the beginning began one Alulim to rule at Eridu, and to his reign one source assigns 28,800 years, and another 67,200 years. The traditions usually assign ten kings of enormous longevity to the age before the Flood, corresponding to the ten Hebrew patriarchs from Adam to Noah. The Sumerian period before the Flood is given as 456,000 years on one source. Another text gives only eight antediluvian kings, and 241,200 years. After the Flood rulership again descended from Heaven (Anu) at Kish, where twenty-three kings ruled for 24,510 years. In this dynasty Etana was the thirteenth king, “ the shepherd who ascended to Heaven,” and he reigned 1500 years. His son is
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named Walih and Balih in the standard texts, but one text calls him the “ god Iliad,” or Ildu, “ he who was born.” His wife had given birth to still-born children several times. In the legend he failed to reach high Heaven, but the birth of a son to succeed him on the throne must have been attributed to some miraculous cause.
No Sumerian text of this legend has been found, and the fol- lowing account of it depends entirely upon fragments of an early Babylonian edition and of a late Assyrian edition. The late edition differs from the original old version so greatly in diction that it must have been entirely rewritten. The poem was known in Assyrian as ala isirUy “ the city they hated,” from the opening line. In the beginning, when men had become numerous, the gods of Heaven (Igigi) hated them. It was the gods of the nether sea (Ea and his pantheon), the Anunnaki, who wished to organize them into an ordered society. This jealousy of the gods against man and the intervention of the Water-god on their behalf reveals itself repeatedly in Sumero- Babylonian mythology and appears also in Hebrew mythology.
“ The Seven gods ^ had locked the gates against the hosts (of mankind).” ^
Then Ishtar, the Mother-goddess, desired a shepherd for men. A king she searched for.
“ The pale-faced people, all of them, had not set up a king.
Then no tiara was worn nor crown.
And no sceptre was studded with lapis lazuli.
Throne-rooms had not been created at the same time.
The seven gates were locked against the hosts of mankind.
Sceptre, crown, tiara, and staff
Were still placed before Anu in Heaven,
And there was no royal direction of her people.
Then kingship descended from Heaven.”
There is no explanation as to how the Igigi were persuaded to become patrons of men, and here there is a long break in which Etana and his wife seem to appear on the scene. In this long lacuna it is certain that the age before the Flood, the Flood,
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and the founding of the kingdom of Kish were described. Owing to the interruption of the argument it is difficult to understand how it led up to the following episode of the serpent and eagle. To provide for Etana’s ascent to Heaven, the de- nouement of the myth, the eagle must be brought into the story, but the mythical significance of the strife between the ser- pent and the eagle is difficult. The text now describes an alli- ance between the eagle and the serpent.
“ The eagle opened his mouth addressing the serpent:
‘ Come, let us swear to an oath of friendship and peace.
He who fears not the oath, heavy is the curse of Shamash upon him.’ Before Shamash, the heroic, they took the oath:
‘ Whosoever transgresses the boundary of Shamash,
May Shamash smite him calamitously by the hand of a smiter.
May the mountain ® close its entrance against him.’ ”
And so these sworn companions hunted for food together in the mountains, the eagle capturing wild bulls and asses for the serpent and its offspring, while the serpent caught goats and kids for the eagle and its eaglets to eat. This myth was widely spread in antiquity and a tablet containing this part of the epi- sode from Susa has the following lines:
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As god of the land of the dead Nergal was the implacable judge of souls in Aralluj at least this myth of a last judgment became current in the late period. His planet Mars is called the “ star of judgment of the fate of the dead.” God of the grave, of inspection, and of judgment, are the explanations of his prin- cipal titles, and as god of judgment the Sumerian equivalent is “ Terrible one of the lower world.” A ceremony for laying the foundation of a building contains the following invocation to Enmesarra, one of his titles:
“ O Enmesarra, lord of the earth, prince of Arallu,
Lord of the place, and of the land of no return, mountain (i.e. might) of the Anunnaki,
Decider of decisions in the earth (lower world), great band (control- ler) of Andurunna.’®°
Great lord, without whom Ningirsu directs not rivulet and canal, and creates not verdure.
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Lord of the enclosure, who rules the earth by his power.
Of vast power in terra firma, seizer of the regions of inferno,
Bestower of sceptre and ring ( ? ) upon Anu and Enlil.”
Of the judgment of the souls of the dead, there is this poem. A man dreamed that he had died. He descended to the lower world j he travelled with a boatman across the waters of death and passed the terrifying watchman at the gates of Arallu. He came before Nergal, who sat on a throne before five hundred gods. He prostrated himself before Nergal and was threat- ened with terrible punishment. But Ishum, named the “ de- fender,” who spares life and loves righteousness, allayed the wrath of Nergal. The man was absolved and Nergal finally said: “ For thou hast not forgotten me and I will not destroy thee. Worry and pain shall be thy portion no more. Thou shalt be adorned with royal power and all lands shall praise thee. For whosoever honours the god Ashur and celebrates his New Year festival shall be lord in the garden of fulness.”
A collection of Tablets found in tombs of the Persian period at Susa proves that the Babylonians believed in judgment and rewards in Arallu. One of them has the following expression of this faith:
“ Behold I depart, O my god, my lord.
Into the presence of the Anunnaki.
Lo I pass beyond the tomb.
May I take thy hand before the great gods.
And hear the judgment, and embrace thy feet.
Thou hast waited, and caused me to escape the house of darkness, O my god.
Yea even the morass of distress and misery.
In the land of calamity thou hast sought me out.
Thou hast made me the precious gift of water and food
In the field of thirst.”
The two solar deities, Ninurta and Nergal, are clearly dis- tinguished from the Sun-god Shamash, Sumerian Utu, “ heat,” “ blaze,” “ day-light,” or Babbar, “ the shining.” The two former as special aspects of the sun with reference to the earth are far more important in mythology than the deity of the sun
Fig. 6o. Sun-god and Hammurabi
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simply. There were two principal centres of sun worship, both certainly dating from early Sumerian times, Ellasar in the south and Sippar, about twenty-five miles north of Babylon. The texts ordinarily call Shamash son of Ningal and Sin, the Moon- goddess and Moon-god, and sometimes the son of Enlil, which is undoubtedly the Original belief. In the theological lists he follows the Moon-god. Shamash does not appear as a principal figure in any Sumerian or Accadian myth. He was the god of divination and purification far excellencey and as such he oc- cupies a position of outstanding importance in the prayers of those in distress. As the all-seeing god of Light, he was patron of law and justice. It was he who revealed the laws of Baby- lonia to the great king Hammurabi. Fig. 6o, a bas-relief from the top of the great diorite stele on which this king inscribed the laws of Baby- lonia, shews the Sun-god with rays of light springing from each shoul- der, seated, and extending toward the worshipping king the sceptre and ring, emblems of rule and justice. The ordinary symbol of Shamash is the four-pointed star with rays streaming from the inner angles, the whole mounted on a convex disk (Fig. 51, at the top). In later times, by inverting the triangular points, the Assyrians obtained the so- called Maltese cross, which is of Babylonian origin. Fig. 61 is taken from a necklace of Ashurnazirpal II j the king wore five symbols on his necklace — the star of Ishtar-Venus, the thunderbolt of Adad, the crescent of Sin, the horned turban of Enlil-Ashur, and this symbol of Shamash. Ammizaduga, king of Babylon, made a famous golden statue of Shamash for his temple Ebarra in Sippar in 1913 b.c., which was plundered from the temple, and recovered by Nabuapaliddin (ninth century), who made a model of it for which Nabuaplausur
Fig. 61. Four-pointed Star. Symbol of Shamash
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made a clay boxj in this it was found and brought to the British Museum. This model is seen in Fig. 62. He sits in a shrine whose back and top consist of a great serpent, for some reason associated with fire (see Shahan), his throne is adorned with two lions and he holds sceptre and ring. Before his head is a cartouche which reads: “ Crown of Shamash, staff (?) of Shamash above are three astral symbols, (i) the moon disk.
Fig. 62. Model of Statue of Shamash, Ninth Century, b.c.
with globe of the sun, (2), (3) the star of Venus repeated. On the serpent’s head sit two male deities, Kittu and Misharu, “ Justice and Righteousness,” the ministers who stand at his right and left hand. A cartouche behind them reads: “ Sin, Shamash, and Ishtar at the top of the apsu; between (the eyes of) the god Shahan are placed the twins.” These twins suspend by ropes a huge sun symbol on a table. The king is led toward it by a priest, and the Mother-goddess stands behind him, pray- ing to Shamash for her royal frotege.
As god of the day-light this deity has almost no connection at all with the sun during his passage through the lower world.
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There is a curious legend of a tree used in magic to heal the sick. It is said to have been planted in Eridu by the Water-god Enki, and its abode was in the underworld. Its chamber was the bed of the River-goddess.
“ In its holy house, casting its shadow like a forest, wherein no man entered.
Wherein are Shamash and Tammuz,
At the junction of the river with two mouths.
The gods Kahegal, Igihegal, and Lahama-abzu of Eridu Designed this kiskarm and cast upon it the incantation of the Deep.”
The Sumerian Moon-god, Sin, originally Zu-en, “ Knowing lord,” belongs like Utu to the Enlil pantheon. The original and oldest name was Nanna, or Innana, “ Lord of Heaven,” and written ideographically ses-ki, “brother of the earth.” The Accadians by false etymology with their word nannaru, “ light,” always called this god Nannar. Besides these two titles, which are based upon the moon as a luminary and on his character as god of divination or deity by whose appearances and relations to the stars omens were derived (Sin), there are other titles, of which the following are of most importance: Udsar, “ the crescent,” “ the new-moon,” hence also “ god of the Boat,” Ma, Magur, and Magula-anna, “ Great boat of Heaven.” As god of the new moon the title Asimur is com- mon. The fifteenth day of the month, or day of the full moon, was called sapattu, a day of rejoicing, prayer, and sacrifice in the Babylonian calendar. The word occurs also as sabattUy and designated the day of the full moon as the great festival of the lunar month. The institution of the Hebrew sabbath, “ Sab- bath,” as a rest day is probably an extension and transformation of “ the great feast ” of the full moon of the Babylonian calen- dar, applied by the Hebrews to the seventh, fourteenth, twenty-first, and twenty-eighth days of the month, following the quarters of the increasing and waning moon. It is possible that the Babylonian calendar had regular festivals for the same daysj for a group of tablets from the Persian period agrees in
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distinguishing these days from all others by adding to the regular sacrifices of sheep for the diku or summons to prayers for each day of the month, in each case a small kid called hitfu on these days/®* The day of the full moon was also celebrated by ceremonies on the kettledrum, as was also the seventh day, and consequently the periods of the moon’s quarters were cer- tainly festal days in the Babylonian calendar, although the divi- sion of the month into weeks was unknown. In any case the Hebrew Sabbath originated in moon worship, as did the Baby- lonian sha'pattu. In the official calendars the seventh, four- teenth, twenty-first, and twenty-eighth days have special rubrics. “ An evil day (i.e., day of danger). The shepherd of great peoples shall not eat flesh cooked on coals nor baked bread, nor change the garments on his body, nor put on clean garments, nor make sacrifices. The king shall not ride in a wagon, nor speak as a ruler. The seer shall make no pronounce- ment in the place of mysteries. A physician shall not lay his hand upon a sick person. It is a day unsuited for doing any- thing.”
The principal centre of moon worship among the Sumerians and Babylonians was Ur in the extreme south, and not far from the seat of the sun worship, Ellasar. Another centre of moon worship was Harran (Charrae) on the Balih River south of Edessa. The cult of Harran was of Babylonian origin and transported there for unknown reasons, probably by a wander- ing Aramaean tribe who had become adherents of the cult in Chaldea. Or it is not impossible that there is truth in the Hebrew account of Abraham of Ur, who with his father and his nephew Lot dwelt for a time in Harran on his migration to Canaan. If this account be accepted it would follow that the Habiru introduced the cults of Sin and his wife Ningal at Har- ran in the period of the first dynasty. Sin of Harran is dis- tinguished from the Babylonian Sin by the kings of Mitanni in the early part of the fourteenth century.’®® Shalmanassar II built Ehulhul, temple of Sin in Harran, and it was magnifi-
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cently restored by Ashurbanipal. After his time the Medes de- stroyed it, and Nabunidus, more than a half century later, assembled troops, kings, and princes from the whole of Baby- lonia, Syria, and Phoenicia to rebuild this temple. He placed an image of a wild bull therein j two images of the god Lahmu guarded the eastern gate. Images of Sin and Ningal, of Nusku, god of the new moon, and of his wife Sadarnunna, he set up in Ekulhul, and made Harran “ to shine like the rising moon.” He restored a plaque on which Ashurbanipal had engraved a bas-relief of Sin with an inscription to glorify this god, and
which had been hung on the neck of the god’s statue. The cult of Sin, “ Lord of Harran,” had profound in- fluence upon Aramaean and West Semitic religion, and even after the city became the seat of a Christian bishop a considerable part of the in- habitants adhered to the heathen cult, which persisted under Islam into the Middle Ages. The coins of Roman emperors struck at Charrae bear sym- bols of Sin. The Tyche of Carrhae has a crescent above her mural crown, and other coins have the crescent and star of Venus. Fig. 63, a coin of Caracalla, shews on the reverse the bust of the Moon-god of Harran with crescent springing from his shoulder. The adherents of the cult of Sin at Harran were known as Harranians or Ssabeans among Arabic and Syriac writers, and their doctrines were transformed by Greek philoso- phy and Gnosticism. Their week of seven days is certainly not of Christian origin, but probably a direct inheritance from Baby- lonia. The first day was sacred to Ilios, the Greek Helios, the second to Sin, the third to Ares, the fourth to Mercury, called Nabug (Nebo), the fifth to Bal (Bel-Marduk) or Jupiter, the sixth to Balthi (Belit) or Venus, and the seventh to Cronus (Ninurta) or Saturn. The remnants of Babylonian deities
Fig. 63. Coin of Cara- calla, Shewing Moon-god OF Harran
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in these planetary names of the Harranian week prove that Babylonian mythology was the basis of this remarkable cult/®® Marduk owes his prominence in Babylonian religion and his wide influence upon West Semitic mythology entirely to the political importance of the city Babylon, which became the capital of Sumer and Accad after the Sumerians had almost entirely disappeared. In the ancient pantheon his title was Asar, of unknown meaning, but certainly a minor deity of Eridu, where the ideogram employed in writing his name also had the value ishura, a name of the Grain-goddess. His aug- mented title Asarri was commonly pronounced Asaru, and explained as “ the bestower of husbandry.” By origin a vegeta- tion deity and son of the Water-god Enki of Eridu, his sudden appearance at Babylon under the new title Marduk as a Sun- god is still unexplained. The word is apparently derived from or at least written amar-udy “ Youth of the sun,” a word which, following the principle of loan-words, passed into Accadian as Amaruduku. Others derive the name from Accadian maru and Duku{g)y i.e., “ Child of the holy chamber,” or throne room of Enlil.^®^ His character is synthetic, into which the priests of the capital incorporated most of the attributes of his father Enki as god of Lustration, and of Enlil and his son Ninurta. He had officially fifty names, which the six hundred gods in assembly bestowed upon him after he had won for them the battle against Tiamat and created Heaven and Earth. The explanation of these names forms the seventh book of the Babylonian Epic of Creation.^®® A fragmentary text identifies Marduk with fourteen gods, among them Ea, Ninurta, Nergal, Enlil, Sin, Shamash, Adad, and probably all the important deities of the pantheon on the rest of the tablet. This is clear evidence of a monotheistic tendency in the late period, when there was also a school which made Enlil a monotheistic deity.^®® The original character of Marduk as a deity of Eridu was that of an agricultural and a vegetation deity. This aspect survives in his title “ plougher of the fields,” and in his symbol on monu-
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ments, the spade, marru.^^° The identification of Marduk with Tammuz in the late period was, therefore, a survival of an an- cient Sumerian myth of the Vegetation-god and is described in the Chapter on Tammuz and Ishtar.
Marduk is the Bel of Babylonian and Assyrian religion, corresponding to the West Semitic Ba‘al, “ lord.” The title never denoted a specific deity and was employed for the god of Babylon because of his supreme importance only. Wherever Bel is employed in other Semitic languages and in classical languages Marduk was meant. Bel-Marduk, as a mighty figure in ancient religion, represents the spring sun and the older Ninurta. His great festival, beginning at the spring equinox and lasting for eleven days, was called zagmuky “ be- ginning of the year,” or the akltUy from a special part of the festival or procession to the “ house of the akitUy'* which was the essential part of the New Year festivals in the old Su- merian calendars of all the great cults. A similar festival of Anu and Nana-Ishtar at the autumn equinox survived at Erech in the Persian period. The old Sumerian cities never recog- nized the new cult of Marduk, creation of the priests of the capital, but it was in fact the myths and rituals of Babylon which influenced directly the beliefs of the Hebrews and of the Gnos- tic sects in the late period. The %agmuk at Babylon is called “ the resurrection of the Enlil of the gods, Marduk.” The long directions for the ceremonies of each day have survived for the second, third, fourth, and fifth days of Nisan, and were based largely upon episodes of the Epic of Creation. Many of the hymns and ceremonies were mysteries known to the high priest only. The ritual has a ceremony of burning a sheep in an oven in memory of Marduk’s having burned Kingu, hus- band of Tiamat, and a survival of a variant version of the con- quest of the dragons, who were cast into Hell fire. This legend was adopted by the Hebrews in the vision of Daniel (vii. <)—i i ), in which the “ fourth beast ” was cast into burning flames by Y aw, “ the ancient of days,” from before whom issued streams
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of fire. Marduk is frequently described as the Fire-god, “ the flame which causes the foes to be burned.”
On the eighth day of the festival all the great gods of Baby- lonia were required to travel to Babylon in ceremonial ships and meet in the hall of assembly of Esagila, Marduk’s temple, where the fates for the ensuing year were determined. On the eleventh day when Marduk returned to his temple from the “ house of Akitu ” outside the city the following hymn was sung;
“ O Bel, when thou enterest thy temple may thy temple rejoice to thee. O mighty Bel-Marduk, when thou enterest thy temple may thy temple rejoice to thee.
Repose O Bel, repose O Bel, may thy temple rejoice to thee.
May the gods of Heaven and Earth say to thee, ‘ repose, O Bel.’ ”
His marvellous birth is described in the Epic of Creation. Created in the Apsu of Ea, he was the wisest of the wise, and Damkina (wife of Ea) caused him to be nourished at the breasts of goddesses. The marvellous birth of Marduk was made a precedent for the births of kings to whom the faithful assigned the role of redeemers, and Ashurbanipal is thus ad- dressed by the god Nabu:
“ Small wert thou, Ashurbanipal, whom I confided to the queen of Nineveh.
Weak wert thou, Ashurbanipal, who didst sit on the lap of the queen of Nineveh.
Her four teats were offered to thy mouth; two thou didst suck, cover-- ing thy face tvith two.”
There is also a legend of Sargon the ancient whose mother was a priestess, and whose father he knew not. He was born in secrecy, and his mother put him in a wicker basket, sealing it with bitumen j she placed the basket on the Euphrates which did not engulf it, but bore it to one Akku, an irrigator. Akku lifted him from the basket and reared him as his own son, and made him a gardener. Ishtar loved him and he became king.^^^ The Biblical legend of the birth of Moses and his concealment
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Irra the slayer desired battle and spoke to his weapons, “ the Seven gods,” to smear themselves with the poison of death. They urged him forth to destroy the land. But Irra wished to repose and enjoy himself with Mami his wife. Here the dreadfulness of the “ Seven gods,” that is the seven weapons of Irra, is described. Anu, the father of the gods, begat them, gave them their names, and decreed their fates. The seven fates are: (i) “On high appear and go without rival ”j (2) “Be like the god Mes the furious great bull ”5 (3) “The ap- pearance of a lion has been provided for thee . . . carry out the order ”j (4) “ When thou liftest thy raging weapons let the mountain perish ”5 (5) “Rush like the wind and spy out the regions ”5 (6) “ Enter above and beneath and spare no thing ”j (7) “The seventh he filled with poison of a dragon serpent (saying) ‘cause to perish the soul of life.’ ” Anu gave the seven gods to Irra for his helpers because Irra was enraged against the people and had decided to slay man and beast. And so the seven weapons arose and urged Irra to destroy menj they will not sit in the city like pale-faced old men or like chil- dren at home, or eat bread of women. Here there is a break in the story and after the lacuna there is a long description of the devastation planned by the Seven gods. Mountains and lands, gods, demons, kings, men, and cattle shall be ter- rified.
Irra heard them and was pleased. He ordered Ishum to institute the calamity. “ Open the way, I will take the road.” But Ishum counsels mercy and is rebuked by Irra: “Be silent, O Ishum, hear my words. (In Heaven) I am the wild bull, in earth the lion.” He then speaks of the “ city,” which in later passages is Babylon, against which Irra’s wrath is principally aroused. Here again there is a lacuna, after which Irra, still
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speaking, divulges his reasons for plotting the destruction of the land. They live in peace and are righteous, worshipping the gods. Prisoners they release and set free the bound.
“ Like pious orphans they pray to god.
They observe the judgment of god and preserve justice.
They guard themselves against frivolity and withhold slander.”
He is, therefore, the incarnation of evil, who, like Satan, hates all piety and goodness. This people, he says, are the favoured ones of Marduk, who is the “ god ” referred to above. But Irra will plunder Babylon. Here the poet inserts a long ex- tract from a hymn to Shamash,^^® placed in the mouth of Irra:
“ The burglar, the thief, the foe of Shamash,
He who assaults on the country road, they come before thee.
Thou hast not held back those who come before thee ; thou dost grasp their hands.
In the way of distress and sorrow thou directest his feet.”
But Irra, enraged because men forget his name and obey Mar- duk, says:
“ The prince Marduk I will cause to rage, will summon him from his throne and devastate the people.”
He goes to Babylon, city of the “ king of gods,” enters Mar- duk’s temple, Esagila, and says that the adornment of his lord- ship which, like a star of Heaven, is full of beauty, shall be removed. Marduk replied that once before the Pest-god Irra had ordered him to leave his throne, which he did, and therefore “ I brought about the Flood, and let loose the pesti- lence of Heaven and Earth, Living things were few, and so I like a farmer took their seed and ... I saw the people who remained after the Flood and . . .” Here the context seems to imply that Marduk accuses Irra of having sent his weapons forth to destroy what remained after the Flood, but Marduk saved seven (?) wise ones {ummam) by causing them to de- scend to the Apsu, and the precious mes-Xx^^'s, by “ changing
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their places.” “ Because of this work which thou, O hero, didst command to be done, where is the w^j-tree, flesh of the gods, adornment of kings? ” “ The mesu-Xxz^^'* says Marduk, “ had its roots in the wide sea, in the depth of Arallu, and its top attained high Heaven.” He asks Irra where are the lapis lazuli, the gods of the arts, and the seven wise ones of the Apsu.
This obscure passage apparently refers to an ancient destruc- tion of the world caused by Irra, and the Flood, which in other myths was sent by the great god Enlil because of the sins of men. In Chapter VIII a legend of a series of world catas- trophes sent by Enlil will be found. The seven wise ones whom Marduk sent to the Apsu refer apparently to the myth of the eight or ten pre-diluvian kings, who became “ seven elders ” {afqallu) in later mythology, and were assigned in this myth to the cities Ur, Nippur, Eridu, Kullab, Kesh, Lagash, and Shuruppak. The seven ancient elders who lived before the Flood had written down the secrets of divina- tion, all magic arts, and wisdom. Berossus, however, pre- serves a legend of four or five mythical monsters called An- nedotus, which appeared from the sea in the pre-diluvian period.^®® In one text the “ seven elders ” or wise men have the forms of birds or fish.^®^ Irra’s reply to Marduk is all but destroyed on the tablets. Marduk again tells him that, if he leaves his throne, wild beasts and demons will invade the land, and the gods of the lower sea will arise to make an end of all living things. Irra intractable presents an ultimatum to Mar- duk: “Until thou enterest that house (the nether sea) and the Fire-god cleanses thy garments, and thou returnest to thy place, so long will I continue to make mighty the pestilence of Heaven and Earth. I will ascend to Heaven and give orders to the Igigi, I will descend to Apsu and take charge of the Anunnaki.” And so Marduk rose from his throne and set his face to the abode of the gods of the nether sea, “ the inaccessible place.” At this point the texts present only a few words in a long lacuna in which some god (Enki?) addresses Marduk,
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and then there is apparently a prophecy of destruction. Then the gods Ea, Shamash, and Sin are filled with rage at the mis- ery caused by Marduk’s abandoning his throne. Ea, who in all similar myths appears as the saviour of mankind, now laments over the world catastrophe and his son Marduk.
“ Now that Marduk has gone forth, he who these wise ones {caused to descend to Afsu),
Whose images I created, to Irra . . . saying,
‘ They draw nigh where no god comes . .
To those wise ones wide hearts he [gave].
Understanding he gave them, their hands he filled richly.
This artful work they made brilliant and now it is cast asunder more than before.”
Irra (in a broken passage) replied to him and continued his threats. Of Marduk’s speech which follows no information can be obtained from the fragment. Again Ishum addresses Irra urging him to withhold his wrath. Irra sat in Emeslam pondering over the situation, but his mind gave no answer. He sought counsel of Ishum, first telling him his intention:
“ Open the way, I will take the road,
The days are ended, the fixed time has past.”
He then prophesies the destruction of Shamash, Adad, and Marduk, and the annihilation of Babylon.
“ I will decimate the [land] and count it as ruin.
The cities I will destroy and turn them to a wilderness.”
Ishum’s reply is entirely lost in a long lacuna, in which an ad- dress of Enlil to Irra began. The last lines of Enlil’s advocacy of Irra’s plan to destroy the Babylonians are preserved:
“ Thou shalt ‘ plant ’ the weapons of the warriors, the proteges, the disdain of Anu and Dagan,
And cause the carrefours of the city to receive their blood like the waters of a torrent.
Thou shalt open their veins and cause the river to carry it.”
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This is one of the prophecies or threats against Babylon which are repeated below, and from which the Hebrew writer of Isaiah, chapters xiii and xiv, probably drew inspiration for his own terrible prophecy against Babylon. Marduk (here called Enlil! ) cried out in woe and a curse irrevocable broke from his lips: “Not shall he drink the waters of that river, nor shall he . . . their blood and enter Esagila.” But Irra again com- mands Ishum to prepare the way, and the Seven gods to wreak destruction. Ishum once more counsels mercy:
“ Alas for my people which Irra the ‘ deluge ’ with great evils {would exterminate) .
Against whom the hero Nergal, as in the days of the battle with Asakku,^®^ {acts without mercy.)
As when Irra (?) to slay him retreated not . . .
As when to bind the wicked Zu a net [spread].
Ishum appeals again for mercy:
“ O leader, against god and king thou hast planned evil,
And against the hlack-headed people thou hast planned evil and re- pentest not.”
Angered by the clemency of his messenger Irra rebukes him:
“ Of the Igigi knowest thou the mind and of the Anunnaki the intention? And givest thou orders to the black-headed people and causest thou wrath to slay the wicked god (Marduk)?
The king of the gods has gone from his throne,
And why should all the lands remain true? ”
Here Ishum’s reply is fragmentary, but he still protests. Again Enlil, who in all earlier similar myths is the author of the various world catastrophes, addresses Irra and encourages him:
“ O hero Irra, thou hast taken the reins of heaven.”
He proclaims him as in complete control of the “ pestilence of Heaven and Earth,” and of Esagila, Marduk’s temple.
“ Thou hast not feared the name of the prince Marduk.”
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He now directs Babylon, city of the king of the gods:
“ Thou hast changed thy divinity and become like a man.
Thou hast put on thy weapons and entered into it [Babylon].
In Shuanna, as one who devastates a city, thou speakest like one who shatters.’^®®
The Babylonians, who, like reed of the cane-brake, have no overseer, all of them have assembled unto thee.
He who knew not weapons unsheathes his iron dagger.
The quiver of him who knew not the arrow is full.
Upon the sanctuaries of Babylon fire is hurled as by a plunderer of the land.
Of that city, against which I send thee, O thou man.
Fear not the god, be not frightened, O man; small and great put to death altogether.
The suckling child spare not, no not any.
The heaped up treasures of Babylon shalt thou plunder.
Thou shalt ‘ plant ’ the weapons of the warriors, the proteges, the disdain of Anu and Dagan,
And cause the carrefours of the city to receive their blood like waters of a torrent.
Thou shalt open their veins and cause the river to carry it.”
Marduk cried in woe and a curse irrevocable broke from his lips:
“ Not shall he drink the waters of that river nor shall he . . . their blood and enter Esagila.”
Here there is a lacuna in which Irra seems to answer Marduk, and, when the argument can be followed again, some god is speaking to Irra, this time concerning the destruction of Erech, city of Anu and Ishtar. Here the poem passes to facts and not prophecy.
“Thou hast destroyed its wall without (permission) of Shamash and cast down his throne.
In Erech, abode of Anu and Ishtar,
City of hierodules, whores, and courtesans.
For whom Ishtar paid a husband and counted him as theirs.
Where bedouin men and women utter cries,
(And) eunuchs and eunuch-singers are summoned to Eanna,
Whose virility Ishtar turned to effeminacy to terrify the people,
They who bear the dagger, razor, sword, and stone knife,
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They who eat ... to make glad the mood of Ishtar,
Thou hast set a cruel and relentless governor.
Ishtar raged and was angered against Erech.
She summoned a foe and he seizes it away like grain before the waters.”
And Anu wailed over the ruins of Badanki (Erech). Here there is a long lacuna, until the text comes to a dire prophecy against Babylon by Ishum addressing Irra. Ishum, who had persistently advocated mercy, is now wholly on the side of Irra.
“ ‘ The son I will cause to die and his father shall bury him.
And then the father will I cause to die and he shall have none to bury him.
O hero Irra, thou shalt destroy the faithful and the unfaithful.
Him that sinned against thee shalt thou destroy.
Him that sinned not against thee shalt thou destroy.’
And thus hast thou spoken in thy heart, O hero Irra:
‘ The mighty will I smite and put an end to the orphan.
The leader of the host will I slaughter, and put the host to rout.
Irkalla will I shake and the Heavens shall tremble.
The brilliancy of Jupiter (Marduk) will I cause to fall and the stars will I suppress.
The root of the tree will I tear up and its sprout will not thrive.’ ”
The prophecy against Babylon and its king in Isaiah xiii, xiv is clearly reminiscent of this passage. The Hebrew writer at- tributes the ruin of Babylon to her own sins, and not as here to the wilful hostility of the terrible Nergal, jealous of right- eousness and angered because the Babylonians had not also wor- shipped him. But the wrath of Irra and the wrath of the Hebrew Yaw are described in much the same way. “ Their in- fants shall be dashed in pieces before their eyes.” “ I will make the heavens to tremble and the earth shall be shaken out of her place.” So prophesied the Hebrew writer, and even more obvious is his borrowing from the Irra myth when he compares the king of Babylon to Helel: “ How art thou fallen from Heaven, O Helel, son of the morning! ” In the cunei- form text of the Irra myth Marduk is called Shulpae, the name of Jupiter in the early morning, and there can be little doubt
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but that Helel is a transcription of a Babylonian title of Marduk- Jupiter, elil, “the shining one.” Irra rejoiced at the prophecy of Ishum and said: “ Sea shall not spare sea, Subartu not Subartu, Assyrian not Assyrian, Elamite not Elamite, . . . land not land, city not city, house not house, brother not brother. They shall slay each other, and then the Accadians shall come and decimate all of them, prostrate them totally.” Here Irra plans a world destruction by internecine strife, when the Accadians shall profit from the universal disorder. This is clearly an historical reference to the ancient conquests of Sargon of Accad, who in fact overran the whole of Western Asia in the twenty-eighth century b.c., and his records mention precisely the same peoples. In fact the Irra myth has incorporated sev- eral historical disasters from various periods in its composition, which have no connection with the main motif, the destruction of Babylon, probably at the hands of Sargon of Assyria, or some earlier Babylonian disaster such as occurred at the hands of Tukulti-Ninurta I in the thirteenth century. And so Irra sent Ishum upon his direful mission 5 the Seven gods went with him. They seized and plundered Mount Sharshar (?) and devastated the vineyards of the “ forest of hashuru- trees.” In a lacuna Irra describes his own work in the present tense (here not prophetic) :
“ The seas I trouble and their produce . . .
Cane-brake and forest I parch . . .”
Only the end of this long description of the fall of Babylon is preserved. Irra rested from the slaughter. All the gods stood before him in terror, as he spoke to them:
“ Be silent, all of you, and learn my words.
Truly I prepared the calamity because of the former sin.
My heart raged that I decimated the peoples.
Like a hireling of the flocks the leading sheep from the fold I have brought forth.^®®
Like one who plants not fruit-trees I weary not to cut down.
Like a plunderer distinguishing not faithful and wicked I seize away.
Like a devouring lion from whose mouth they seize not the corpse.
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And where one perished in fear a second shall not counsel him.
Is not Ishum my forerunner? What is he?
Where is your patron, your high priest where?
Where are your offerings, where shall you fill incense? ”
The poem is not consistent in its explanation of Irra’s reasons for destroying Babylonia. Here the reason is the “former sin,” not otherwise explained, but in accordance with their theology all calamities were punishments for their own or their fathers’ sins. In other parts of the poem Irra’s motif is ex- plicitly stated to be his own inherent love of plague and slaugh- ter and hatred of righteousness. Ishum then addressed Irra:
“ O hero be still and hear my words.
Behold now, rest; we stand before thee.
In the day of thy wrath where is thy rival? ”
The poem ends with Irra’s appeasement and a prophecy of a new age of prosperity for Babylon. He heard Ishum’s words and his face beamed with pleasure. He entered Emeslam and sat on his throne, summoned Ishum, and announced a proph- ecy for the scattered people of Accad.
“ The peoples of the land are few, let them again become many.
Let them enter on their way, the destitute as one of abundance.
The orphaned Accadian shall overthrow the Sutean.
One shall overturn seven like sheep.
Their cities thou shalt turn to ruins and his mountain to a wilderness.
Thou restore the gods of the land, who have become angered, upon their thrones.
The god of Flocks and the Grain-goddess will I cause to descend upon the land.
The fields which I parched will bear produce.
Years without number shall they the praise of the great lord
Nergal, the hero.”
The Seven gods, who occupy an important place in Babylo- nian and Assyrian religion, do not appear to belong to the origi- nal Sumerian mythology. By origin they are deified weapons of war, of the Sun-gods Ninurta and Nergal, and their number “seven” seems to have resulted, in later times, from their
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identification with the seven Pleiadesd®® Images of these Seven gods, described as having terrifying wings, before whom an image of Nergal was placed, are used to protect a man’s house against demons in rituals.’®^ They are here addressed in the singular as one deity, and identified with the Fire -god. Their images were buried at the outer gate of a house, and they are described in this manner. “ They have crowns, and stand together upon a platform of reed matsj in their right hands they carry a copper bow — . . . , in their left hands a copper sword j they wear copper girths, and have copper horns j bows and quivers are placed on their arms.” In all these rituals they are accompanied by their sister Narudu. She wears on her loins a band of kalu (glaze?) like a loin cloth and has a red turban 5 from her left arm she suspends a seal. Eunuchs wore garments like those of Narudu. Although the Seven gods aid Nergal in ruthless slaughter of mankind, they, like him, are also protectors of the people, and Asarhaddon names them “ the heroic gods, who hold javelin and arrow, whose onslaught is dire battle,” among the great gods who chose him to rule in Assyria.
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