Topic: SLAVIC MYTHOLOGY

[Prometheus]

https://archive.org/details/mythologyofallra31gray/page/214

With Russians it's not meant RF/Muscovy, but (pre-) Kyvian-RUS /Ukraine-Rus

see also

http://www.reddit.com/r/russiawarinukraine/comments/39l326/current_europeans_emerged_from_the_ukraine_says/

https://www.reddit.com/r/russiawarinukraine/comments/37tryg/muscovy_the_name_of_the_grand_duchy_of_moscow/


SLAVIC MYTHOLOGY


BY

JAN MACHAL, Ph.D.

PROFESSOR OF SLAVIC LITERATURES, BOHEMIAN UNIVERSITY, PRAGUE
WITH A CHAPTER ON BALTIC MYTHOLOGY BY THE EDITOR



EDITOR’S PREFACE


F OR obvious reasons it has not been possible to have the col-
laboration of the author of this Slavic Mythology in seeing
his work through the press. This duty has, therefore, devolved
upon me, though the task has been lightened by constant refer-
ence to his Bajeslovi slovanske (Prague, 1907), on which his
present study is largely based. Since the author supplied no
Notes, and as they seemed to me desirable, I have added them.
All responsibility for them is mine, not his; but I trust that
they will not be displeasing to him.

Professor Machal wrote, at my request, a chapter on the
mythology of the Prussians, Letts, and Lithuanians. As this
has not been received, I have endeavoured to supply it; but
since I hope to prepare a study of the religion of these peoples
to be published on another occasion, I have restricted myself
rigidly to their mythology, discussing neither their religion, their
ethnology, nor their history. That Professor Machal did not so
limit his scope is to me a source of pleasure; for in those systems
of religion where practically nothing is as yet accessible in Eng-
lish it seems preferable to treat the theme without meticulous
adherence to a theoretical norm.

The excellent translation of Professor Machal’s study has
been made by his colleague, Professor F. Krupicka, to whom he
desires to express his gratitude for his assistance in this regard.

LOUIS H. GRAY.


November 6, 1916.




PRONUNCIATION


T HE vowels are pronounced generally as in Italian. In the
Lithuanian diphthong ai the first element predominates
almost to the suppression of the second. Russian e has the
sound of the English word yea or of ye in yes; Lithuanian e (often
written ie ) is pronounced like yea, but with a slight a-sound
added ( yd a ), and u is equivalent to uo a (very like English whoa a ) ;
Lettish ee is simply e (English a in fate) ; Polish ie is like Eng-
lish ye in yes; Russian iy is practically the i in English pique.
The Slavic i and u have only an etymological value, and are not
pronounced; in the present study they are omitted when final,
so that Perunu, e.g., is here written Perun.

J is like y (for convenience the Russian letters often tran-
scribed ja, etc., are here given as ya, etc.); of the liquids and
nasals, r and / between consonants have their vowel-value, as
in English betterment, apple-tree ( bettrment , appltree ) ; r is pro-
nounced in Polish like the z in English azure, and in Bohemian
like r followed by the same sound of z; Polish t is a guttural
(more accurately, velar) l; n has the palatal value of ni in
English onion. The sibilant/ is like sh in English shoe (in
Lithuanian this sound is often written sz), and z (Lithuanian
z) is like z in azure.

Of the consonants c (often written cz in Lithuanian) has the
value of ch in church; ch that of the German or Scottish ch in
ach, loch; c that of the German z ( ts ).

The consonant-groups in the present study are pronounced
as follows: cz like ch in church; dz and dj like / in judge; rz like z
in azure; sj like sh in shoe; and szcz like shch in fresh-chosen.














INTRODUCTION


S INCE those records of ancient Slavic life which have sur-
vived are very superficial, it is not surprising that only
scanty and fragmentary knowledge of Slavonic religions has
come down to us. The native chroniclers, imbued with Chris-
tian civilization, dealt shallowly and, it would seem, reluctantly
with the life of their pagan ancestors; and while writers of
other nationalities have left much more thorough accounts of
the religions of the Slavic peoples, yet, being ignorant of the
Slavic dialects and insufficiently familiar with the lives and
customs of the Slavs, their documents are either very confused
or betray a one-sided Classical or Christian point of view.
It must further be borne in mind that the extant data treat of
the period immediately preceding the introduction of Chris-
tianity, when the Slavic nations, inhabiting a wide-spread
region and already possessed of some degree of civilization,
had made considerable progress from their primeval culture.
Hence no inferences may be drawn from the mythology of one
Slavic nation as to the religion of the Slavs as a whole.

The most ample evidence, relatively speaking, is found
regarding the religion of the Elbe Slavs, who adopted Christi-
anity as late as the twelfth century. Thietmar, Bishop of
Merseburg, gives the earliest accounts of their religion (976-
1018), 1 and the description of the rites of the Slavic tribe of
the Lutici by Adam of Bremen, in his Gesta Hammaburgensis
ecclesiae pontificum (eleventh century), 2 is founded chiefly on
Thietmar’s report. Helmold, a German chronicler of the
twelfth century, who had seen the countries of the Elbe Slavs


222


INTRODUCTION


with his own eyes, transmitted important evidence of their
religion in his Chronica Slavorum ; 3 and in like manner the
Danish historian Saxo Grammaticus, writing in the same cen-
tury, spoke of the idolatry of the Elbe Slavs, 4 his statements
being confirmed by the Danish Knytlingasaga . 5 Further de-
tailed accounts of Slavic paganism may be found in the lives
of St. Otto, a bishop of Bamberg, who was renowned as a
missionary among the Pomeranian Slavs. 6

The most important evidence for Russian religion is con-
tained in the Chronicle of Nestor (noo); 7 further fragments of
pagan customs are preserved in the old Russian epic Slovo o
pluku Igor eve (“Song of Igor’s Band”), which dates from the
twelfth century; 8 and to these two main sources for a knowledge
of the pagan period in Russia may be added some old religious
writings directed against the heathenism which still lingered
among the folk.

Mention of the religions of the eastern and southern Slavs
is made in the works of the Greek historian Procopius of
Caesarea (sixth century) 9 and of the Arabian travellers al-
Mas‘udl 10 and Ibrahim ibn Vasifshah 11 (tenth and twelfth
centuries respectively), while allusions to ancient Slavic pagan
rites and idolatry are found in the mediaeval encyclopaedias
which were translated from Greek and Byzantine originals.

The main source for the religion of the Czechs is the Chronicle
of Cosmas (ob. 1125), 12 supplemented by the Homiliary of the
Bishop of Prague (twelfth century.) 13 The chronicler Dtugosz
(fifteenth century) records fairly detailed accounts of the old
Polish religion, although they are not very reliable; 14 and allu-
sions of a more specific character occur in some fragments of
old Polish literature, particularly in Polish-Latin homilies. 15

These poor and scanty accounts of the mythology of the
ancient Slavs are supplemented by old traditions which still
live among the people, these legends being very rich and con-
taining ample survivals of the past, since even after their
conversion to Christianity the common folk clung to their


INTRODUCTION


223


pagan beliefs. Thus ancient national tales, preserved to this
very day, contain distinct traces of the early faith, and these
traditions, verified by old evidence, are of such prime impor-
tance that they will form the basis of our description of Slavic
mythology.





'



SLAVIC MYTHOLOGY


PART I


THE GENII





SLAVIC MYTHOLOGY


CHAPTER I

BELIEF IN SOUL AND GENII

I N Slavic belief the soul is a being quite distinct from the
body, which it is free to leave even during life, so that there
are many stories of human souls coming forth from the bodies
of sleeping persons and either dwelling in trees or, in the shape
of white birds, fluttering about in the world and finally return-
ing to their normal habitations. It is inadvisable to go to
bed thirsty, lest the soul, wearied by its search for water, may
weaken the body. If a man faints, his soul leaves his body
and uneasily flutters about the world; but when it returns,
consciousness is likewise restored. Some individuals have lain
like dead for three days, during which time their souls dwelt in
the other world and beheld all that might be seen either in
heaven or in paradise. A soul which leaves the body when
asleep and flies about in the world is called Vjedogonja or
Zduh, Zduhacz (“Spirit”) by the Serbs; and not only the
souls of sleeping persons, but even those of fowls and domestic
animals, such as cats, dogs, oxen, etc., may be transformed into
Zduhaczs. These genii, regardless of nationality, sex, or age,
assemble on mountain-tops, where they battle either singly or
in troops, the victors bringing to their countrymen a rich har-
vest and success in breeding cattle; but if a man’s soul perishes
in this fight, he will never awake. In Montenegro a distinction
is drawn between Zduhaczs of land and sea, the former causing
drought, and the latter rain, so that the weather depends on
which of these two wins. A sudden storm points to a battle


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SLAVIC MYTHOLOGY


among such Zduhaczs; but in all other respects these genii are
considered good and sensible and stand in high repute.

The Montenegrins personify the soul as Sjen or Sjenovik
(“Shadow”), this being a genius which has charge of houses,
lakes, mountains, and forests, and which may be a man or a
domestic animal, a cat, a dog, or — more especially — a snake.

It is a general Slavic belief that souls may pass into a Mora,
a living being, either man or woman, whose soul goes out of
the body at night-time, leaving it as if dead. Sometimes two
souls are believed to be in such a body, one of which leaves it
when asleep; and a man may be a Mora from his birth, in
which case he has bushy, black eyebrows, growing together
above his nose. The Mora, assuming various shapes, ap-
proaches the dwellings of men at night and tries to suffocate
them; she is either a piece of straw, or a white shadow, or a
leather bag, or a white mouse, a cat, a snake, a white horse,
etc. First she sends refreshing slumber to men and then, when
they are asleep, she frightens them with terrible dreams,
chokes them, and sucks their blood. For the most part she
torments children, though she also throws herself upon ani-
mals, especially horses and cows, and even injures and withers
trees, so that various means are employed to get rid of her.

In Russia the Moras, or Kikimoras, play the role of house-
hold gods ( penates ). They are tiny female beings who live
behind the oven; and at night they make various noises,
whining and whistling, and troubling sleeping people. They are
very fond of spinning, hopping from place to place all the time;
and they tangle and tear the tow of women who rise from the
spinning-wheel without making the sign of the cross. They
are invisible and do not grow old; but manifestation of their
presence always portends trouble.

Among the Slavs, as well as among many other peoples,
there is a wide-spread belief that certain persons can assume
the form of wolves during their lifetime, like the English
werewolf, the French loupgarou , the Lithuanian vilkakis, etc.,


BELIEF IN SOUL AND GENII


229


such a man being termed Vlkodlak (Vukodlak, Vrkolak,
Volkun, etc.)* A child born feet foremost or with teeth will
become a Vlkodlak; and a man may undergo transformation
into such a being by magic power, this happening most fre-
quently to bride and bridegroom as they go to the church to
be married. A person turned into a Vlkodlak will run about
the village in the shape of a wolf and will approach human
dwellings, casting plaintive glances at people, but without
harming anyone; and he will retain his wolf-like shape until
the same person who has enchanted him destroys the charm.

Among the Jugo-Slavs (“Southern Slavs”) there still lingers
an old tradition, dating from the thirteenth century, of a
Vukodlak who followed the clouds and devoured the sun or
the moon, thus causing an eclipse; and accordingly, on such
an occasion, drums were beaten, bells rung, and guns fired, all
this being supposed to drive the demon away.

The Vlkodlak can transform himself not only into a wolf, but
also into hens and such animals as horses, cows, dogs, and cats.
At night he attacks cattle, sucks the milk of cows, mares, and
sheep, strangles horses, and causes cattle to die of plague;
he may even assail human beings, frightening, beating, and
strangling them. The Slavs in Istria believe that every single
family has its own Vukodlak, who tries to harm the house;
but the house also possesses a good genius, the Krsnik (Kresnik,
Karsnik), who protects it from the Vukodlak and battles with
him. In popular tradition the Vlkodlak is frequently identified
with the Vampire, and similar stories are told concerning
both beings.

The Slavs universally believe that the soul can leave the
body in the form of a bird (a dove, a duck, a nightingale, a
swallow, a cuckoo, an eagle, a raven) or else as a butterfly, a
fly, a snake, a white mouse, a hare, a small flame, etc. For this
reason, whenever a man dies, the window or the door is left
open, thus freely enabling the soul to come and go so long as
the corpse remains in the house. The soul flutters about the


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SLAVIC MYTHOLOGY


cottage in the shape of a fly, sitting down, from time to time,
upon the stove and witnessing the lamentations of the mourners
as well as the preparations for the funeral; and in the court-
yard it hovers around as a bird.

That the soul of the dead might suffer neither hunger nor
thirst, various kinds of food or drink were put into the coffin or
the grave; and besides other presents, small coins were given
to the deceased, thus enabling him to buy a place of his own
beyond the tomb. At the banquet celebrated after the burial
a part of the meal was put aside for the soul, which, though
invisible, was partaking of the feast; and during the first night
after the funeral the soul returned to the house to see it once
more and to refresh itself. Accordingly a jug of water was
placed under the icons, and on the following day it was in-
spected to ascertain whether the soul had drunk or not, this
practice sometimes being continued for six weeks. In Bulgaria
the head of the grave is sprinkled with wine the day after the
funeral, in order that the soul may not feel thirsty; while in
Russia and in other Slav countries wheat is strewn or food is
put upon the place of burial.

For forty days the soul dwells on earth, seeking for places
which the deceased used to frequent when alive; it enters his
own house or those of other persons, causing all sorts of trouble
to those who had been enemies to the departed, and it is either
invisible or else appears in the form of an animal. Bulgarian
tradition speaks of the soul as approaching the body on the
fortieth day, trying to enter it and to live anew; but being
frightened by the disfigured and decaying corpse, it flies away
into the world beyond the grave. The belief that the soul
remains for forty days in the places where it had lived and
worked is universal among the Slavs. According to Russian
tradition it then flies upward to the sun, or the moon, or the
stars, or else it wanders away into forests, or waters, or moun-
tains, or clouds, or seas, etc.

The souls of the deceased often appear as jack-o’-lanterns

in — 15


BELIEF IN SOUL AND GENII


231


flickering about in churchyards or morasses, leading people
astray in swamps and ponds, or strangling and stupefying
them. Woe to him who ridicules them or whistles at them,
for they will beat him to death; but if a wanderer courteously
asks their guidance, they will show him the road that he must
follow.

In Slavic belief the souls of the departed maintained, on the
whole, friendly relations with the living, the only exceptions
being the ghosts of those who had been either sorcerers or
grievous sinners in their lifetime, or who had committed'suicide
or murder, or who had been denied Christian burial. The souls
of sorcerers, whether male or female, are loath to part with
their bodies and cannot leave in the usual way by door or
window, but wish to have a board in the roof removed for
them. After death their souls take the shapes of unclean
animals and enter houses at night, worrying the inmates
and seeking to hurt them, the same enmity toward the liv-
ing being shown by the souls of those who have committed
suicide, since they endeavour to revenge themselves for not
having been properly buried. In ancient times the bodies of
suicides, as well as criminals, drowned persons, and all who
had met with a violent death or were considered magicians,
were refused interment in the churchyard, their corpses being
buried without Christian rites in forests or swamps, or even
thrown into pits. The lower classes believed that the souls of
such persons caused bad harvests, droughts, diseases, etc.; and,
therefore, a stake was nan through their hearts, or their heads
were cut off, despite the efforts of the ecclesiastical and secular
authorities to put an end to this sort of superstition.

The belief in Vampires (deceased people who in their lifetime
had been sorcerers, bad characters, or murderers, and whose
bodies are now occupied by an unclean spirit), which may be
traced back as far as the eleventh century, is still widely cur-
rent among the Slav population. The name, which also appears
as Upir, Upior, etc., is probably derived from the Turkish uber

hi — 16


232


SLAVIC MYTHOLOGY


(“enchantress ”) ; but other designations are likewise used, such
as Wieszczy and Martwiec (Polish), Vedomec (Slovenian),
Kriivnik (Bulgarian), Oboroten (Russian), etc.

The Southern Slavs believe that any person upon whom an
unclean shadow falls, or over whom a dog or a cat jumps, may
become a Vampire; and the corpse of such a being does not
decay when buried, but retains the colour of life. A Vampire
may suck the flesh of his own breast or gnaw his own body,
and he encroaches even upon the vitality of his nearest rela-
tions, causing them to waste away and finally die.

At night the Vampires leave their graves and rock to and
fro upon wayside crosses, wailing all the time. They assume

[Prometheus]

every sort of shape and suck the blood of people, whom thus
they gradually destroy, or, if they have not time to do that
(especially as their power ends at cock-crow), they attack do-
mestic animals. Various means of riddance, however, are
known, and there is ample evidence of exhuming the corpse of
a man supposed to be a Vampire, of driving a stake of ash-
wood (or wood of the hawthorn or maple) through it, and of
burning it, these acts being believed to put a definite end to
his evil doings.


CHAPTER II


WORSHIP OF THE DEAD, ESPECIALLY
ANCESTORS

A T first the pagan Slavs burned their dead, but later they
practised burial as well as cremation. 1 With singing and
wailing the corpse was carried to the funeral-place, where a pyre
had been erected; and this, with the dead body laid upon it,
was set on fire by the relatives. The pyre and the body having
been consumed by the flames, the ashes, together with the
charred remnants of bones, weapons, and jewels, and with all
sorts of gifts, were collected in an urn and placed in a cairn.
If the chieftain of a tribe had died, one of his wives was burned
along with him, as is amply attested by the traditions of the
Elbe Slavs, the Poles, the Southern Slavs, and the Russians;
and in similar fashion animals that had been especial favourites
of his were killed and cremated. At the grave there were
obsequies of a martial character ( tryzna ), followed by a noisy
banquet ( strava ).

A vivid description of a Russian chieftain’s funeral was
given by the Arabian traveller Ahmad ibn Fadlan (922). 2
When a nobleman died, for ten days his body was laid pro-
visionally in a grave, where he was left until his shroud was
prepared for him. His property was divided into three parts;
one third was given to the family, another served to defray the
funeral expenses, and the remainder was spent on the intoxi-
cating drinks which were served at the funeral banquet. On
the day appointed for the final obsequies a boat was taken out
of the water, and round it were placed pieces of wood shaped
to the form of human beings. Then the corpse was removed


234


SLAVIC MYTHOLOGY


from its provisional grave and, being clad with a costly gar-
ment, was seated in the boat on a richly ornamented arm-
chair, around which were arranged the weapons of the deceased,
together with intoxicating beverages; while not only bread and
fruit, but also flesh of killed animals, such as dogs, horses, cows,
cocks, and hens, were put into the boat. That one of his wives
who had voluntarily agreed to be burned together with her dead
husband was led to the boat by an old woman called “the
Angel of Death,” and was stabbed at the side of the corpse,
whereupon the wood piled up under and around the boat was
set on fire. After the boat with the dead bodies and all the
other articles placed upon it had been consumed, the ashes were
collected and scattered over the cairn; and a banquet, lasting
for days and nights without interruption, closed the ceremony.

We know from the evidence of the Arabian writer Mas‘udi 3
that this cremation of the dead existed among most of the
Slavs and that they worshipped the departed. Mules, weapons,
and precious articles were burned, and when the husband died,
his wife was cremated with him, a man who died a bachelor
being married after his decease. 4 Wives are said to have
chosen death in the flames because they wished to enter
paradise together with their husbands; and there are also
reports that slaves, or even many of a prince’s retinue, were
killed and put into the grave with their masters.

In Bohemia a certain sort of games ( scenae ) were performed
according to pagan rites at places where roads met or crossed
each other; and “profane jokes” ( ioci profani ) were practised
at the grave by masked men; while the Polish chronicler Vin-
centius Kadlubek (thirteenth century) tells 5 how virgins
tore out their hair, matrons lacerated their faces, and old
women rent their garments.

The idolatry of the ancient Prussians, Lithuanians, and
Russians in 1551 is described by Jan Menecius, who tells 6
of the funeral ceremonies, the banquet in the house of the
deceased, the lamentations at the grave, and the gifts devoted


WORSHIP OF THE DEAD


235


to the departed. Those on horseback galloped beside the hearse,
and brandishing their swords, drove the evil spirits away,
while bread and ale were placed in the grave to protect the
souls against hunger and thirst.

The memory of deceased members of the family was held
in pious honour everywhere. During the first year after the
death of one of the household funeral ceremonies were held,
and are still held, in numerous places. These usually take place
on the third, seventh, twentieth, and fortieth day after the
funeral, and also half a year and a year later, the final fete
being the most touching of all. The members of the family
and the nearest relations assemble at the grave of the departed
with many sorts of food and drink, a part of the viands being
put aside for the deceased at the banquet which follows. On
the other hand, the White Russians for the most part celebrated
their funeral feasts at home, a portion of the food being sent
to the grave afterward.

Besides these family feasts most Slavs celebrate general
festivals in commemoration of the dead, these recurring on
fixed days thrice or even four times a year. The festivals held
in White Russia stand forth most prominently by reason of
their ancient character, and they are called dziady, or some-
times also chautury , the latter name derived from Latin
chartularium (“charter, record”). Dziadys are deceased an-
cestors, male and female, and their memory is usually com-
memorated four times annually.

The autumnal dziadys are held on St. Demetrius’s Eve
(October 26, according to the Russian calendar), 7 when work in
the fields has been finished, and a rich harvest fills the barns.
On the Friday preceding the dziady , the courtyard is swept
clean, the agricultural implements are stowed away, and
everything is put in order. Some cattle, set aside for that
purpose in the spring by the master of the house, are killed;
and the women prepare food (from nine to fifteen dishes) and
scrub tables and benches, devoting special care to the corner


236


SLAVIC MYTHOLOGY


behind the oven, the most important place in the room.
Abundance of good food and a neat and tidy house are sup-
posed to attract the souls and to fill them with pleasure. In
the evening the members of the household bathe, and having
put a pail of fresh water, with a wisp of straw in it, for the
Dziadys to wash in, the family, together with the relations
who have been invited, assemble in the room arrayed in their
Sunday best. The head of the house lights a candle in a corner
of the room, and having said a prayer, extinguishes it; after
which, with all the people sitting round a table covered with
dishes and drinks of various kinds, he solemnly invites the
“holy Dziadys” to partake of their meal. He then pours
water into a cup so as to make a few drops flow over the brim
and stain the table-cloth, and empties it, whereupon all the
others drink, likewise allowing a small portion to fall. Before
beginning to eat, the householder sets aside a portion of every
dish on a separate plate, which he then puts in the window;
and whenever a dish is finished, the spoons are laid upon
the table for the forefathers to help themselves. While eating,
silence is observed, except for abrupt whispers, in which the
ancestors and their deeds are the chief theme; and any slight
motion of the air, any rustling of dry leaves, or even the
appearance of an emperor-moth is taken to be the coming of
the forefathers. The ample supper finished, the Dziadys are
bidden adieu and requested to fly back to heaven, while the
food appointed for them is left on the table and distributed
among the poor on the following day.

The winter dziadys are celebrated in a similar way on the
Saturday preceding Quinquagesima Sunday.

The spring dziadys , or radunica (derived from Greek po8u)vta,
“meadow of roses”), fall on Tuesday in Easter-Week. The
housewife prepares two sorts of dishes, one for the members of
the household, the other for the forefathers; and after a short
prayer before the icons, the members of the family betake
themselves with food and drink to the churchyard, where the



PLATE XXVII

Zadusnica


The zadusnica , celebrated in Bulgaria in honour
of deceased ancestors, corresponds closely to the
Russian dziadys (pp. 235-37) and also finds an ana-
logue in the commemoration of the dead among the
ancient Letts and Lithuanians in October. After a
picture by Professor Morvicka.







WORSHIP OF THE DEAD


237


women chant dirges of a peculiar sort, while the men roll eggs
blessed by the priest. A cloth is then spread over the family
grave, and the provisions and a bottle of vodka are placed
upon it, after which the family sit in a circle round it and invite
the forefathers to join their banquet. All present eat and
drink, talking about the dead; and what is left of the food is
distributed among the beggars, a great number of whom
assemble at the cemetery, or else it is left on the graves. Egg-
shells and even whole eggs are buried in the grave, and lamen-
tations and funeral dirges conclude the ceremony.

The summer dziadys are kept in a similar way on the Satur-
day preceding Whitsunday, when the graves are swept clean
with sprigs of birch, this being called “giving the Dziadys a
steam-bath.”

All who desire to avoid the anger of the forefathers and
thus guard their family against misfortune should keep the
dziadys , the only persons exempt being those families that
have removed to a new dwelling erected in another place.
As soon, however, as a member of the household dies in the
new home, the dziadys ought to be celebrated; and if the family
has moved into a house where the dziadys were previously
observed, it is necessary for them to inquire as to the way in
which this was done, since any deviation from the usual
ceremony, as in the serving of the dishes, may rouse the anger
of the forefathers and bring misfortune.

Other designations of the funeral ceremonies ( pominki )
are found in Russia: the autumnal rites are termed roditelskiye
suboty (“parental Saturdays”), the vernal are navskiy velik-
den or naviy den (“great death-day,” or “death-day”), and
the summer semik (“Whitsunday”).

In Bulgaria the common obsequies ( zadusnica ) are celebrated
five or four times annually, but mostly thrice, i. e. on the
Saturday before St. Demetrius, before the Great Fast (Lent),
and before Whitsunday, the commemorations being similar
to the spring dziadys in Russia. Besides these, there are rites


238


SLAVIC MYTHOLOGY


in some parts of Bulgaria which remind us of the autumnal
dziadys in White Russia, and these are called stopanova gozba
(“the householder’s festival”). In the opinion of the common
people a Stopan (Stopanin) is a deceased ancestor who guards
the house of the family, and the feast in his honour is cele-
brated in the following way. The whole house, especially
the common living-room, is carefully scrubbed and cleaned,
after which the members of the family put on their Sunday
clothes and adorn themselves with flowers, while candles are
lit on either side of the hearth (where a fire is kept burning)
and near the door. The oldest woman brings a black hen,
kills it, and lets the blood flow into the hollow on the hearth,
which is then smeared over with clay; and next she roasts
the flesh of the hen, while two others bake cakes of flour
prepared especially for this purpose. When everything has
thus been made ready, the head of the family, taking a cup of
wine, pours half of it into the fire; and then, putting a cake
upon his head, he cuts it into four parts, springing about the
room all the time. Butter and honey being spread upon one
quarter, the left leg of the hen and three small cups of wine are
added, whereupon all these presents for the Stopan are placed
in three corners of the loft. Then all sit down to table, but
before beginning to eat, the old woman, with all others present,
pours some wine into the fire. The next rite is prayer to the
Stopan to bestow health and long life upon the family, to pro-
tect and guard the flocks, and to take care of the meadows, the
vineyards, etc.; after dinner songs are sung, and the benefit
that the Stopan bestows upon the household is extolled. Two
weeks later the crone looks after the dishes destined for the
Stopan, and great is the joy of the family if any of the viands
on them have been eaten.

Among the other Slavs only traces of these ancient ceremonies
have been preserved, for the Roman Catholic Church made
every endeavour to suppress them, whereas they were per-
mitted by the Orthodox Church.


WORSHIP OF THE DEAD


239


That the worship of ancestors was widely spread among the
Slavs may be considered an established fact: the Slavs looked
upon their forefathers as guardian penates who were deeply
concerned about the happiness both of the family and of their
dwelling; and the origin of many mythological beings, especially
the penates , may be traced back to this kind of ancestor-cult.


CHAPTER III

THE HOUSEHOLD GODS

T HE Slavic belief in household gods is confirmed by old
reports. Helmold alludes 8 to a wide-spread cult of
penates among the Elbe Slavs; and Cosmas relates 9 how
Czech, one of the forefathers, brought the “penates” on his
shoulders to the new country and, resting on the mountain of
the Rzip, said to his companions: “Rise, good friends, and
make an offering to your penates, for it is their help that has
brought you to this new country destined for you by Fate
ages ago.”

Various names were given to the household gods by the
Slavs, but the terms ded, dedek, deduska, i. e. an ancestor
(literally “grandfather”) raised to the rank of a family genius,
clearly shows that the penates had their origin in ancestor-
worship . 10

Deduska Domovoy (“Grandfather House-Lord”) is well
known in Russia, and many vivid reports are circulated con-
cerning him. He is commonly represented as an old man with
a grizzled, bushy head of hair and with flashing eyes; his
whole body is covered with a thick, soft coat of hair; and his
garments consist of a long cloak girded about his waist with a
light red belt, or sometimes only of a red shirt. He often
appears in the shape of a well-known person belonging to the
people in whose home he lives, most usually in that of the
master of the house or that of an older member of the family,
whether dead or alive. The belief that he resembles some one
of the ancestors in the colour of his hair, his dress, his attitude,
his voice, and even his manner shows that he is closely con-


THE HOUSEHOLD GODS


241


nected with the family, so that the same cow, for example,
that was the favourite of this ancestor is the favourite of the
Domovoy as well.

The household spirit has the further power of appearing in
the shape of animals, such as cats, dogs, bears, etc., the colour
of such an animal’s coat being identical with that of the hair
of the master of the house. While as a rule the Domovoy is
invisible, there are many means of getting a glimpse of him;
but there is a general reluctance to use such devices since he is
very ready to punish inquisitive individuals who disturb him.

Normally the Domovoy lives in the room behind the oven,
or under it, or near the threshold of the house, or in the closet,
or in the courtyard, or in the stable, or in the bath-room, or
elsewhere. When in the bath-room, he creeps under the
benches, where he lies hissing, rumbling, and giggling; and if
a bath is being prepared, a pail of water is made ready for
him to wash in.

Every house has its own Domovoy, and only one, who is,
as a rule, single, though sometimes he is believed to have a
wife and children. These penates often fight with one another,
each of them defending the welfare of its particular home; and
the victors settle in the house of the vanquished, where they
immediately begin to trouble the inmates, making all sorts
of noises, injuring the cattle, turning the master out of his
bed, choking people while asleep, etc. The people in the house
thus invaded seek to expel the intruder, beating the hedges
and the walls of the house with rods and crying, “Go home,
we don’t want other people’s penates here!” In the evening,
on the other hand, the members of the household don their
finest array and walk out in the courtyard, seeking to lure the
Domovoy to their home by saying, “Deduska Domovoy,
come and live with us and tend our flocks.”

The Domovoy not only cares for the herds, but also protects
the whole home and its inmates against misfortune, and pro-
motes their well-being; he sees that everything is in proper


242


SLAVIC MYTHOLOGY


order; he supervises the servants and labourers, does all sorts
of work for the master at night, and is especially fond of
spinning. The householder who knows how to gratify him will
meet with success in everything; he will buy cheap and sell dear,
will have the best crops of all, and will never be visited by
hail. In order to increase the property of such a master the
Domovoy will not even shrink from robbing other people.

The household spirit shares in the joy and sorrow of his
home. If an inmate dies, he will show his grief by howling at
night, while bitter sobbing and wailing forebode the death of
the master of the house, and sorrowful moanings are heard if
plague, war, conflagration, or some other calamity is threaten-
ing. He is also able to foretell the future.

It is only rarely that the Domovoy shows the evil and
demoniac side of his character; and then the fault usually lies
with the people themselves, who fail to render him due honour,
or who give offence by cursing or by bad language, whereupon
the infuriated spirit takes vengeance on the cattle, or quits
the house and leaves the family unprotected. After his de-
parture the inmates fall ill and die, and even the cattle perish.

People court the favour and satisfaction of the Domovoy
by putting aside for him what is left of their evening meal,
and the White Russians have a peculiar way of rendering hom-
age to him by placing white linen in the passage leading to
the chamber which is his favourite haunt, this being meant as
an invitation to join in the meals of the family.

There are different modes of reconciling an angry Domovoy.
A cock, for example, will be killed at midnight, and all the
nooks and corners of the common room or the courtyard will
be washed with its blood. Sometimes a slice of bread strewn
with salt will be wrapped in a piece of white cloth and put in
the hall or in the courtyard, while the members of the house-
hold bow toward all four quarters, uttering certain aphoristic
sentences and entreating the Domovoy to cease his anger
and be reconciled.

[Prometheus]

THE HOUSEHOLD GODS


243


No house can live without the help of its genius, and this
accounts for various customs connected with the building of a
new residence and with removing to another home, etc. There
is a belief that happiness and well-being cannot establish
themselves in a newly built home until after the death of the
head of the family, who then becomes its guardian; and when
a house has been erected, the master of it, and even those
who first enter it, are threatened with premature death.
Similar customs connected with the erection of new buildings
are practised by all Slavs.

Rites of a peculiar character are observed in case of removal
into a newly built house. Before entering, the members of
the family throw a cat, a cock, a hen, etc., inside, or on the
threshold of the new home they cut off the head of a hen and
bury it below the first corner of the room; while the first slice
of bread cut during the first dinner is buried in the right-
hand corner of the loft with the words, “Our supporter,
come into the new house to eat bread and to obey your new
master.”

If the family moves into a new home, they never forget
to take their Domovoy with them, and for this purpose they
proceed in the following way. An old woman heats a stove
in the old house and scrapes the cinders out upon the fender,
putting these at noon into a clean pan and covering it with a
napkin. Opening the window and turning toward the corner
of the room where the oven stands, she invites the Domovoy to
come into the new house, after which she takes the pan with
the coal into the new home where, at the open gate, he is
awaited by the master and the mistress with bread and salt
in their hands. Bowing low, they again invite him into the
new dwelling, and the old woman, with the master of the house,
first enters the room, carrying bread and salt in their hands.
The old woman puts the pan by the fireside, and removing the
cloth, shakes it toward all the corners to frighten away the
Domovoy and then empties the coals into the oven, after which


244 SLAVIC MYTHOLOGY

the pan is broken in pieces and buried below the front corner
of the room.

The Little Russians call their family genius Didko (Did,
Diduch) or Domovyk, their beliefs about him being similar
to those which the Russians hold concerning the Domovoy.

The ancient Czechs termed their penates Dedeks, and in
Silesia traditions are still current about the Djadeks, or guard-
ian genii of the family. Small statues were made of clay or
stone, and in earlier times were placed in niches near the doors,
although later they were set on the mantelpieces above the
oven. They generally represented an old man, bowed with age,
whose attire distinctly showed the costume of a certain tribe
of the respective people.

The old Bohemian word Setek or Sotek may be compared,
in point of meaning, with the Ded or Deduska. The Setek is
believed to resemble a small boy with claws, instead of nails,
on his hands and feet, and he generally stays in the sheep-shed,
though he also hides in the flour, or in the peas, or on a wild
pear, while in winter he sits on the oven and warms himself.
The Setek protects the flocks from disease and brings good
harvests and money; and he is also said to be able to go without
eating and drinking for nine years, returning, after the lapse
of this time, to the place of his birth, where he annoys the
inmates. He may be bred out of an egg carried for nine days
in the arm-pit.

In the belief of the Styrian Slovenians the Setek of olden
times was a good spirit, about the size of a thumb, who gen-
erally haunted places where salt was kept, or lived in stables
near young cattle. Unless a portion of all that was boiled or
roasted was put aside for him, he caused the fire in the oven
to go out, or made the pans crack, or caused the cows to yield
blood instead of milk, etc. Being of very small size, he could
hide in any place and play tricks on those who teased him.

Another designation of the family genius was Skritek (“Hob-
goblin”), a term which was derived from the German Schrat



PLATE XXVIII


Djadek

Like the Russian Deduska Domovoy (pp. 240-43),
the Czech Djadek is in reality an ancestral spirit
raised to the dignity of guardian of the household.
After clay statues found in Silesia.






PLATE XXIX

Setek


While the Djadek (Plate XXVIII) is an ancestral
spirit, the Setek, like the Skritek (pp. 244-45),
though now degraded to the low estate of a hobgoblin,
is in origin a divine being who was the special pro-
tector of the household.





THE HOUSEHOLD GODS


245


or Schratt. This goblin, who appeared in the shape of a small
boy, usually lived behind the oven or in the stable, favouring
the household and sharing the joys and sorrows of the family;
and he liked to do some work in the home, such as weaving on
the loom, sweeping the floor, or tending the flocks.

In order to court his favour the household set aside a portion
of their meals for his consumption, especially on Thursdays
and at Christmas dinner, when three bits from every dish were
assigned to him. If they failed to do this, he was angry and
stormed about, worrying people, damaging the flocks, and
doing all sorts of harm to the master of the house.

His memory still lives in popular tradition, and he was
represented by a wooden statue, with arms crossed on its
breast and wearing a crown upon its head. This image stood,
as a rule, on a chiffonier in a corner behind the table; and in
any absence of the family the Skritek was placed on a chiffonier
or on a table to guard the house. The Slovaks call this spirit
Skrata or Skriatek and conceive him as a drenched chicken;
while in Poland he is known as Skrzatek, Skrzat, or Skrzot,
and is represented as a bird (again most frequently a drenched
chicken) dragging its wings and tail behind it. He often trans-
forms himself into a small bird emitting sparks from its
body, and he may be bred from an egg of a peculiar shape
carried for a certain length of time beneath one’s arm-pit.
He haunts the corn-loft and steals corn; in bad weather he also
visits human dwellings; and those who give him shelter under
their roofs will profit by his presence, for he brings the house-
holder grain and will make him rich.

The Slovenians in Styria likewise believe that the Skrat
(Skratec) brings money and corn. He assumes different shapes,
looking now like a young lad, and now like an old man or
woman, or he can transform himself into a cat, dog, goose, etc.;
but since he is covered with hair, he takes great pains to hide
his body. He likes to dwell in mountains and dense forests,
and does not allow people to shout there; by day he perches on


SLAVIC MYTHOLOGY


246

a beech-tree or takes his rest in dark caves; at night he haunts
villages and smithies, where he forges and hammers until the
dawn.

This goblin may be hired for one’s services or bred from an
egg of a black hen; but to gain his assistance it is necessary to
promise him one’s own self, as well as one’s wife and chil-
dren, and such an agreement must be signed in one’s own
blood. In return for all this the Skrat will bring whatsoever
a man may wish, placing these things on the window-sill, al-
though when he carries money, he comes in the shape of a
fiery broom, flying down the chimney. Since millet gruel is his
favourite dish, it must be placed on the window-sill whenever
he brings anything.

The Russians call the Domovoy Chozyain or Chozyainusko
(“Master of the House”), the Bulgarian appellation Stopan
and the Bohemian Hospodaricek having a similar meaning.

The Bulgarians believe that every house has its own Stopan,
who is descended from an ancestor distinguished for valour
and bravery. The Stopan guards his family, securing them
health, long life, and numerous progeny; he makes the sheep
multiply and yield abundance of wool and milk; he promotes
rich harvests and causes the vineyards to produce heavy grapes
and the orchards to bear plenty of fruit, the only reward which
he asks being that the family hold him in high honour and give
him sufficient food. If they shirk this duty, he will have his
revenge: fields and vineyards may be damaged by hail; do-
mestic animals and even persons may contract all sorts of
disease; and whole families may go to ruin.

The Bohemian Hospodaricek is believed to bring food and
money and to warn the householder of impending danger.
His symbol is the snake, which is also often called Hospodar,
Hospodaricek, or Domovnicek. Such a snake lives behind the
oven or below the threshold; whoever kills him destroys the
happiness and well-being of the family; and if he dies, the life
of the master of the house must also end. He is very much


THE HOUSEHOLD GODS


247


attached to the family, especially to children; and in time of
harvest, when there is no one in the house, he keeps watch over
the home and looks after the cattle. Frequently two snakes
live in the house, a male and a female; and similar ideas con-
cerning snakes called Zmek, Smok, or Cmok are widely current
among other Slavs as well.

The worship of family genii is often closely associated with
myths about dwarfs, those about the Ludki (“Little People”)
being particularly common. In the belief of the Lusatian
Serbs these Ludki were the first inhabitants of Lusatia (Lausitz),
where they lived in ages long past and had their own king.
They were pagans and could not endure the ringing of bells,
but later they left the country, so that now they are rarely
seen. They were small in stature, their heads were dispro-
portionately large, and their eyes protruded; they dressed
gaily and wore big hats or red caps upon their heads. They
spoke their own language, which was a much altered form of
Serbian, and had a peculiar mode of talking by following up any
positive assertion by a negative expression of the same idea.
They lived partly in human dwellings and partly in woods, on
mountains, and also underground, their abodes resembling
bakers’ ovens and being furnished like an ordinary house.
The Ludki grew corn, picking the kernels with an awl;
and when the ears had been thrashed, the grain was ground
between two stones. This coarse and sandy flour was made
into bread by placing the dough between two smooth stones
and keeping it underground till it became hard; but it was
necessarily sandy, coarse, brown, and doughy. Moreover they
consumed roots of plants and wild fruit; in case of need they
borrowed bread from human beings ; and they often cut grain
in time of harvest, stole pods and turnips, and carried away
anything suitable for food. They were familiar with all sorts
of handicraft, especially with the smith’s trade; and it was
they who taught mankind the art of building houses.

Fond of music and singing, the Ludki knew how to play
hi — 17


248


SLAVIC MYTHOLOGY


upon an instrument resembling a cymbal; and being endowed
with the art of prophecy, they often foretold things that were
to happen. They lived in families and had pompous feasts
at their weddings and christenings; but the Ludki households
were hostile to each other and waged violent internecine wars.
Toward human beings, on the other hand, they were well
disposed, and they borrowed kneading-troughs, churns, and
pots from men, doing their best to recompense those who
willingly complied with their requests, but cruelly punishing
those who offended them. Their friendly relations, however,
were restricted to one special human household, which gave
them food, mostly millet, and conversed with them.

When such a Ludek died, his relatives burned his body, put
the ashes into vessels, and buried the latter in the earth.
During the funeral ceremonies the friends and relatives of the
dead wept copiously, collecting the tears in small jars which
they held under their eyes and buried when filled, whence the
urns, pots, and lachrymatories found in ancient graves still
remind us of these Ludki. The Poles in Prussian Poland call
similar beings Krasnoludi or Krasnoludki; and among the
Slovaks in Hungary the Lutky are small spirits who live on
mountains and in mines.


CHAPTER IV


GENII OF FATE

I NTERESTING evidence of fatalism is recorded by the
Greek historian Procopius , 11 who asserts that the Slavs
knew nothing about fate and denied that it had any sort of
influence on man; when threatened by death or overcome by
illness, or when preparing for war, they vowed to offer a
sacrifice to the gods, should the peril be luckily passed.

This evidence may be considered as proof that the Slavs
were not blind fatalists, but believed in a higher being who
dealt out life and death, and whose favour might be won
by sacrifices. Many reports about these beings have been
preserved.

Among the ancient Russian deities written tradition makes
mention of Rod and Rozanice , 12 to whom the ancient Slavs
offered bread, cheese, and honey. This worship of Rod and
Rozanice points to the fact that, in the belief of the ancient
Slavs, the fate of man depended, first of all, on his descent,
viz. his male forefathers and ancestors and on his mother
(rozanice). The function of the ancestors as the dispensers of
fate having gradually disappeared from the belief of the people,
the Rozanices alone kept their place, this being easily explained
by the fact that the connexion between a new-born child and
its mother is much more intimate and apparent than that
with the whole line of ancestors. Similarly the Roman Junones
(protectors of women) were originally souls of the dead , 13
while the Disirs of Scandinavian mythology are spirits of
deceased mothers that have become dispensers of fate.

Among the Croatians and Slovenians the original appellations


250


SLAVIC MYTHOLOGY


of Rodjenice, Rojenice (from roditi, “to give birth”) are still
much in vogue. As they were believed to predestine the fate
of new-born children, they were also called Sudice (“Givers
of Fate”), Sudjenice, Sujenice (Croatian), Sojenice, Sujenice
(Slovenian), Sudzenici (Bulgarian), or Sudicky (Bohemian).

The Bulgarians have their own name for them, viz. Narucnici
(? narok , “destiny”) or they call them Orisnici, Urisnici, Uresici
(from the Greek op^ovre?, “establishing, determining”); and
in northern Russia they go by the name of Udelnicy, i. e.
“Dispensers (of Destiny).”

These genii of fate are usually regarded as pretty lasses or
as good-natured old women. The Southern Slavs speak of
them as being beautiful like fairies, with white, round cheeks,
and attired in white garments; their heads are covered with
a white cloth, their necks are adorned with gold and silver
trinkets and with jewellery, and in their hands they hold
burning candles, so that on moonlit nights their ethereal figures
may easily be seen. The Czechs entertain similar ideas: the
goddesses of destiny appear like white maidens or old women;
they are tall in stature, and their bodies are well-nigh trans-
parent; their cheeks are pale, but their eyes sparkle and may
bewitch people. Their garments are white, and their heads
are covered with white kerchiefs, although sometimes their
whole faces are shrouded with a white veil. According to other
traditions they wear a glistening robe, and their hair is adorned
with precious stones; yet, on the other hand, they are also
described as being very plainly attired with only a wreath of
silvan flowers on their heads. The Bulgarian Narucnici wear
a white dress.

Although definite forms are thus ascribed to the fate-spirits,
they are very seldom visible. Whoever catches a glimpse of
them will be stupified with horror and will be unable to move
a single step. The members of a family very rarely see them,
this experience usually being reserved for a visitor or a beggar.

The Bohemians believe that after sending deep sleep upon


GENII OF FATE


251


a woman lying in childbed, the Destinies put the infant upon
the table and decide his or her fate. Usually three Destinies
appear, the third and oldest being the most powerful; but
mention is also made of one, four, five, seven, or nine, with a
queen at their head. Their decisions often thwart one another,
but what the last says is decisive and will be fulfilled. The chief
matters which they determine are how long the child will live,
whether it will be rich or poor, and what will be the manner of
its death. According to a wide-spread belief, the first spins,
the second measures, and the third cuts off the thread whose
length signifies the duration of life of the new-born mortal.

It is generally held that the Destinies may be induced to give
a favourable verdict by means of presents and sacrifices; and
on the night after the birth the Croatians and Slovenians are
in the habit of placing wax candles, wine, bread, and salt upon
the table of the room where the woman lies; should this be
omitted, an evil fate would be in store for the child. The
Slovenians of Istria bring bread to the caves where the
Rodjenices live and put it under stones near the entrance;
while in Bulgaria a supper is prepared for the Oresnicis, and
the relations are invited to partake of it. In Bohemia a table
covered with a white cloth was made ready for them, chairs
were placed around it, and on it were laid bread, salt, and
butter, with the occasional addition of cheese and beer; and
at the christening feast, in similar fashion, remnants of the
meal were left on the table in order to propitiate the spirits
of destiny.

Russian tradition personifies the fate bestowed upon a man
at his birth as a supernatural being called Dolya, who is de-
scribed as a poorly dressed woman capable of transforming her-
self into various shapes. She usually lives behind the oven and
is either good or evil. The good Dolya protects her favourite
by day and by night and serves him faithfully from his birth
to his death. She takes care of his children, waters his fields
and meadows with dew, works for him, drives fish into his

[Prometheus]

252


SLAVIC MYTHOLOGY


nets and swarms of bees into his hives, protects him against
wild beasts, guards his flocks, gets purchasers for his goods,
increases the price of his crops, selects good, full ears from
other people’s sheaves for him, and bestows good health upon
him. No one will succeed unless she helps him, and without
her assistance all his efforts will be in vain. Woe to him who
gets an evil Dolya (Nedolya, Licho) for his share! All his toil
and all his endeavours will be of no avail; his evil Dolya does
nothing but sleep or dress herself or make merry, never think-
ing of offering him any aid. Her power has no limits, so that a
proverb says, “Not even your horse will get you away from
your Dolya,” i.e. it is impossible to get rid of her; all attempts
to sell her, or make her lose herself in woods, or drown her in
the sea are bound to fail.

The Russian Dolya has a Serbian counterpart in the Sreca,
her relation to the Dolya being the same as that of the Latin
fors to fortuna and of sors to fatum. She is described as a
beautiful girl spinning a golden thread, and she bestows wel-
fare upon the mortal to whom she is assigned, caring for his
fields and grazing his flocks. In national songs and traditions
the Sreca frequently occurs as an independent being by the
side of God.

The SreCa is, however, not only good, but also evil, in which
latter case she is misfortune personified and may be called
Nesreca. In this aspect she is represented as an old woman
with bloodshot eyes, always sleeping and taking no notice of
her master’s affairs, although she is also said to be engaged in
spinning. Unlike the Dolya, a man may get rid of her and
drive her away.


CHAPTER V


NAVKY AND RUSALKY

T HE souls of children that have died unbaptized, or are
born of mothers who have met a violent death, are per-
sonified as Navky, this term being cognate with Old Slavic
navi , Russian navie, Little Russian navk (“dead”), 14 and being
found throughout the Slavic languages — Bulgarian Navi,
Navjaci; Little Russian Nejky, Mavky, Majky; Slovenian
Navje, Mavje; etc.

In the traditions of the Little Russians the Mavky, who are
children either drowned by their mothers or unbaptized, have
the appearance of small babies, or of young, beautiful girls
with curly hair. They are either half-naked or wear only a
white shirt; and on moonlit nights they rock on branches of
trees, seeking to attract young people either by imitating the
crying of infants or by laughing, giggling, and clapping their
hands. Whoever follows their enticing voices will be bewitched
by their beauty, and at last will be tickled to death and drawn
into deep water. They live in woods and on steppes. Very often
they may be seen in young corn; and by day they walk along
the fields, crying and wailing. In summer they swim in rivers
and lakes, beating the water merrily; during the fairy- week they
run about fields and meadows, lamenting, “Mother has borne
me and left me unbaptized.” They are angry at those who al-
lowed them to die unchristened, and whosoever chances to hear
their wailing voices should say, “I baptize thee in the name
of God the Father, God the Son, and God the Holy Spirit.”
This will set them free; but if for seven years they find no one
to take pity on them, they are turned into water-nymphs.


254


SLAVIC MYTHOLOGY


According to Bulgarian tradition in Macedonia, the Navi
and Navjaci are invisible genii soaring in the depths of the
firmament, appearing in the shape of birds, and crying like
infants. They are the souls of children who have died un-
baptized, and in their search for their mothers they attack
and trouble women in childbed. They may be set free, however,
if the baptismal formula is said over them. The Slovenian
Navje, in like manner, are believed to fly about in the form of
huge, black birds, who plead to be baptized. If any one is
moved to pity by their wailing and baptizes them, he will be
their great benefactor; but if he ridicules them or whistles at
them, he will rouse their anger. The Poles call such beings
Latawci. A child that has died unchristened wanders about
the world for seven years and begs for baptism; but if it
meets no one to take compassion on it, it will be turned into
one of these spirits.

Very similar to the Navky are the Rusalky (“Water-
Nymphs”), whose name is derived from the Rusalye, of which
more will subsequently be said . 15 Belief in them is most widely
spread among the Russians, who hold that they are children
who have died unbaptized, or have been drowned or suffocated,
or else that they are girls and young wives who have met an
unnatural death, or have been cursed by their parents. Some-
times the Rusalky appear as girls seven years old, sometimes
as maidens in the full bloom of youth. They cover their beau-
tiful bodies with green leaves, or with a white shirt without a
belt; and at Whitsuntide they sit on trees, asking women for
a frock and girls for a shirt, whence women hang on the branches
strips of linen or little shreds torn from their dresses, this being
meant as a sacrifice to propitiate these water-nymphs.

The Rusalky live in woods, meadows, fields, and waters.
Generally appearing when the corn begins to ripen in the
fields, and concealed amidst it, ready to punish him who
wantonly plucks the ears, they dance and make merry,
adorned with the many-coloured blossoms of the poppy and


NAVKY AND RUSALKY


255


with their hair flying loose. At Whitsuntide they run about the
meadows, or they frolic among the high-standing corn and,
rocking upon it, make it wave to and fro. Whole bevies of
them live on lonely spots along the streams, or in deep places
and under rapids. Sitting in the depths of brooks and rivers,
they entangle the fishermen’s nets; by breaking the dikes they
flood the adjoining fields and wreck the bridges; and they may
also cause fatal storms, dangerous rains, and heavy hail.
Rising to the surface of the stream on clear summer nights,
they bathe, sprinkling the water around them and frolicking in
the waves; they like to sit on the mill-wheel, splashing each
other, and then they dive deep, crying, “Kuku.” In late spring
especially they come out of the water, and run about the
neighbouring woods and thickets, clapping their hands and
turning somersaults upon the grass, while their laughter re-
sounds far and wide in the forests. In the evening they like
to rock upon slender branches, enticing unwary wanderers;
and if they succeed in leading any one astray, they tickle him
to death, or draw him down into the depths of the stream.

The Rusalky are extremely fond of music and singing; and
their fine voices lure swimmers to deep places, where they
drown. The water-nymphs also divert themselves by dancing
in the pale moonlight, and they inveigle shepherds to play with
them, the places where they dance being marked by circles
in which the grass is particularly luxuriant and green. Fond of
spinning, they hang their yarn on trees; and after washing
the linen which they weave, they spread it on the banks to
dry. If a man treads on such linen, he becomes weak and lame.

It is during Whitsuntide that the Rusalky display their
greatest activity, and then, for fear of them, people do not stay
outdoors by night more than is necessary, do not bathe in
rivers, do not clap their hands, and avoid all work in the fields
that might anger the water-nymphs, while on the banks of
rivers and brooks lads and lasses place bread, cheese, butter,
and other kinds of food for them.


CHAPTER VI
VILY

T HE Greek historian Procopius 16 testifies to the ancient
Slavic worship of beings similar to the Greek nymphs,
and he also tells us that the Slavs offered sacrifices to them.
The most common designation of these beings is “Fairy”
(Vila), and they are frequently mentioned in the ancient writ-
ten traditions of the Russians, the Southern Slavs, and the
Czechs, although their worship flourished most among the
Southern Slavs, where they were made to unite many features
of other fabled beings.

The signification of the word Vila 17 (Bulgarian Samovila,
Samodiva) has not yet been explained in a satisfactory manner,
but it seems to come from the root vel (“perish”) and to be
cognate with Lithuanian veles (“spirits of the deceased”).

According to popular tradition the fairies are souls of the
departed, and Serbian legends declare that originally they
were proud maidens who incurred the curse of God. The Bul-
garians believe that the Samovily are girls who have died
unbaptized, and among the Slovaks there is a wide-spread
story that the fairies are souls of brides who died after their
betrothal, and finding no rest, are doomed to roam about at
night. The Poles think that the Wili are souls of beautiful
young girls who are condemned to atone for their frivolous
life by floating in the air midway between sky and earth;
they do good to those who have favoured them during their
lifetime, but evil to those who have offended them.

A close relationship is held to exist between the fairies and
the souls of the deceased, as is evidenced by the belief that


VILY


257


they may often be seen dancing by moonlight near the graves
of those who have died a violent death. The festivals for the
Rusalky, which are meant to recall the memory of the souls
of the deceased, are, at the same time, festivals of the Vily,
in whose honour all sorts of ceremonies are performed; and
young people of both sexes betake themselves to the meadows,
picking flowers, making them into bouquets, and singing songs
about the fairies.

The Vily are believed to have lived originally in close con-
tact and friendship with human beings. In the happy days of
yore, when the fields produced wheat and other sorts of cereals
without the help of man, when people lived in peace and con-
tentedness and mutual goodwill, the fairies helped them to
garner their harvests, to mow their grass, to feed their cattle,
and to build their houses; they taught them how to plough,
to sow, to drain meadows, and even how to bury the dead.
But so soon as men had departed from their old virtues, when
the shepherds had thrown away their flutes and drums and
songs, and had taken whips into their hands and commenced
to crack them in their pastures, cursing and swearing, and
when, finally, the first reports of guns were heard, and nations
began to make war against each other, the Vily left the country
and went to foreign lands. That is why only very few chance
to see them dancing in the fields, or sitting upon a bare rock
or a deserted cliff, weeping and singing melancholy songs.

In like manner the Slovenians believe that the fairies were
kind and well disposed toward human beings, telling them what
times were particularly suitable for ploughing, sowing, and har-
vesting. They themselves also took good care of the crops,
tearing out weeds and cockles; and in return for all this they
asked for some food, which they ate during the night. So long
as their anger was not aroused, they would appear every sum-
mer; but when mankind commenced to lead a sinful life, and
when whistling and shouting and cracking of whips began to
increase in the fields, the Vily disappeared, never to return


258


SLAVIC MYTHOLOGY


until a better day has dawned. The belief that a Vila may
become a man’s sister also points to the existence of close rela-
tions between them and human beings; and it is a popular con-
viction that not only every young lad and, indeed, every honest
man has a fairy for his sister who helps him in case of need, but
even some animals, such as stags, roes, and chamois, for whom
the Vily have a special liking, may possess such supernatural
kindred. The fairies will aid their brothers in danger, will bless
their property, and will bestow all sorts of presents upon them.
In numerous folk-tales Vily are married to young men. They
are dutiful wives and excellent housekeepers, but their hus-
bands must not remind them of their descent, or they will
disappear forever, though they still continue to keep secret
watch over the welfare of their children.

The Vily are pictured as beautiful women, eternally young,
with pale cheeks, and dressed in white. Their long hair is
usually fair or golden, and their life and strength are believed
to depend upon it, so that if a fairy loses a single hair, she will
die. The Slovenians, however, assert that a Vila will show
herself in her true shape to any one who succeeds in cutting
off her hair. Their bodies are as slender as the stem of a pine,
and as light as those of birds; and they are frequently provided
with wings. A man who robs a fairy of her pinions will bind
her to himself; but so soon as she has regained possession of
them, she will disappear. The eyes of the Vily flash like
lightning, and their voices are so fine and sweet that to hear
them once is to remember them forever. Men are often fa-
scinated by their beauty; he who once chances to see a Vila,
will yearn for her from the depths of his soul, and his longing
will kill him at last.

The fairies like to ride horses and stags, and they have the
power of transforming themselves into horses, wolves, snakes,
falcons, or swans. They live in the clouds, on forest-clad
mountains, and in the waters. The first kind sit among the
clouds, sleeping, singing, and dancing. They may cause winds


VILY


259


and storms, and have eagles for their helpers; now and then,
transforming themselves into birds, they float down to the
earth to prophesy the future and to protect mankind against
disaster. They also live in the stars, while the Vily of the
forests dwell on high mountains, in caves, and in ravines, be-
sides having magnificent castles for their abodes. Roaming
about the woods on horseback or on stags, the fairies of the
forests chase the deer with arrows; they kill men who defy
them; and they like to perch on trees with which they are
inseparably united. The Water-Vily live in rivers, lakes,
springs, and wells, although for the most part they stay outside
the water. When, on moonlit nights, they leave their abodes,
the waters rise and foam; and the fairies, dancing on the banks,
drown young men who happen to be bathing there. If they
perceive a man on the opposite bank, they grow in size so as
to be able to step across the stream. They bathe their children
in the water, or throw things in to poison it; and whoever
quenches his thirst there must die, just as they will punish any
one who drinks of their springs without their permission.

The fairies are fond of singing and dancing; and enticing
young lads and shepherds or singers to dance with them, they
distribute happiness or misfortune among them. Places where
the fairies have been dancing may be recognized from afar,
being distinguished by thick, deep, green grass (fairy-rings);
and if any one presumes to step inside, he must expect punish-
ment. Their voices are so wonderfully sweet that a man might
listen to them for many days without eating or drinking; but
no one knows what language they use in singing, and only
those who enjoy their friendship can understand them. They
are remarkable for their strength and bravery; and when
fighting with each other, as they often do, the forest resounds
with din and clamour, while the ground shakes. They have
the power of foretelling the future and of curing diseases.
When free, they give birth to children, but are apt to foist
them upon mortal women; such offspring are remarkable for


26 o


SLAVIC MYTHOLOGY


their excellent memory and wonderful cleverness. On the other
hand, they kidnap children, feeding them with honey and
instructing them in all kinds of knowledge.

Though the fairies are, on the whole, good-natured and
charitable beings, they may also do evil to people; and accord-
ingly they may be classed as white (beneficent) or black (malef-
icent) fairies, the latter sending cruel maladies upon people, or
wounding their feet, hands, or hearts with arrows.

Many kinds of offerings are still dedicated to the Vily.
In Croatia young girls place fruits of the field, or flowers, or
silk ribbons upon stones in caves as offerings to them; and
in Bulgaria gay ribbons are hung on trees, or little cakes are
placed near wells.

The Judy of Macedonia and of the Rhodope Mountains
strongly resemble these Samovily. They are female beings with
long tresses, snake-like and disgusting bodies, and vile natures,
living in rivers and lakes. If they see a man in the water, they
will undo their hair, and throwing it around him, will drown
him. They may be seen sitting on the banks, combing their
hair, or dancing on meadows; and they destroy those whom
they induce to dance with them.



PLATE XXX

Lesni Zenka

As in so many mythologies, the wood-nymphs of
Slavic belief have both kindly and dangerous
qualities, and their love, like that of divine beings
generally, is apt to be dangerous to mortals. Origi-
nally the Lesni Zenka and similar Slavic minor god-
desses may have corresponded to the Lettish forest-
goddess Meschamaat. After a picture by N. Ales.
For other idealizations by this artist see Plates
XXXIII-XXXVI.





CHAPTER VII


SILVAN SPIRITS


HE Russians call a silvan spirit Lesiy, Lesovik (cf. Russian


lesu, “forest, wood”), and such a being shows himself
either in human or in animal guise. When he appears in the
former shape, he is an old man with long hair and beard, with
flashing green eyes, and with his body covered by a thick coat
of hair. His stature depends on the height of the tree, etc.,
which he inhabits: in the forests he may attain the size of
high trees; in the fields he is no taller than grass. In the
woods the Lesiye frequently appear to travellers as ordinary
people or as their friends; but at other times they take the
shapes of bears, wolves, hares, etc. They live in deep woods
and in fields; forests, fields, and meadows are the realm over
which they rule. Usually there is only one Lesiy in each wood;
but if there are several, a “silvan czar” is their lord. Some
Lesiye remain alone by themselves in forest solitudes and
in caves, while others are fond of society and build in the
woods spacious dwellings where they live with their wives
and children.

The principal business of the silvan spirits is to guard the
forest. They do not allow people to whistle or to shout there;
they drive away thieves, frightening them by their cries and
playing pranks upon them. The deer and the birds enjoy
their protection; but their favourite is the bear, with whom
they feast and revel.

When the Lesiy walks through the forest to look after his
property, a rustling of the trees accompanies him; he roams
through the wood, rocks upon the boughs, whistles, laughs,

[Prometheus]

262


SLAVIC MYTHOLOGY


claps his hands, cracks his whip, neighs like a horse, lows like
a cow, barks like a dog, and mews like a cat. The echo is
his work; and since a strong wind constantly blows around
him, no man has ever seen his footsteps either in sand or in
snow.

He is of a mocking and teasing disposition, and is fond of
misleading those who have lost their way, removing boundary-
stones and signposts, or taking the shape of a wanderer’s
friend to confuse him and lure him into thickets and morasses.
He also entices girls and children into his copses, where he
keeps them until, long afterward, they escape with their
honour lost; and he likewise substitutes his own offspring for
human children, such a changeling being ugly, stupid, and
voracious, but strong as a horse. If a man suddenly falls ill
while in the forest, he believes that this affliction has been
sent upon him by the Lesiy; to recover his health he wraps a
slice of salted bread in linen and lays it in the woods as a
present for the silvan spirit.

Shepherds and huntsmen gain the Lesiy’s favour by presents.
The former make him an offering in the shape of a cow and
thus secure his protection for their flocks; while the latter
place a piece of salted bread on the stump of a tree and leave
for him the first game which they take. Moreover, the recita-
tion of certain formulae secures his services, and there are
many ways to obviate the danger of being led astray by him,
as by turning one’s garments inside out, putting the right
shoe on the left foot, bending down to look between one’s
legs, etc.

Nymphs and dryads likewise show themselves in the woods,
and are pictured as beautiful girls, wearing a white or green
gown, and with golden or green hair. In the evening, when
stillness reigns in nature, they divert themselves by dancing
and singing; and they also dance at noon, when it is dan-
gerous to approach their circles, since they dance or tickle
to death those who allow themselves to be attracted by their


SILVAN SPIRITS 263

songs. They are most perilous to young lads, whereas they
often feel pity for girls and richly reward them.

The dryads punish children who shout in the woods while
gathering mushrooms; but, on the other hand, if they are
courteously asked, they show where these fungi grow in abund-
ance. The forest where they live usually contains a magic
well whose waters cure all diseases. Sometimes they marry
country lads, but they will not permit themselves to be insulted
or reminded of their descent.

Woods and mountains are the home of “Wild Women”
(Bohemian Divozenky, Lusatian Dziwje Zony, Polish Dziwo-
zony, Slovenian Divje Devojke, Bulgarian Divi-te Zeni), good-
looking beings with large, square heads, long, thick hair
(ruddy or black in colour), hairy bodies, and long fingers.
They lived in underground burrows and had households like
mankind. They either gathered ears in the fields or picked
them from the sheaves, and having ground the grain on a
stone, they baked bread which spread its odour throughout
the wood. Besides bread they ate the root of the liquorice and
caught game and fish. They were fond of combing hemp,
which they wove into frocks and shirts.

The “Wild Women” knew the secret forces of nature, and
from plants and roots they prepared unguents with which
they anointed themselves, thus becoming light and invisible.
They were fond of music and singing; and storms were believed
to be caused by their wild frolicking. Lads and lasses were
invited to dance with them and afterward reaped rich rewards.
They maintained a friendly intercourse with human beings,
frequently entering their villages and borrowing kneading-
troughs and other necessaries. Those who did not forget to
reserve some dish for them were well repaid, for the “Wild
Women” kept their houses in order, swept their rooms and
courtyards, cleared their firesides of ashes, and took care of
their children; in the fields they reaped the corn, and gathering

up the grain, tied it into sheaves; for the women they not only
hi — 18


SLAVIC MYTHOLOGY


264

spun hemp, but also gave them crops that never diminished.
Many stories are told about their marriages with country lads.
They were model wives and housekeepers, but they vanished
if any one called them “Wild Women,” and uncleared firesides
or unscrubbed kneading-troughs were also apt to drive them
away.

They were dangerous to any person whom they might meet
alone in the forest, turning him round and round until he lost
his way. They lay in wait especially for women who had just
become mothers and substituted their own offspring for the
human children, these changelings, called Divous (“Wild
Brats”) or Premien (“Changelings”), being ugly, squalling,
and unshapely. The “Wild Women” did much harm to avari-
cious and greedy persons, dragging their corn along the fields,
bewitching their cows, and afflicting their children with whoop-
ing-cough, or even killing them. It was during Midsummer
Night that they were most powerful.

The Lusatian Serbs believe that the Dziwje Zony (“Wild
Women”) are white beings who reveal themselves at noon or
at evening. They like to spin hemp; and if a girl spins or
combs it for them, they reward her by leaves that become
gold.

In Polish superstition the Dziwozony are superhuman
females with cold and callous hearts and filled with passionate
sensuality. They are tall in stature, their faces are thin, and
their hair is long and dishevelled. They fling their breasts
over their shoulders, since otherwise they would be hindered
in running; and their garments are always disarranged. Groups
of them go about woods and fields, and if they chance upon
human beings, they tickle the adults to death, but take the
young folk with them to be their lovers and playmates. For
this reason young people never go to the woods alone, but only
in groups. In the belief of the Slovenians the Divje Devojke,
or Dekle, dwell in the forests; at harvest-time they come down
to the fields to reap the corn, and the “Wild Men” bind it


SILVAN SPIRITS


265

into sheaves, the farmers’ wives bringing them food in return.
Where they came from no one can tell, and the cracking of
whips has driven them away at last. The Divja Zena is a
woman of tall figure, with an enormously large head and long
black hair, but very short feet; she dwells in mountain caves.
If a woman does not nurse her child properly, the “Wild
Woman” comes and either substitutes a changeling for it or
carries it away.

The Bulgarian Diva-ta Zena lives in the woods and is covered
with a thick coat of hair; she throws her long breasts over
her shoulders and thus nurses her children. She is strong and
savage, and her enunciation is defective.

More rarely mention is made of “Wild Men.” They live in
forests, and their entire bodies are covered with hair or moss,
while a tuft of ferns adorns their heads. If they catch a young
girl, they take her to wife; and if she runs away from them,
they tear her child to pieces. They appear to lonely wanderers
and, accompanied by terrible gusts of wind, they frighten
them and lead them into morasses. The “Wild Men” like to
tease gamekeepers and forest-rangers by imitating the hewing,
sawing, and felling of trees; and they chase deer in the woods,
hooting horribly all the while. In Slovenian tradition the
Divji Moz (“Wild Man”) lived in a deep forest cave and was
possessed of terrible strength. The peasants of the neighbour-
hood who wished to avoid being harmed by him had to carry
food to the cottage that was nearest his cave; but he was well
disposed toward the peasants who cooked their meals in his
hut and advised them how to set to work.

Besides these silvan spirits there are similar beings of various
names. The ancient Czechs were familiar with Jeze and
Jezenky (“Lamias”), who were said to have the faces of
women, the bodies of sows, and the legs of horses. People
still believe in Jezinky who, living in caves, put out the eyes
of human beings after lulling them to sleep, and who kidnap
small children, whom they feed on dainty morsels in their


266


SLAVIC MYTHOLOGY


caverns. The ancient Poles, too, knew of them and still tell
stories of Jendzyna, who figures in popular fairy-tales as
Jaga-baba, Jezibaba, Jendzibaba, etc.

In Moravia the “Wild Beings” are small and ungainly,
live in fields, and may transform themselves into all sorts of
animals. Since their own children are ugly, they steal those of
mankind and treat them very well; but the changelings whom
they foist on human beings are hideous and bald, with huge
heads and stomachs; they neither grow nor talk, but eat a
great deal, whining and whimpering constantly. The Slovaks
have their Zruty, or Ozruti, who are wild and gigantic beings,
living in the wildernesses of the Tatra Mountains.


CHAPTER VIII


FIELD-SPIRITS

I N the fields there appears, usually at the time of harvest,
the Poludnica, or Polednica (“Midday Spirit”). According
to Bohemian tradition she has the appearance of an airy,
white lady, or of an old woman who wanders about the fields
at noon and haunts the dwellings of men. She also floats,
amid violent gusts of wind, high up in the air; and whomsoever
she touches will die a sudden death. Sometimes she is slight
and slim like a girl twelve years old and has a whip in her
hand with which she strikes any one who crosses her path,
such a man being doomed to meet an early death.

She is peculiarly fond of ambushing women who have re-
cently borne children and who go out into the street at midday.
If a mother leaves her child alone in the fields at harvest-time,
it may be stolen by a Poludnica, whence crying children are
hushed by the threat that this spirit will come and carry them
away.

In Moravia the Poludnica is represented as an old woman
clad in a white gown and said to have horses’ hoofs, an ugly
face, slanting eyes, and dishevelled hair.

In Polish belief the Poludnica (Poludniowka, Przypoludnica)
manifests herself in the shape of a tall woman, dressed in a
white robe reaching to her feet, and carrying a sharp sickle
in her hand. During the summer she stays either in the fields
or in the woods, giving chase to the people who work there.
Frequently she propounds hard questions to them, and if
they are unable to answer, she sends grievous maladies upon
them. Sometimes she appears, during a storm, in cottages;


268


SLAVIC MYTHOLOGY


and various natural phenomena, such as the fata morgana,
are ascribed to her by the peasants. When she leaves the
fields or the forests, she is accompanied by seven great black
dogs; and women and children are her favourite victims.
Among the Lusatian Serbs the Pripotdnica (Prezpoidnica)
is the subject of many stories, being represented either as a
tall old woman dressed in a white gown and carrying a sickle
in her hand, or else as a young female. Coming out of the
woods at midday, she appears to those who may be working
there; and any person whom she meets in the fields at that
time of the day must talk with her for fully an hour about one
and the same thing, those who fail to do this either forfeiting
their heads or having some illness sent upon them. Frequently
she herself puts questions to them, e. g. concerning the growing
of flax and hemp, and punishes those who are unable to answer.
Her most usual victims, however, are young women who either
have children at home or are still in childbed. At noon she
guards the corn from thieves and punishes children who tread
upon the ears.

The Russians believe that the Poludnica has the shape of
a tall and beautiful girl dressed in a white gown. She not only
lures small children into the corn, but walking about the
fields at harvest-time, she seizes the heads of those whom she
finds working there at midday, and twisting their necks, causes
them violent pain. The Siberian Russians picture her as an
old woman with thick, curly hair and scanty clothing; she lives
among the reeds, or in the dense thickets of nettles, and kid-
naps naughty children. In other parts of Russia she appears
as guardian of fields.

Besides the Poludnica the Russians have a field-spirit
named Polevik or Polevoy (cf. Russian pole , “field”) who is
about the height of a corn-stalk until harvest-time, when he
shrivels to the size of stubble. He runs away before the swing
of the scythe and hides among the stalks that are still standing;
when the last ears are cut, he gets into the hands of the reaper


FIELD-SPIRITS


269

and is brought to the barn with the final sheaf. The Polevik
appears at noon or before sunset; and at that time it is unsafe
to take a nap in the field, for the Polevik, roaming about on
horseback, will ride over those who are sleeping there, or will
send disease upon them.

The White Russians, again, tell stories about the Belun,
an old man with a long white beard and gown, who helps the
reapers and bestows rich presents upon them. He shows him-
self only during the day and guides aright those who have lost
their way.


CHAPTER IX
WATER-SPIRITS


A SPIRIT living in the water is called Vodyanik or Deduska
Vodyanoy (“Water-Grandfather”) by the Russians, Vod-
nik by the Bohemians, Vodeni Moz (“Water-Man”) by the
Slovenians, Topielec (“Drowner”) by the Poles, etc. He is
a bald-headed old man with fat belly and puffy cheeks, a
high cap of reeds on his head, and a belt of rushes round his
waist. He can transform himself in many ways, and when in
a village, he assumes the form of a human being, though his
true nature is revealed by the water which oozes from the left
side of his coat. He lives in the deeper portions of rivers,
brooks, or lakes, mostly in the neighbourhood of mills; and
there he possesses stone-built courtyards in which he keeps
numerous herds of horses, cattle, sheep, and pigs, driving them
out at night to graze. During the day he usually lies concealed
in deep places, but rises to the surface at night, clapping his
hands and jumping from the water like a fish; or sometimes
he sits on the mill-wheel, combing his long green hair.

The Vodyanik is the master of the waters; but although he
is endowed with terrible strength and power so long as he is
in the water, he is weak when on dry land. He likes to ride
a sheat-fish, or saddles a horse, bull, or cow, which he rides
till it falls dead in the morasses. All that happens in the
waters is done by his will. When in good humour, he drives
the fish into the fisherman’s net and guides sailors to safe
places in stormy weather; but when his mood is irritable, he
lures them to dangerous coasts and upsets their boats. He
tears the spikes out of the mill-wheels, diverts the water from


WATER-SPIRITS


271


its course, and floods the mill; and if the miller wishes to
succeed, he should bury some living being in the foundations
of his mill, such as a cow, a sheep, or even a man. There is
also a wide-spread belief that the Vodyanik drowns those who
bathe at midday or at midnight.

The Vodyanik is married and is the father of a family, being
said to have one hundred and eleven beautiful daughters who
torture and torment the drowned. He marries water-nymphs
or drowned and unhappy girls who have been cursed by their
fathers or mothers; and when the waters of a river or a lake
overflow their banks, he is believed to be celebrating his
wedding, for on that occasion he is apt to get drunk, to make
the waters rise, and to tear down dikes, bridges, and mills.
When his wife is about to be confined, he comes to the villages
in human shape to get a midwife and sponsors whom he after-
ward richly rewards with gold and silver.

He likes to visit markets, and his appearance foretells the
price of corn; if he buys dear, there will be a bad harvest, if
cheap, a good crop may be expected. During the winter he
remains in his dwelling; and in early spring, when he wakes
from his slumber, he is hungry and troublesome, breaking the
ice, setting the waves in commotion, and frightening the fish.
To propitiate him a horse, smeared with honey, is sacrificed,
and for three days he impatiently awaits this offering, betraying
his greediness by making the waters heave and by howling
dismally. Fishermen pour butter into the water as a sacrifice
to him, while millers kill a black, well-fed sow and offer it in
his honour that he may not tear down their dams or trouble
their sleep. In order to make the dam durable and to prevent
the Vodyanik from destroying it the Ukranians bury a horse’s
head in it.

The “Water-Nymphs” (Vodni Panny), often called “White
Women” (Bile Pam) as well, are tall, sad, and pale, and are
dressed in green, transparent robes. They live under the
water in crystal palaces which may be approached by paths


272


SLAVIC MYTHOLOGY


strewn with gold and silver gravel. They like to rock on
trees and lure young lads by their wonderful singing. In the
evening they leave their hiding-places and betake themselves
to villages to join the dancing and other amusements of the
village folk. A water-nymph who has been captured will
help people wash their linen and tidy their rooms; but she
will disappear if presented with a new robe.


CHAPTER X


SUN, MOON, AND STARS

E ARLY writers mention Slavic sun-worship. Arabian
travellers 18 speak of the Slavs as adoring the sun and
assert that many renounced the Christian faith, preferring
to worship the sun and other heavenly bodies. These passages
might be multiplied considerably, but here it must suffice to
note that an old Bohemian homilist records 19 that the pagan
Czechs not only worshipped sun, moon, and stars, but also
adored water, fire, mountains, and trees.

We have no detailed accounts to tell us whether the ancient
Slavs possessed real solar gods which were represented by idols;
and it is only among the pagan Russians that the existence
of a god of the sun may be regarded as proved . 20

This adoration of the sun implies that the moon likewise
received worship from the Slavs. There was a wide-spread
conviction that the luminary of night was the abode of the
souls of the departed; and later she came to be regarded as
the dwelling-place of sinful souls which had been transported
thither by way of punishment. Popular belief still ascribes
to the moon great influence upon the growth and development
of both the vegetable and the animal worlds.

All Slavs maintain that there is a close relationship between
stars and men. There are as many men on earth as there are
stars in the sky. At his birth each man receives a star of his
own; and when his end is drawing near, that star falls to earth,
the man dies, and his soul floats upward to the clouds.

[Prometheus]

PART II


THE DEITIES OF THE ELBE SLAVS






THE DEITIES OF THE ELBE SLAVS


T HE religion of the ancient Slavs was not restricted to a
belief in genii, but was further developed into the worship
of gods. They made themselves idols, in which they thought
their deities were embodied, and they prayed to them.

There are two records which show how the pagan Slavs
came to adopt the worship of one chief deity. The Greek
historian Procopius writes as follows concerning Slavs and
Antae: 1 “They believe that there is one single god who is the
creator of the lightning and the sole lord of all things, and
to him they sacrifice cattle and all sorts of animals. . . .
They also worship rivers, nymphs, and some other deities;
they sacrifice to all and foretell the future in these offerings.”
A similar account concerning the Elbe Slavs is given by the
chronicler Helmold: 2 “Among the multiform divine powers
to whom they ascribe fields, forests, sorrows, and joys they do
not deny that one god rules over the others in heaven and that
he, pre-eminent in might, cares only for things celestial;
whereas the rest, obeying the duties assigned them, have
sprung from his blood and enjoy distinction in proportion to
their nearness to that god of gods.”

The name of the chief god of the Slavs has not come down to
us. There is, however, a well-founded belief that it was Svarog,
who, in old chronicles, is often identified with Hephaistos; 3
and we have more certain evidence regarding his sons, one of
whom is called Dazbog, and the other Svarozic (“Son of
Svarog”). 4 Lack of historical data renders it impossible to
say what gods were worshipped by the Slavs while they were
still living in their ancient homes; 5 and our only documents


SLAVIC MYTHOLOGY


278

of a really precise character concern solely the religion of the
Elbe Slavs and the Russians.

For the idolatry of the former the record of the chronicler
Thietmar is of the greatest importance. He says 6 that in
those regions there were as many temples as there were dis-
tricts, and that these shrines served the worship of their
particular demons.





PLATE XXXI

SVANTOVIT


This statue, supposed to represent the great
Slavic deity Svantovit, who may again appear in
the divinity Triglav (see pp. 284-85), was found in
1848 near the river Zbrucz on the Russo-Galician
frontier. This figure may be contrasted with the
modern idealized conception of the god shown in
Plate XXXIV, I.



#£RU£R SC




CHAPTER I


SVANTOVIT

A MONG the numerous deities of the Elbe Slavs the most
prominent place was occupied by Svantovit. The centre
of his worship was in Arkona, on the island of Riigen; and in
the middle of the town, which towers on the summit of a lofty
cliff, stood his temple, skilfully built of wood and richly adorned
with embossed ornaments. Within the sanctuary, which was
enclosed by two fences, arose a gigantic statue of Svantovit,
surpassing in size all human dimensions, and having four
necks and four heads, two of them facing in front and two
behind. The beard was shaved, and the hair was cut short,
as was the custom among the people of Riigen. In the right
hand was a horn inlaid with various metals, and this was
annually filled with mead by a priest well versed in the cere-
monies due to the divinity, the harvest of the following year
being predicted from the liquor. The left hand was set akimbo.
The mantle, reaching to the idol’s knees, was made of another
sort of wood and was so closely fitted to the figure that even
the most minute observation would not enable one to tell
where it was joined. The legs touched the floor, and the base
was hidden in the ground.

Not far from the statue lay the bridle and the saddle of the
god, as well as many other appurtenances of the deity, special
attention being attracted by a sword of wonderful size, whose
edge and scabbard were richly chased and damascened with
silver. In addition to all this, the temple contained a sacred
flag which was carried in front of the army on military expedi-
tions as ensuring victory.


28 o


SLAVIC MYTHOLOGY


A beautiful white horse was consecrated to Svantovit and
was fed and groomed by the head priest, to whom the people
of Riigen showed the same respect that they manifested for
the king himself. They believed that Svantovit, mounted on
this steed, fought those who opposed his worship; and in the
morning the horse was often found bathed in sweat after
having been ridden during the night. Success or failure in
weighty projects was foretold by means of this animal. When-
ever a warlike expedition was about to be undertaken, three
rows of palings were erected by the priests in front of the
temple, each consisting of two lances thrust into the ground
with a third lance laid across the top. After solemn prayer,
a priest brought the horse to the palings; if it stepped across
with the right foot first, it was considered a favourable omen,
but if the order was reversed, the enterprise must be aban-
doned.

Since Svantovit was more famous for his victories and more
renowned because of his prophecies than any other divinity,
he was held in high honour by all the neighbouring Slavs, being
regarded as the god of the gods; compared with him, the other
deities were but demigods. From far and near prophecies were
sought from him, and to win his favour the neighbouring
nations sent tribute and gifts to his sanctuary. Even the
Danish King Sueno, though a Christian, offered a precious
goblet to him; foreign merchants who came to Riigen were
obliged to dedicate a part of their merchandise to the treasury
of his temple before being allowed to offer their wares for
sale; and every year a captive Christian was chosen by lot
to be sacrificed to him.

A retinue of three hundred horsemen was set aside for the
service of Svantovit, and whatsoever they won by war or by
freebooting was given to the priest, who expended it in the
purchase of all sorts of adornments for the temple. In this
way treasure of incredible value, including huge quantities
of gold, was accumulated, and the fame of the shrine spread



PLATE XXXII

Festival of Svantovit

This much modernized conception of Svantovit’s
festival may be compared with the similar idealiza-
tion of an ancient Slavic sacrifice in Plate XXXVI.
After a painting by Alphons Mucha.




SVANTOVIT 281

far and wide, while so numerous were its old and precious
vestments that they were rotting with age.

When, in 1168, Valdemar, the Danish King, conquered
Arkona after strong resistance, he first seized the treasure of
the temple and then ordered the destruction of the sanctuary.
A vast multitude of the native inhabitants assembled, expect-
ing every moment that Svantovit would annihilate their
enemies, but finally even his statue was torn down, whereupon
the demon is said to have left it in the shape of a black animal
which disappeared before the eyes of the spectators. Then the
Danes, casting ropes around the idol, dragged it to the ground
in sight of the Slavs; and at last, smashed in pieces, it was
burned.

Not only in Arkona, but also in many other places, there
were sanctuaries of Svantovit which were under the care of
an inferior class of priests.

Shortly after harvest a great festival was held in honour of
Svantovit, and on this occasion people assembled from all
quarters of the island of Riigen to sacrifice cattle and to join
in the rites. On the day before the ceremonies began the sanctu-
ary was carefully swept by the priest, who alone had access
to it. While he remained inside, he was very careful not to
breathe; and when he could no longer hold his breath, he
hastened to the door lest the presence of the deity be desecrated
by the exhalation of a mortal man. On the following day,
while the people were waiting before the entrance, the priest
took the vessel from the hands of the god to see whether the
liquid had diminished in quantity; if such was the case, he
foretold a bad harvest for the ensuing year and advised his
hearers to reserve some grain for the coming time of dearth.
Then, having poured the old wine at the feet of the divinity
by way of sacrifice, he filled the vessel again and offered it to
the deity, asking him to bestow upon himself and his country
all the good things of this earth, such as victory, increase of
wealth, and the like. When the prayer was finished, he emptied


282


SLAVIC MYTHOLOGY


the cup at one draught, and refilling it with wine, he placed it
in the god’s right hand.

After this ceremony a festal cake was brought in, flavoured
with honey and as large as a man. Placing it between himself
and the people, the priest asked whether he was visible to
them, and if they answered in the affirmative, he expressed
the wish that they might not see him next year, this ceremony
being believed to ensure them a better harvest for the coming
season. Finally, when he had admonished them to do dutiful
homage to the god and to offer to him sacrifices which would
secure them victory both by land and by sea, the rest of the
day was devoted to carousing, and it was considered a proof
of piety if a man became drunk on this occasion . 7

The festival, as described above, shows a remarkable resem-
blance to the autumnal dziady in Russia , 8 especially to those
held in the Government of Mohilev. On the eve of the dziady
the courtyard is carefully cleaned and 'put in order, while the
women scrub the tables, benches, vessels, and floor. Lenten
dishes are served that day, and on the following morning the
women cook, bake, and fry all sorts of dishes, at least twelve
in number. One of the men takes these to church; and when
he returns, all the family assemble in the common room, the
householder boiling a drink with pepper, while his wife lays
a clean cloth on the table, adjusts the icons, lights a candle,
and puts a pile of cakes on the table. After a long and fervent
prayer the family sit down, and the farmer, hiding behind
the cakes at a corner of the table, asks his wife, who sits at
the extreme farther end of it, “Can you see me?” whereupon
she answers, “No, I cannot,” his reply being, “I hope you
may not see me next year either.” Pouring out a cup of vodka
and making the sign of the cross, he now invites the Dziadys
to partake of the feast; he himself, imitated by his wife and
all the members of the family, empties the cup; and then
they eat and drink till they can do so no longer.

The custom of foretelling the future from cakes is also


SVANTOVIT


283


preserved among the White Russians in Lithuania, being
performed in some districts at the harvest feast, whereas in
other Slavic countries it is celebrated on Christmas Eve.

The appellations of other deities worshipped in the island
of Riigen were closely connected with the name of Svantovit.
In the sanctuary of the town of Korenice (the modern Garz)
stood a colossal oaken idol, called Rugievit (or Rinvit), which
was so high that Bishop Absalon, though a very tall man, could
scarcely reach its chin with his axe when he was about to
break it in pieces. The image had one head with seven faces,
seven swords hung in its belt, and it held an eighth blade in its
hand . 9 Another sanctuary was the shrine of Porevit (or
Puruvit), who had five heads and was unarmed ; 10 and worship
was also given to Porenutius (or Poremitius), whose idol had
four faces and a fifth in its breast; its left hand was raised to
its forehead, and its right touched its chin . 11 The Pomeranians
in Volegost (Hologost) worshipped a war-god named Gerovit
(or Herovit), in whose sanctuary hung an enormous shield,
skilfully wrought and artistically adorned with gold. This
was carried before the army and was believed to ensure victory;
but it might be taken from its place in the shrine only in case
of war, and it was forbidden for mortal hands to touch it . 12

All the idols just considered — Rugievit, Porevit, Porenutius,
and Gerovit — seem to have been nothing more than local
analogues of the chief Elbe deity, Svantovit.


CHAPTER II


TRIGLAV

I N the town of Stettin were three hills, the central one being
dedicated to Triglav, the chief local deity. This idol was of
gold and had three heads, while its eyes and lips were covered
with a golden veil. The pagan priests declared that Triglav
(“Three-Heads”) was tricephalous because he wished to make
it known that he ruled over three realms, i. e., heaven, earth,
and the underworld; and he covered his face because he would
not see the sins of men.

In Stettin were four temples, the most important of which
was built with wonderful skill. On the inner and outer sides
of the walls were various embossed figures of men, birds, and
animals, so well made that they seemed to live and breathe.
Their colour was always fresh and durable, and could be
damaged neither by rain nor by snow. According to the cus-
tom of the ancestors one tenth of all booty was stored in the
treasury of the temple, and there was, moreover, an abundance
of gold and silver vessels used by the chieftains on festive occa-
sions, as well as daggers, knives, and other rare, costly, and
beautiful objects. In honour of and in homage to the gods
colossal horns of wild bulls, gilded and adorned with precious
stones, were kept there, some serving for drinking-vessels,
and some for musical instruments. The other three temples
did not enjoy so high a reputation and were, therefore, less
richly ornamented. They contained only tables and chairs for
assemblies and meetings, and on certain days and at certain
hours the inhabitants of Stettin gathered there to eat, drink,
or discuss matters of importance.


TRIGLAV


285


A horse of noble stature and black colour also played a part
in the worship of Triglav. No mortal man was allowed to
mount this steed, and it was used in divination like the horse
of Svantovit. 13 In front of the temple, whenever a warlike ex-
pedition was about to be undertaken, the priests placed nine
lances about a yard apart. The head priest then led the horse,
adorned with a gold and silver saddle, thrice across these
lances; if he stepped over without touching any of them, it
was considered a favourable omen, and the expedition was
decided upon.

Another idol of Triglav stood in the town of Wollin. When
Otto, Bishop of Bamberg, was destroying heathen temples and
breaking pagan idols, the Slav priests are reported to have
taken this statue secretly and to have given it to a woman
living in a lonely place in the country. She hid it in the hollow
of a large tree, but let herself be deceived by a German who
told her that he wished to thank the god for having saved
him from death in the sea. The woman then showed him the
idol, but being unable to take it from the tree, the German
stole the god’s old saddle, which was hanging from a branch.

Triglav’s statue in Stettin was broken by Bishop Otto him-
self, and its head was sent to the Pope. The pagan temples
were burned to the ground, and churches were built in honour
of St. Ethelbert and St. Peter on the hill that had once been
sacred to Triglav.

Triglav was also worshipped by the Slavs of Brandenburg.
When, in 1154, Prince Pribyslav of that country was baptized,
he ordered “his three-headed, unholy, and ugly statue” to be
broken in pieces. 14

It is practically certain that Triglav was not the real name
of the god worshipped in Wollin and Stettin, but merely an
appellation of one of his idols which possessed three heads;
and since the cult of this divinity shows a striking resemblance
to that of Svantovit, it may be assumed that Triglav was
merely a local form of the great deity of the Elbe Slavs. 15


CHAPTER III

SVARAZIC

T HE Rhetarii , 16 a division of the Lutices (between the
Elbe and the Oder), worshipped a god named Svarazic
(“Son of Svarog”), and the chronicler Thietmar testifies 17 that
their castle of Radigast (Radgost) contained a wooden temple
in which were numerous statues of divinities made by the
hands of men. These idols, wearing armour and helmets,
struck terror into those who beheld them; and each of them
had his name carved on his image. The most important of
them was Svarazic (Zuarasici), whom St. Bruno, the apostle of
the Prussians, writing to Emperor Henry II , 18 terms “Zuarasiz
diabolus.”

Further evidence of a deity worshipped in Radgost is given
by Adam of Bremen 19 and his follower, Helmold . 20 This idol
stood in a spacious sanctuary among other gods, was made of
gold, and had its base adorned with brocade. It wore a helmet
resembling a bird with outstretched wings, and on its breast
was the head of a black bison, the national emblem of the
Rhetarii; the divinity’s right hand rested on this symbol,
while the left grasped a double-edged axe.

When Adam of Bremen terms this Lutician deity “Radigast”
or “Redigast,” he seems to be in error and to have confused
the name of the town (Radigast) with the divinity worshipped
there, especially as the older evidence shows this god to have
been Svarazic himself . 21

The temple of Radigast was much visited by all the Slavic
nations in their desire to avail themselves of the prophetic



PLATE XXXIII

Radigast

This god may have been in reality only a form of
Svarazic and the special patron of the city of Radi-
gast. After a picture by N. Ales.




SVARAZIC


287


power of the gods and to join in the annual festivities.
Human beings were likewise sacrificed there, for in honour of
a victory won in 1066 the head of John, Bishop of the Diocese
of Mecklenburg, who had been captured in battle, was offered
up to this divinity. 22


CHAPTER IV
CERNOBOG

T HE evidence of Helmold shows 23 that at banquets the
Slavs were wont to offer prayer to a divinity of good and
evil; and being convinced that happiness comes from the god
of good, while misfortune is dispensed by the deity of evil,

v

they called the latter Cernobog or Zcernoboch (“Black God”).

The conception of Cernobog as the god of evil in contrast
to the god of good is probably due to the influence of Chris-
tianity. The western Slavs, becoming familiar, through the
instrumentality of the clergy, with the ideas of the new faith
and with its conception of the devil, transferred to the latter
many features of the pagan deities, worshipping him as a
being who was very powerful compared even with the god of
good. He was regarded as the cause of all calamities, and the
prayers to him at banquets were in reality intended to avert
misfortunes.

[Prometheus]

PLATE XXXIV

Idealizations of Slavic Divinities
i . Svantovit

This modern conception of the great deity of the
Elbe Slavs (see pp. 279-83) should be compared with
the rude statue supposed to represent him (Plate
XXXI).

2. ZlVA

While the ancient Slavs, like the Baltic peoples,
worshipped many female divinities, the name of

v

only one of them has been preserved, Ziva, the god-
dess of life.

3. Cernobog and Tribog

Cernobog, or “the Black God,” was the Slavic
deity of evil, and Tribog, or the “Triple God” (cf. the
deity Triglav, pp. 284-85, and possibly the three-
headed deity of the Celts, Plates VII, XII), is re-
garded by later sources as the divinity of pestilence.

After pictures by N. Ales.



3





CHAPTER V


OTHER DEITIES

I N addition to the deities mentioned above, the names of
other divinities of the Elbe Slavs have come down to us,
although we possess no details concerning them.

Pripegala is mentioned in a pastoral letter of Archbishop
Adelgot of Magdeburg in 1108, 24 where he is compared with
Priapus and Baal-peor (the Beelphegor of the Septuagint and
Vulgate). 25 This comparison, however, seems to have no
foundation except the similar sound of the syllables pri and
p(h)eg.

The idol Podaga is mentioned by Helmold, 26 while the names
of Turupid, Pisamar (Besomar?), and Tiernoglav (Triglav?)
occur in the KnytlingasagaP

The Elbe Slavs worshipped goddesses as well as gods, and
Thietmar not only states 28 that the walls of the temples in
Riedegast (Radgost) were adorned with various figures of
deities both male and female, but elsewhere 29 he tells how the
Lutices angrily resented an affront done to a goddess. The
only female divinity actually mentioned by name, however, is
Siva (=Ziva, “the Living”), the Zywie of Polish mythology,
whom Helmold 30 calls goddess of the Polabians.



PART III

THE DEITIES OF THE PAGAN RUSSIANS



CHAPTER I


PERUN

T HE chief god of the pagan Russians was Perun, whose
wooden idol, set by Prince Vladimir on a hill before his
palace at Kiev in 980, had a silver head and a golden beard.
Vladimir’s uncle, Dobrynya, erected a similar image in Nov-
gorod on the river Volkhov, and the inhabitants of the city
sacrificed to it. 1

Perun was held in high honour by the Russians. In his name
they swore not to violate their compacts with other nations,
and when Prince Igor was about to make a treaty with the
Byzantines in 945, he summoned the envoys in the morning
and betook himself with them to a hill where Perun’s statue
stood. Laying aside their armour and their shields, Igor and
those of his people who were pagans took a solemn oath be-
fore the god while the Christian Russians did likewise in the
church of St. Iliya (Elias), 2 the formula directed against those
who should violate the treaty being, “Let them never receive
aid either from God or from Perun; let them never have pro-
tection from their shields; let them be destroyed by their own
swords, arrows, and other weapons; and let them be slaves
throughout all time to come.” 3

In many old Russian manuscripts of the twelfth, fourteenth,
fifteenth, and sixteenth centuries mention is made of Perun in
connexion with other Slavic deities, such as Chors, Volos, Vila,
Rod, and Rozanica, 4 but nothing certain is known about his
worship.

When Prince Vladimir received baptism in 988, he went to
Kiev and ordered all idols to be broken, cut to pieces, or thrown


294


SLAVIC MYTHOLOGY


into the fire. The statue of Perun, however, was tied to a
horse’s tail and was dragged down to a brook where twelve
men were ordered to beat it with rods, not because the wood
was believed to feel any pain, but because the demon which
had deceived men must be disgraced. As the idol was taken
to the Dnieper, the pagans wept, for they had not yet been
baptized; but when it was finally thrown into the river, Vladi-
mir gave the command: “If it stops, thrust it from the banks
until it has passed the rapids; then let it alone.” This order
was carried out, and no sooner had the idol passed through the
rapids than it was cast upon the sands which after that time
were called “Perun’s Sands” ( Perunya Ren). Where the image
once stood Vladimir built a church in honour of St. Basil; 5
but it was not until the end of the eleventh century that
Perun’s worship finally disappeared from the land.

Similarly the pagan idols of Novgorod were destroyed by
Archbishop Akim Korsunyanin in 989, and the command went
forth that Perun should be cast into the Volkhov. Binding the
image with ropes, they dragged it through the mire to the river,
beating it with rods and causing the demon to cry out with
pain. In the morning a man dwelling on the banks of the
Pidba (a small stream flowing into the Volkhov) saw the idol
floating toward the shore, but he thrust it away with a pole,
saying, “Now, Perunisce [‘Little Perun,’ a contemptuous
diminutive], you have had enough to eat and to drink; be off
with you!” 6

The word “Perun” is derived from the root per- (“to strike”)
with the ending -un, denoting the agent of an action; and
the name is very appropriate for one who was considered the
maker of thunder and lightning, so that Perun was, in the first
place, the god of thunder, “the Thunderer,” like the Zeus of
the Greeks. 7 The old Bulgarian version of the Alexander-
romance actually renders the Greek Zeu? by Perun; and in
the apocryphal Dialogue of the Three Saints Vasiliy, when
asked, “By whom was thunder created?” replies, “There


PERUN


295


are two angels of thunder: the Greek Perun and the Jew
Chors,” thus clearly pointing to the former as the originator
of thunder . 8

Though history proves only that the worship of Perun
existed among the Russians, there are, nevertheless, data to
show that it was known among other Slavs as well, the most
important evidence being the fact that the word perun is a
very common term for thunder ( pjeron , piorun , parom , etc.).
In addition to this numerous local names in Slavic countries
remind us of Perun. In Slovenia there is a Perunja Ves and a
Perunji Ort; in Istria and Bosnia many hills and mountains
go by the name of Perun; in Croatia there is a Peruna Dubrava,
and in Dalmatia a mountain called Perun; while a Perin
Planina occurs in Bulgaria. Local names, such as Peruny and
Piorunow in Poland, Perunov Dub in Little Russia, or Perun
and Peron among the Elbe Slavs, are further proof that not
only the name, but also the worship, of Perun was known in
these regions. It is even believed that some appellations of
the pagan deities of the Elbe Slavs, such as Porenutius, Prone,
Proven, etc ., 9 may be closely connected with Perun, being, in
fact, merely corruptions of the original name, due to foreign
chronicles; and in this connexion special attention should be
called to Helmold’s mention 10 of a great oak grove on the way
from Stargard to Liibeck as sacred to the god Proven.

In the Christian period the worship of Perun was trans-
ferred to St. Iliya (Elias ) ; 11 and, as we have already seen , 12
Nestor tells how the Christian Russians took oath in the
church of St. Iliya, while the pagans swore by Perun. On
July 20 St. Iliya’s Day is kept with great reverence in Russia
to the present time; in some places they still cling to the an-
cient custom of preparing a feast and slaughtering bulls,
calves, lambs, and other animals after consecrating them in
church; and it is considered a great sin not to partake of such
banquets.

The Serbians call St, Iliya Gromovnik or Gromovit (“the
1 1 1 — 20


SLAVIC MYTHOLOGY


296

Thunderer”) and pray to him as the dispenser of good har-
vests. Among the Southern Slavs Tlijevo, Tlinden (“St.
Iliya’s Day”) is most reverently celebrated; no man does
any work in the fields at that time, and no woman thinks of
weaving or spinning. He who dared to labour then would
make St. Iliya angry and could not expect him to help in
garnering the crops; on the contrary, the Saint would slay
him with his thunderbolt. In the Rhodope Mountains the
festival is kept on a lofty summit, and a bull or a cow is killed
and prepared for the solemn banquet. All this is doubtless
nothing less than a survival of the feasts that, long before,
were celebrated in honour of Perun . 13


CHAPTER II
DAZBOG


T HE statue of the divinity Dazbog, or Dazdbog, whose
name probably means “the Giving God,” 14 stood on a
hill in the courtyard of the castle at Kiev, and beside it were
the idols of Perun, Chors, Stribog, and other pagan deities . 15
In old chronicles Dazbog is termed “Czar Sun” and “Son of
Svarog;” 16 and the fact that early Russian texts frequently
translate the name of the Greek god Helios 17 by Dazbog 18
may be taken as proof that he was worshipped as a solar deity.
In the old Russian epic Slovo o pluku Igor eve 19 Vladimir and
the Russians call themselves the grandchildren of Dazbog,
which is easily explicable since the ancient Slavs often derived
their origin from divine beings . 20

Dazbog was known not only among the Russians, but also
among the Southern Slavs; and his memory is preserved in
the Serbian fairy-tale of Dabog (Dajbog), in which we read,
“Dabog, the Czar, was on earth, and the Lord God was in
heaven,” 21 Dabog being here contrasted with God and being
regarded as an evil being, since in early Christian times the
old pagan deities were considered evil and devilish.


CHAPTER III


SVAROZIC AND SVAROG

S V v

VAROZIC was worshipped by the Russians as the god of
fire ; 22 and his name, being a patronymic, means “Son of
Svarog.” 23 This latter deity, however, is actually mentioned
only in an old Russian chronicle 24 which identifies him with
the Greek Hephaistos 25 and speaks of him as the founder of
legal marriage. According to this text, Svarog made it a law
for every man to have only one wife, and for every woman to
have only one husband; and he ordained that whosoever tres-
passed against this command should be cast into a fiery fur-
nace — a tradition which seems to imply the importance of
the fire (fireside, hearth) for settled family life.

That Svarazic, worshipped by the Elbe Slavs , 26 had the
same signification as the Russian Svarozic may be considered
very probable, though the identity is not yet fully established . 27


CHAPTER IV


CHORS

A MONG the idols which Vladimir erected in Kiev mention
is made of the statue of Chors (Chers, Churs, Chros ). 28
Nothing certain is known about the functions of this deity;
but since old Slavic texts 29 seem to identify him with the
Greek Apollo , 30 he is supposed to have been a god of the sun,
this hypothesis being supported by a passage in the Slovo o
pluku Igor eve 31 which tells how Prince Vsevolod outstripped
great Chors (i. e. the sun) like a wolf.

There is no explanation for the word Chors in Slavic, and
the name is apparently of foreign origin. The most plausible
supposition is that it comes from the Greek ^puo-o? (“gold”),
so that originally it may have been simply the name of a
golden or gilt idol 32 erected in Kiev and probably representing
Dazbog. If this be so, Chors and Dazbog were, in all likelihood,
merely different names applied to one and the same deity.


CHAPTER V


VELES, VOLOS, AND STRIBOG

V ELES, the god of flocks, was held in high honour by the
Russians, who swore by him as well as by Perun when
making a treaty; 33 and old Russian texts often mention him in
connexion with the more famous divinity. 34 When Vladimir
was baptized in 988, he caused the idols of Veles to be thrown
into the river Pocayna; 35 another stone statue of the same deity,
worshipped by the Slavic tribes in the neighbourhood of Fin-
land, was destroyed by Abraham of Rostov, who preached Chris-
tianity on the banks of the Volga in the twelfth century; 36 and
the Slovo 0 pluku Igor eve 37 calls the minstrel Boyan “the grand-
son of Veles.”

The memory of Veles still lives among the Russian people.
In southern Russia it is customary at harvest-time to tie the
last handful of ears into a knot, this being called “plaiting the
beard of Veles” or “leaving a handful of ears for Veles’s
beard”; and in some districts a piece of bread is put among
such ears, probably as a reminiscence of the sacrifices offered
to Veles.

Veles was well known among the ancient Bohemians like-
wise, and his name frequently occurs in old Bohemian texts,
although its original meaning has so utterly disappeared that
the word now signifies simply “the devil.” 38

After the introduction of Christianity the worship of Veles
was transferred to St. Blasius, a shepherd and martyr of
Caesarea in Cappadocia, whom the Byzantines called the guar-
dian of flocks. 39 In this capacity the saint is still venerated in
Russia, Bulgaria, and even in Bohemia; and the shepherds,



PLATE XXXV

Veles


This deity of flocks corresponds to the Ganyklos
(Devas), or “(God) of Pasture,” of the pagan
Lithuanians. This representation, from a picture
by N. Ales, is highly idealized (cf. his conception
of Svantovit, Plate XXXIV, i, as contrasted with
the ancient statue reproduced in Plate XXXI).


<0 ^ ^ ^ (( ^




VELES, VOLOS, AND STRIBOG 301

when driving their flocks to pasture, recite ancient prayers
which are expected to secure his protection. 40

Stribog, whose idol stood on the hill in Kiev beside that of
Perun, 41 was most probably the god of cold and frost; and in
the Slovo 0 pluku Igor eve 42 the winds are called the grandsons
of Stribog. The conception of the winds as the result of cold
and frost is easily understood.

The chronicler Cosmas testifies 43 that the Bohemians wor-
shipped deities similar to Jupiter, Mars, Bellona, Ceres, etc.,
and that they made idols of them; but the names of these
gods have not been preserved, and nothing positive is known
concerning their worship. Numerous names of divinities wor-
shipped by the pagan Poles are recorded by the chronicler
Dlugosz, 44 but his report, belonging to a later period, seems to
be influenced by Classical and Christian thought.





PART IV

CULT AND FESTIVALS






PLATE XXXVI

Ancient Slavic Sacrifice

Idealized representation of a Slavic priest in-
voking a divinity. Cf. another modern artist’s
conception of the festival of Svantovit in Plate
XXXII. After a picture by N. Ales.



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PLATE XXXVII

The Sacred Oak of Romowe

The great centre of the cult of the ancient Prus-
sians was at Romowe, a place of uncertain localiza-
tion. Here lived the head priest, the Kriwe, and
here a perpetual fire was maintained. According to
the historian Simon Grunau, who wrote in the early
part of the sixteenth century, a triad of gods —
Perkunas, Potrympus, and Patollus, deities of thunder
(see pp. 293, 319, 325), rivers and springs (and hence
of vegetation and good fortune), and of the under-
world respectively — received adoration in this
place. His conception is here reproduced (cf. his
Preussische Chronik, II. v. 2). In the oak, which
remained green summer and winter, and which was
screened from profane gaze, were the idols of the
gods, each with his emblem before him: the head of
a man, a horse, and a cow before Patollus; a perpetual
fire of oak before Perkunas (cf. Part III, Note 10 on
the oak as his sacred tree); and a pot containing a
serpent, carefully fed by the priests, before Potrym-
pus (the cult of the household snake, probably the
harmless common ringed snake of Europe, was an
important part of ancient Baltic religion). In the
open spaces are piles of wood for the sacred fire, and
the houses of the Waidelots, or ordinary priests,
surround the whole. We have, however, no evi-
dence that the ancient Prussians possessed idols
of their gods, and in many respects the statements
of Grunau are open to grave doubt. After a picture
in C. Elartknoch, Selectae dissertationes historical de
variis rebus Prussicis, appended to his edition of
the Chronicon Prussiae of Peter of Dusburg (Frank-
fort and Leipzig, 1679).






CHAPTER I


WORSHIP OF THE GODS

S ACRIFICES of animals, grain, and food were offered to the
gods and genii; and in time of war captives were slaugh-
tered in their honour. 1 These sacrifices were performed by
fathers of families, by chieftains of clans, and by princes;
but the existence of a special and highly developed priesthood
is proved only among the Elbe Slavs, where the head priest
received the same honour as the king himself. 2

The Elbe Slavs worshipped their idols 3 in temples adorned
with great taste and splendour; 4 and in addition to this,
trees and groves were consecrated to the gods, both among
the Elbe Slavs and among the Russians. 5 Such a svatobor, for
example, was on the island of Riigen; 6 while between Star-
gard and Liibeck stretched a great oak grove, guarded by a
wooden fence provided with two gates. This grove was full
of idols in whose honour sacrifices and feasts were held; and
whoever concealed himself there when threatened by death
was considered inviolable, being under the protection of the
gods. 7 In Bohemia it was not until 1092, in the reign of
Bretislav II, that the sacred groves, held in high honour by
the people, were hewn down and burned. 8 The pagan Rus-
sians, so far as historical evidence goes, did not build special
temples for their gods, but erected their idols in the open on
slopes and hills. 9 Besides trees and groves, sanctity also at-
tached to mountains, 10 as well as to rivers and fountains. 11

Among the annual festivals, that of Svantovit in Arkona,
which reminds us of the autumnal dziadys , 12 is described at
considerable length, 13 whereas the other feasts, which in the


3°6


SLAVIC MYTHOLOGY


main consisted of games, dancing, and carousing, are dis-
missed with brief remarks. In April the Slavs on the banks of
the Havola (Havel) used to celebrate a national festival in
honour of Gerovit; 14 in Wollin the populace assembled for a
pagan festival in early summer; 15 and in 1092 Bretislav sup-
pressed certain feasts observed about Whitsuntide, when
oblations were offered to springs. 16

Popular tradition, however, still preserves many customs
and ceremonies whose origin may be traced back to the pre-
Christian period; and these we shall briefly consider in our
concluding chapters.

[Prometheus]

CHAPTER II


THE KOLEDA

T HE word koleda ( koleda ) is derived from the Latin calendae
(“first day of the month borrowed in Greek as /caXavScu )
and denotes certain days at Christmas 17 and Easter when
children go from house to house, singing songs and expecting
all sorts of small presents in return. During the Middle Ages
the festa calendarum was celebrated almost everywhere in
Europe with pageants, games, songs, mummings, and the
like.

Besides the word koleda there are a number of other names
for the principal days of Christmastide which are worth men-
tioning. In Russia Christmas Eve is called Kutiya, or Kuccya
(Polish Kucyja) ; the day preceding New Year is “Rich Kutiya,”
and that before Twelfth Night is “Hungry Kutiya,” since meat
is eaten on the former, while lenten dishes are preferred on the
latter. In similar fashion the Letts term Christmas Eve Kukju
Vakar, and the Lithuanians call it Kuciu Vakaras. The word
Kutiya, Kuccya, etc., is derived from the name of the dish
which, in addition to many others, is prepared on that day.
Among the White Russians it is a sort of pudding composed
of barley groats and honey; the Little Russians make it of
wheat groats, pounded poppy seeds, and honey; the Lithuanians
prepare it of peas and wheat, or of barley and beans; the Letts
of peas and honey, etc. The other Slavs likewise have similar
names for the holiday dinners on Christmas Eve.

Before supper the farmer walks about the house carrying
the kutiya , while his wife, having tidied up the room with the
help of her servants, spreads some hay over the table, and lay-


3°8


SLAVIC MYTHOLOGY


ing the cloth, places on it the food prepared for the evening
meal. The master of the house then says grace and brings to
remembrance those of the family who happen not to be pres-
ent, after which all sit down, the head of the household tak-
ing his place in a corner under the icons. Before beginning to
eat, the householder pours out a cup of vodka, and letting a
few drops fall upon the cloth, he empties it, whereupon all the
others do the same. During the meal a portion of the food is
set aside for the deceased, and finally the kutiya is served.
After supper all rise, the master of the house alone keeping his
seat and hiding behind his pot of kutiya as he asks his wife
whether she sees him . 18 Many other prophecies concerning
the coming harvest and the prospects of cattle-breeding are
attempted; and the girls, in like manner, tell their fortunes,
the kutiya playing an important role in all these ceremonies.
The hay placed under the kutiya and beneath the cloth on the
table is given to the animals kept in the house; and the fire is
kept burning constantly on the hearth. It is considered im-
proper to do heavy work on this day, when various disguises
are assumed, and village friends are visited, while in the even-
ing the young people meet to play various games, of which
dancing and singing are important features.

The Southern Slavs call Christmas Eve Badnji Dan,
Badnjak, or Budnik (“Vigil”), badnjak or budnik being also
the log of wood which is burned on the hearth. Various
ancient customs connected with these festivities are still in
vogue.

Before sunrise either the head of the house or some other
member of the family goes to the forest in search of a tree,
either oak, beech, or ash, which will serve his purpose; and
after all preparations have been made for the dinner, doffing
his cap, he carries the badnjak into the room. During this rite
he clucks like a hen, while all the children, who stand in a row
behind him, cheep like chickens. Passing through the door, on
either side of which candles are burning, he walks, with the


THE KOLEDA


309


badnjak in his hands, into every corner of the room, saluting
the members of the household, who throw corn upon him.
Then he lays the badnjak and a ploughshare by the fireside, to-
gether with some honey, butter, and wine, as well as a portion
of every dish prepared for supper; and finally he addresses the
log with the words, “Welcome! Come and eat your supper!”
Sometimes the badnjak is dressed in a new shirt, or is adorned
with red silk, golden threads, flowers, etc. After all this, the
householder lays the badnjak on the hearth, where a fire has
been kindled, and adds some more logs of wood which likewise
are often called badnjaki or badnjarice.

When the badnjak is burning well, the farmer takes in one
hand a special sort of bread, decked with various animals
made of dough and covered with salt and wheat; while in the
other he holds a cup of wine. He now walks toward the corn-
loft, the children following him and imitating the sounds of
domestic animals; and after a portion of the bread and wine
has been left on the window of the loft, the rest is put on the
table in the room. He then fills a glove with kernels of wheat,
and adding a silver coin, he strews the grain upon the floor, as
if sowing. The children throw themselves upon the wheat,
picking it up like poultry; and the one who succeeds in finding
the coin will have good luck. Around the hearth straw is
spread and covered with sweets for the whole family; and the
farmer, hiding behind it, thrice asks the household if they can
see him.

During or before supper the farmer’s wife places a portion
of the food in a separate pan; and these viands remain in her
charge until the evening before Twelfth Night, when every
member of the household gets a bit of it.

All these ceremonies show that the pagan festival of which
the Koleda still retains traces was a purely domestic celebra-
tion, and that it was closely connected with the worship of the
penates, who were believed to exercise a profound influence
upon the household. The badnjak may certainly be regarded


3io


SLAVIC MYTHOLOGY


as a special symbol of the genius of the house in his capacity
of protector of the hearth, which is rekindled on this day. Ac-
cordingly the kutiya is the favourite dish, not merely at the
Koleda, but also at the funeral feast and on All Souls’ Day
(November 2) in Russia.


CHAPTER III


THE RUSALYE

A MONG the Slavs the Rusalye are celebrated at the Whit-
sun holidays. The word itself is of foreign origin (from
the Greek povaaXia , “feast of roses”), and so are many cere-
monies connected with the festival, although numerous in-
digenous customs have been preserved side by side with these
rites.

In Russia the Rusalye were celebrated in the following way.
On Whitsun Monday a small shed, adorned with garlands,
flowers, and fragrant grasses, was erected in the centre of an
oak grove; a straw or wooden doll, arrayed in holiday gar-
ments, was placed inside; and people assembled from all
quarters, bringing food and drink, dancing round the shed,
and giving themselves up to merriment. In the Great Russian
Governments people leave the towns and villages for the forests
on the Thursday preceding Whitsunday ( Semik ), singing an-
cient songs and picking flowers which they make into wreaths.
Then the lads fell a nice young birch-tree which the lasses
dress in woman’s robes, trimming it with gay-coloured ribbons
and gaudy pieces of cloth. As they carry this tree along, they
sing festive songs; and then follows a dinner of flour, milk,
eggs, and other provisions brought for the occasion, while
wine and beer are purchased by voluntary contributions.
After dinner they take the birch, and singing merry songs,
they carry it in procession to the village, where they put it
down in a house chosen for the purpose, leaving it there till
Sunday.

The doll which, in the course of these ceremonies, is finally

III — 21


312


SLAVIC MYTHOLOGY


thrown into the water or burned, is usually called Rusalka ; 19
and the ceremony itself is probably meant as a second funeral,
i. e. to secure the favour of the Rusalky, the spirits of those
who, dying a violent death, have not been buried with religious
rites. The same signification may be attached to the so-called
“Driving out of Death” before Easter , 20 a custom which,
though prohibited as early as the fourteenth century, has not
yet entirely disappeared in Bohemia and other countries.

The Bulgarians in Southern Macedonia keep the Rusalye
during Christmastide, the chief characteristic of the festival
here being warlike games which remind us of the ancient
funeral combats ( trizna , tryzna ). 21


CHAPTER IV


THE KUPALO AND JARILO

T HE festival called Kupalo now coincides with the Chris-
tian feast of St. John the Baptist (June 24). Originally,
however, it may have been a purely domestic celebration when
marriages were performed, and new members were admitted
into the family, thus accounting for the erotic elements of the
customs still connected with St. John’s Day. In the course of
the family feast the memory of the deceased ancestors, under
whose protection individuals were received into the household,
was revived, and this, in its turn, may explain the funereal
elements of the commemoration.

During the Kupalo the girls go to the woods or the fields
early in the morning to pick flowers of which wreaths are
made; and at the same time they amuse themselves by trying
to foretell their future in the following fashion. Choosing the
prettiest girl among them, they take her into the forest, sing-
ing and dancing. Blindfolding her and decking her with gar-
lands, they seize her hands and dance around her, while the
girl, who is now called kupaljo , picks up the garlands, one
after the other, and distributes them among her dancing com-
panions. Those who receive a wreath of fresh flowers will be
fortunate in their wedded life; but those whose flowers are
withered are doomed to unhappiness. After all the garlands
have been distributed, the girls run away, doing their best to
avoid being caught by the kupaljo , since any maiden whom
she touches is fated to remain unwed for the year.

Another way of prophesying the future is as follows. The
young people meet near the river and bathe till twilight, when


SLAVIC MYTHOLOGY


3H

a fire is kindled, and the lads and lasses, taking each other’s
hands, jump over the flame, two by two. Those who do not
loosen their hands v/hile jumping will become husband and
wife, the same thing being predicted by a spark which comes
out of the fire after them.

Funereal elements may be found in the fact that in many
parts of the country figures of Kupalo and Marena are made
and afterwards drowned and burned like a Rusalka ; 22 while
in some places Jarilo and Kostroma are buried in a similar
way instead of Kupalo . 23


PART V


BALTIC MYTHOLOGY
By the Editor



BALTIC MYTHOLOGY


T HE closest kindred of the Slavs are the Baltic peoples —
the Prussians and Yatvyags (both long extinct), the Lithu-
anians, and the Letts. Their early history is unknown, but we
have reason to believe that they are the Aestii of Tacitus 1 and
Jordanes ; 2 and two divisions of them, the Galindae and Sudeni,
are mentioned by the geographer Ptolemy 3 as living south of
the Venedae, i.e. the Slavs who were later driven from the Bal-
tic shores. Like the Slavs, the Baltic peoples seem to have been
part of the Aryan hordes of Sarmatians who formed a portion
of the ethnological congeries somewhat vaguely termed Scyth-
ians ; 4 and since those Scythians with whom we are here con-
cerned were very closely related to the Indo-Iranian race, in
certain regards Baltic religion is strikingly similar to the Ira-
nian, as it is set forth in our earliest documents. Arrived on the
Baltic coast, these peoples became subject, like so many other
invaders, to the influences of the races whom they found set-
tled there, this being especially marked in the case of the
Letts, who, near neighbours of the Finno-Ugric Esthonians,
received marked changes in their religion; while Scandina-
vian elements, from Norse sojourners and traders, must not
be overlooked.

The territory of the Baltic peoples stretched, roughly speak-
ing, from the Vistula to the Dvina, and occupied approximately
the districts now known as East Prussia, Courland, Kovno,
Pskov, Vitebsk, Vilna, Suwalki, and Grodno, though the
boundaries have fluctuated widely and have shown a constant
tendency to contract. With the exception of the Lithuanians,
who erected a considerable kingdom in the Middle Ages, only
to share the unhappy fate of Poland, the Baltic peoples have


318


BALTIC MYTHOLOGY


played little part in history. In a backwater of civilization,
retaining in extraordinary measure the primitive forms of their
tribal organization, their mode of life, their religion, and their
language, 5 they were no match for those who sought to subdue
them, though they fared less hardly at the hands of the Slavs
than at those of the Germans.

If, then, we find a paucity of Baltic mythology, we are jus-
tified in assuming that it was destroyed by the oppressor.
Undoubtedly it once flourished, in simple form, perhaps, as
became a rude folk; and among the Letto-Lithuanians, where
fate was less cruel than in Prussia, we still have a number of
dainos (folk-songs) of mythological content. 6 For Baltic re-
ligion we have a fair amount of material, though recorded by
hostile observers who utterly failed to comprehend its spirit
and ignorantly misinterpreted it, and who, in all likelihood,
omitted much of value that is now irretrievably lost; 7 for Baltic
mythology we have little more than fragments of sun-myths.

Prussian mythology has vanished, leaving not a trace behind.
We are, therefore, restricted to the Lithuanians and the Letts.
Even here our older sources record but two myths, both lamen-
tably meagre. Drawing his information from the Camaldolite
hermit Jerome, who had long been active as a missionary in
Lithuania, Aeneas Sylvius de’ Piccolomini (afterward Pope
Pius II, who died in 1464) tells us 8 of a Lithuanian people
“who worshipped the sun and with a curious cult venerated
an iron hammer of rare size. When the priests were asked what
that veneration meant, they answered that once upon a time
the sun was not seen for several months, because a most mighty
king had imprisoned it in the dungeon of a tower right strongly
fortified. Then the signs of the zodiac bore aid to the sun,
broke the tower with a huge hammer, and restored to men the
liberated sun, so that the instrument whereby mortals regained
the light was worthy of veneration.” This is probably, as
Mannhardt suggested, 9 a myth of the darkening of the sun in
winter and his reappearance during the storms of spring. In


BALTIC MYTHOLOGY


319


Russian and Slovak folk-tales the sun is represented as a ruler of
twelve realms, or as served by twelve maidens, ever young and
fair. 10 The real destroyer of the tower was Perkunas, god of
thunder and the chief Baltic deity; and in this connexion it
may be noted that the Lithuanian name for a prehistoric celt
is Perkuno kulka (“Perkunas’s ball”), a term which, like
Perkuno akmu (“Perkunas’s stone”), is also applied to a
belemnite. The parallel with the hammer of Thor in Eddie
mythology at once suggests itself.

The other myth is still briefer. Perkune Tete, “mother of
lightning and thunder,” we are told, 11 receives at night the
weary, dusty sun, whom she sends forth on the morrow, bathed
and shining.

We have seen the difficulties with which Baltic national
consciousness was forced to contend. It was not until the rise
of the Lithuanian poet Christian Donalitius (1714-80) that
any real literature could be created either in Lithuanian or in
Lettish; Prussian was long since dead. 12 Then attention was
directed to the rich store of folk-songs in both the living lan-
guages, and their treasures became available for mythological
investigation, 13 the foremost name in this study being that
of Wilhelm Mannhardt. 14 Late as these dainos are, the myth-
ological material which they contain is very old, far antedating
the introduction of Christianity and presenting a point of view
prior to the thirteenth century; 15 and though, as we shall see,
certain Christian changes and substitutions have been made,
these are not sufficient to cause serious confusion. Unfortu-
nately our material is restricted to myths of the sun, moon,
and stars, although surely there had once been myths of other
natural phenomena, especially as we are told that when the
Aurora Borealis appears, the Murgi or Iohdi (spirits of the air
and souls of the dead) are battling, or that the souls of warriors
are engaged in combat. 16 It is inconceivable that, with the
wealth of Baltic deities of very diverse functions, no myths
were associated with at least some of them.


320


BALTIC MYTHOLOGY


Of the Baltic sun-myths perhaps the most famous is con-
tained in the following daina : 17

“Home the Moon once led the Sun
In the very primal spring;

Early did the Sun arise,

But the Moon from her withdrew.

Leaving her, he roamed afar,

And the Morning Star he loved;

Perkuns then was filled with wrath,

With his sword he smote the Moon.

‘Wherefore hast thou left thy Sun?

Wherefore roam’st alone by night?

Wherefore lovest Morning Star?’

Full of sorrow was his heart.”

Here we see the myth of the conjunction of sun and moon;
their gradual divergence till at last the latter is in conjunction
with the morning star; the wrath of Perkunas, who is not
merely the god of thunder , 18 but the great Baltic deity; and the
explanation of the moon’s changing form as he wanes. The
poem is told of early spring , 19 but the phenomenon which it
describes is not peculiarly vernal.

In the Baltic languages the sun is feminine (Lithuanian
saule , Lettish sa’ule), and the moon is masculine (Lithuanian
menu , Lettish menes). The feminine Morning Star and Evening
Star of the Lithuanians (Ausrine, Vakarine), however, appear
among the Letts as masculine, the “sons of God” ( Deewa
dehli ), who, we shall see, woo the “Daughter of the Sun,” whose
Lithuanian suitor, as in the daina just given, is the moon ; 20
yet, with the frequent inconsistency of myth, these feminine
stars have masculine doublets in Lithuanian itself in the Devo
sunelei, or “Sons of God.”

A Lettish variant of this myth 21 carries the story a little
further. The sun and the moon have many children, the stars ; 22
and the betrothed of the masculine Lettish Morning Star is
none other than the sun’s own daughter, the fruit of a tem-
porary union with Pehrkon himself — a clear personification


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[Prometheus]

321


of a thunder-storm at dawn. The moon, in shame and anger,
avoids his spouse, and is visible only by night, while she ap-
pears by day in the sight of all mankind.

The wooing of Morning Star brought grief to her as well as
to the moon, as is related in another dainaP

“When Morning Star was wedded,

Perkuns rode through the door-way
And the green oak 24 he shattered.

Then forth the oak’s blood spurted,

Besprinkling all my garments,

Besprinkling, too, my crownlet.

With streaming eyes, Sun’s daughter
For three years was collecting
The leaves, all sear and withered.

Oh where, oh where, my mother,

Shall I now wash my garments,

And where wash out the blood-stains?

My daughterling, so youthful,

Swift haste unto the fountain
Wherein nine brooks are flowing.

Oh where, oh where, my mother,

Shall I now dry my garments,

Where dry them in the breezes ?

My daughter, in the garden
Where roses nine are blooming.

Oh where, oh where, my mother,

Shall I now don my garments
Bright gleaming in their whiteness?

Upon that day, my daughter,

When nine suns shall be shining.”

Here the fountain with nine brooks, the garden with nine roses,
and the day with nine suns symbolize the rays of the sun , 25 as
does the apple-tree with nine branches in another dainaP The
role of Perkunas receives an explanation in the marriage custom


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that he who conducts the bride to the groom should appear
armed and, as he rides forth, should strike at the door-post, the
door, the roof, or even the air, probably to exorcize the demons . 27
On the other hand, it is possible that his association with dawn
or sunset is secondary and due to the likeness of evening and
morning glow to the lightning’s fire ; 28 and it is equally possible
that his splitting of the tree, of which we shall soon hear more,
represents the evening twilight, the oak’s blood being the red
rays of the setting sun . 29

All our sources for Baltic religion agree in stating that Per-
kunas, god of thunder and lightning, was the chief deity of
these peoples. The thunder was his voice, and with it he re-
vealed his will to men; it was he who sent the fertilizing rains;
he was to the Prussians, Lithuanians, and Letts what Indra
was to the Indians of Vedic days . 30 Moreover he has still an-
other resemblance to Indra which is equally striking. When
he smites a devil with his bolt, he does not kill the fiend, but
merely strikes him down to hell for seven years, after which
the demon again appears on earth, just as Indra and his Iranian
doublets (especially Thraetaona) do not slay their antagonist,
the storm-dragon, but only wound him or imprison him so in-
securely that he escapes, so that the unending battle must
constantly be renewed . 31

In the dainos the role of Perkunas is relatively a minor one,
for sun-myths deal only incidentally with storms, whether in
their beneficent, fertilizing aspects, or in their maleficent, de-
structive functions. Still, he is there, under a relatively ten-
uous disguise. For “God,” “God’s horses,” “God’s steers”
(the darkening clouds of evening ), 32 and — above all — “God’s
sons” are frequently mentioned; and “God” (Old Prussian
deizvas , Lithuanian d'evas, Lettish deews) can have meant in
Baltic none other than Perkunas, who was the deity -par excel-
lence , just as in Greece “from Homer to the dramatic poets
the unqualified use of ©eo?, ‘god,’ invariably refers to Zeus .” 33
His sons are nine in number: three shatter in pieces, three


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323


thunder, and three lighten; or, in other poems, he has only five;
but in any case they all live in Germany, in other words, in the
darkening west, whither (or across the sea) he himself goes to
seek a bride. He smites the demonic Iohdi; he strikes the sea
in which the sun is drowned at evening; but, on the other hand,
where he goes with his gentle, smoke-grey horses (the clouds),
the meadows flourish; the sun rises through the saddle of his
steed, and the moon through the bit, while at the end of the
rein is the morning star; he gives the moon a hundred sons
(the stars) — in a word, he is the sky-god in process of elevation
to all-god . 34

In the dainos, however, as we should expect from their theme,
the sun is the important figure. We cannot enter here into all
the rich details elaborated by Mannhardt, nor can we repeat the
wealth of description and allusion in the folk-songs them-
selves. One example must suffice to show how delicate the
shading is. We think of the sun as golden, and rightly so. Yet
in the dainos we read that, wearing silver shoes, she dances on
the silver mount, or sails over a silver sea, or scatters gifts of
silver, or sows silver, or is herself a silver apple, or a boat of
silver, bronze, and gold, or one half of gold and half of silver —
all referring to the various shadings caused by her different
positions in the sky . 35 Her hundred brown horses are her rays , 36
or she has two golden horses ; 37 “God’s” horse and the waggon
of Mary (the planet Venus?) stand before her door while her
daughter (the evening twilight) is being wooed; and in the east,
where she rises, lives a gold and diamond steed . 38 She even
quarrels with “God” because his sons (the evening and morn-
ing stars) stole the rings from her daughters (twilight and
dawn ). 39

The red berries in the forest are the dried tears of the sun
(the red clouds of sunset?), and the glow on the green tips of
the wood at sunset is her silken garment hung out to air; when
she sets, she gives a golden crown to the linden, a silver coronet
to the oak, and a golden ring to each little willow . 40 She weeps


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bitterly because the golden apple has fallen from the tree (a
myth of sunset), but “God” will make her another of gold,
brass, or silver . 41 She is herself an apple, sleeping in an apple-
garden, and decked with apple-blossoms (the fleecy clouds of
dawn ). 42 Disregarding the counsel of Perkunas, she betroths
her daughter to Morning Star, though first she gives the
maiden to the moon, who takes the young girl to his home, i. e.
at twilight the moon is the first to become visible, thus pre-
ceding the morning star, which bears away the dawn . 43

She strikes the moon with a silver stone; in other words,
her rising orb obliterates the moon, this being the cause of
three days’ battle with “God.” 44 She dwells on a mountain
(the vault of heaven), and standing in mid-sky, she reproves
her daughters because one had not swept the floor, while the
other had failed to wash the table . 45

She, “God’s daughter” (Dew dukryte ), watches over all
things, as is set forth in a charming little daindd 6

“O thou Sun, daughter of God,

Where delayest thou so long,

Where sojournest thou so long,

Since thou hast from us withdrawn?

O’er the sea, beyond the hills,

Wheat there is that I must watch,

Shepherds, too, that I must guard;

Many are my gifts in sooth.

O thou Sun, daughter of God,

Tending thee at morn and eve,

Who doth make for thee thy fire,

Who prepares thy couch for thee?

Morning Star and Evening Star:

Morning Star doth make my fire,

Evening Star prepares my couch;

Many are my kin in sooth.”

In comparison with the sun the moon is a very minor figure , 47
and his chief importance is his connexion with the sun. When
his spouse reproaches him for his pale colour, he replies that


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325


while she shines for man by day, he can only look at himself by
night in the water . 48 He wears a mantle of stars 49 and, like the
sun, is liable to be destroyed (i. e. eclipsed) by dragons, ser-
pents, and witches . 50

The sun, as we have seen, has daughters, and “God” (i. e.
Perkunas, the deity of thunder and storm, yet — at least in
germ — the sky-god) has sons. Though the latter are some-
times given as nine or five in number , 51 only two have any real
individuality, and they are “God’s sons” ( Devo sunelei) par
excellence , just as the sun has only one daughter or two daugh-
ters ( Saules duktele ), 52 according as the twilights of evening and
morning are considered as separate phenomena or as the same
phenomenon in twofold manifestation . 53 The “sons of God”
are the morning and the evening star (sometimes combined as
the planet Venus), the former being by far the more impor-
tant ; 54 the “Sun’s daughters” are the morning and the evening
twilight; and their close association is a common theme in the
dainos. They are the Baltic counterparts of the Vedic Asvins
and Usas, or of the Greek Dioskouroi and Helen . 55

We may begin our study of these figures with a daina which
has at least a partial resemblance to the familiar “Jack and
the Beanstalk” cycle . 56

“O Zemina, flower-giver,

Where shall I now plant the roses?

‘On the lofty mountain-summit,

By the ocean, by the sea-side.’

0 Zemina, flower-giver,

Where shall I find father, mother,

I, deserted and a pauper?

‘Haste thee to the lofty mountain,

By the ocean, by the sea-side.’

Forth then from the rose-trunk springing,

Grew a mighty tree and lofty

Till its branches reached the heavens;

1 will climb up to the heavens
On the branches of the roses.


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There I found a youthful hero
Who was riding on God’s charger.

‘O fair youth, O valiant horseman,

Hast thou not seen father, mother?’

‘O my maiden, O my youngling,

Seek the region of the valley;

There thy father, there thy mother
Plan the marriage of thy sister.’

So I hasted to the valley;

‘Father, good day and good morning;

Mother, good day and good morning;

Why did ye leave me, an infant,

To the mercy of the stranger?

‘Grown to be a sturdy maiden,

I alone have found the cradle
Where in childhood I was happy.’”

Here sun and moon have departed from their daughter, the
morning twilight. Yet, though so heartlessly abandoned, she
seeks them, climbing the sun-tree. There she finds “a youth-
ful hero, mounted on God’s charger,” who is plainly the evening
star; and he tells her that she will find her parents “in the val-
ley,” i.e. at the place of sunset in the darkening west . 57 The
sun also seems to have had a night-tree, in addition to the
rose-tree of day . 58

The “youthful hero” introduces us to a veritable love-myth
of “God’s sons” with the “daughters of the sun.” We have
already had 59 some fugitive allusions to the wooing and we may
now trace the story in more detail. Seeking to win the “daugh-
ter of the sun,” “God’s son” makes for her an island in the midst
of the sea (i.e. either the first dark shadows of evening or the
first bits of light at dawn ); 60 or the two sons kindle two lights
in the sea, awaiting her, and in the centre of the ocean they
build a bridal chamber, which she enters tremblingly; and she is
urged to awake early, for “God’s sons” are coming to roll
apples . 61 When “God’s son” rides a grey steed in his wooing,
he is the evening star, since greyness covers the sky at even-
ing; but when from the golden bushes he watches the sun’s


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3 27


daughter as she bathes, he is the morning star, gazing on the
beauty of the rising dawn . 62 When all the other stars are visible,
the morning star is absent, for he has gone to woo the daughter
of the sun; she hastens toward him; and they are wedded in
Germany beyond the sea . 63 Of course lovers occasionally quar-
rel, and so the daughter of the sun breaks the sword of “God’s
son” (dawn surpasses the brightness of the morning star); and,
in their turn, “God’s sons” deprive her of her ring (the solar
disk) at evening, though, as we shall see, they presently fish it
from the sea (at dawn) when it falls from her finger at evening . 64
But “lovers’ quarrels are love’s renewal,” and since evening
star and evening twilight, morning star and morning dawn,
are inseparably associated, “God’s sons” dance in the moon-
light beneath an oak by the spring with “God’s daughters,”
as the following daina tells . 65

“’Neath a maple lies a fountain
Whither God’s sons hast’ning

Go to dance with God’s own daughters
While the moon shines o’er them.

In the fountain by the maple
I my face was laving;

While my white face I was bathing,

Lo, my ring I washed off.

Will the sons of God come hither
With their nets all silken ?

Will they fish my ring so tiny
From the depths of water?

Then there came a hero youthful,

His brown charger riding;

Brown the colour of the charger,

And his shoes were golden.

‘Hither come, O maiden,

Hither come, O youngling!

With fair words let us be speaking,

With fair counsel let us counsel
Where the stream is deepest,

And where love is sweetest.’


ni-


-22


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‘Nay, I cannot, hero,

Nay, I cannot, youngling,

For my mother dear will chide me,

Yea, the aged dame will chide me
If I tarry longer.’

‘Speak thus to her, maiden,

Speak thus to her, youngling:

“Thither came two swans a-flying
And the water’s depth they troubled;

Till it cleared I waited.’”

‘’T is not true, my daughter,

For beneath the maple
With a young man thou wast talking
With a youth thou wast exchanging
Words of love’s sweet language.”’

Life is not all love, unfortunately, and both “God’s sons” and
the daughters of the sun have their tasks to perform. Some of
these we already know . 66 In Germany the morning star must
prepare a coat of samite (i.e. the rich hues of dawn); “God’s
sons ” must band the broken solar orb after the summer solstice;
they must heat the bath (of dawn) ; as the workmen of Sun and
Moon, or as the servants of Perkunas, they are reproved for
not mowing the meadows, etc. (i.e. preparing for the dawn);
but after uprooting the birch-forest (i.e. dissipating the last
traces of day) they go to Germany to play games . 67 As for the
sun’s daughter, the golden cock crows on the edge of the
“Great Water” (Daugawa) 68 to rouse her that she may spin
the silver thread, i.e. the rays of the rising sun . 69 Her chief
task, however, is to wash her golden jug (the solar disk) at
evening. This she loses, and she herself is drowned ; 70 or else
she falls into a golden boat, which remains behind her on the
waves, or “God’s sons” row the boat which rescues her as she
wades in the sea, so that she can reappear at dawn . 71 Occasion-
ally, however, “God’s son” stands passively on the mountain
while she sinks; or, instead of wedding her, he merely escorts
her to Germany . 72 Behind this mountain stands an oak (the
tree, no doubt, beneath which the lovers dance), and on this


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329


“God’s son” hangs his girdle, and the sun’s daughter her
crown. 73 When, in other dainos, the solar jug is broken by “little
John,” this obviously refers to the waning strength of the sun’s
rays after Midsummer Night’s Eve (St. John’s Eve, June 23). 74

When the sun is drowned in the sea, 75 her daughter is natu-
rally regarded as an orphan; and thus we are enabled to under-
stand a daina that tells how “God” makes a golden hedge
(the sunset) to which his sons (strictly speaking, here only the
evening star) come riding on sweating horses. Here they find
an orphan girl (twilight) whom they make its guardian, charg-
ing her not to break off the golden boughs (the rays of the set-
ting sun); but she disobeys and flees to the valley of “Mary’s”
bath-chamber (the darkness of night). Thither “God” and his
sons come, but refuse forgiveness for her transgression of their
commands. “Mary” is perhaps, as we have suggested in an-
other connexion, 76 a Christianized substitute for the planet
Venus as the evening star.

In the story of the daughters of the sun we have found fre-
quent mention of a sea, and the sun herself sails, as we know, 77
across a silver sea. This sea, like the brooks and springs which
have also occurred, 78 is none other than the celestial ocean,
rivers, etc., which are so prominent a feature of Indo-Iranian
mythology; 79 and the “Great Water” (Daugawa), though now
identified by the Letts with the river Dvina, is to be interpreted
in similar fashion. 80 This Daugawa flows black at evening be-
cause it is full of the souls of the departed, and at midnight a
star descends to “the house of souls.” 81 Very appropriately,
therefore, the sun’s daughter has the key to the realm of the
dead; and at evening “Mother Earth” (Semmes Mate), from
whom one asks whatever may be lost or hidden, 82 is besought
to give this key. 83 In the afternoon “God’s children” shut the
door of heaven, so that one should be buried in the morning;
and, accordingly, the sun’s daughter is entreated to give a key
that an only brother’s grave may be unlocked. 84

We have a few dainos in honour of a deity Usching, whom


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a Jesuit mission report of 1606 declares to have been a horse-
god worshipped in the vicinity of Ludzen and Rossitten, in the
extreme south-east of Lithuania. 85 These are not, however, of
mythological value, and the only Baltic figure remaining for
our consideration here is that of the celestial smith. This smith
has his forge in the sky, on the edge either of the sea or of the
Daugawa; and there he makes spurs and a girdle for “God’s
son,” and a crown and ring for the sun’s daughter 86 — in other
words, from his smithy come the rays of the rising sun and the
solar disk itself. Mannhardt regards this smith as the glow of
dawn or of sunset, and compares him to the Finno-Ugric II-
marinen, the Teutonic Wieland, and the Greek Hephaistos. 87
A still closer analogue, however, is the Vedic Tvasty who
wrought the cup which contains the nectar of the gods; 88 and
it is even possible that he is ultimately the same as the Slavic
deity Svarog. 89 His name is given as Telyaveli or Telyavelik
in the Russian redaction (dating from 1261) of the Byzantine
historian John Malalas, which says that he “forged for him
(Perkunas) the sun as it shines on earth, and set the sun in
heaven.” 90

Such are the pitifully scanty remnants of what must once
have been a great mythology. Yet, fragmentary though they
are, they possess a distinctive value. They help to explain the
migrations of important divisions of our own Indo-European
race — a problem into which we cannot enter here; they cast
light upon, and are themselves illuminated by, the mythologies
of far-off India and Iran; they reveal the wealth of poetic imag-
ery and fantasy inherent in the more primitive strata of our
race; they show how baseless is the charge of gross materialism,
selfishness, and fear to which so many shallow and prejudiced
thinkers would fain trace the origin of religious thought. We
may lament the paucity of the extant Baltic myths; yet let us
not forget to be grateful and thankful that even a few have
survived.