Topic: Egyptian Mythology

[Prometheus]

398 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY

Unfortunately the word can be confused with one for " battle-ax"
(see Note 47). Even in pre-Osirian mythology the sun-god wields a
harpoon with hooks at both ends ( < ^ =|]^ ; Pyr. P. 121 2).
We can thus see that Egyptian art originally had in mind the strange
weapon carried by the Babylonian god of light, the short spear
with three points at both ends which the Greeks interpreted as the
thunderbolt of Zeus or the trident of Poseidon. When a serpent
winds around the head of the spear, this symbolizes the fiery rays of
the sun (p. 26, etc.). On the net as a weapon in this fight see p. 109.
It is not yet clear why Diodorus (i. 21) places the struggle near
Antaiopolis; the battle had many localizations.

102. For these "Typhonic" animals see Note 35 and Fig. 214. In
later times Seth himself very often appears as a crocodile (see Fig.
122).

103. This may be a reversion to the myth mentioned in Note 62
regarding the skin of the celestial divinity which is found in the
symbol standing before Osiris; on the confusion of this legend with
the myth of 'Apop, see pp. 127-28.

104. See pp. 104-06, The converse of this, i. e. the eschatologi-
cal interpretation, has not yet been demonstrated in Egyptian
mythology, where thus far we have no evidence of eschatological
speculations, although some theories on this subject probably existed.

105. Sothis is the sister of Orion {Pyr. 363 [1707]) and the "be-
loved daughter" of Osiris {Pyr. 965; an obscurer hint is found ib.
632); when Osiris is identified with Horus, she becomes his mother.

106. e.g. the Tale of the Two Brothers, the Haunted Prince, and
the myth in which Isis overcomes the sun-god by her magic (cf.
pp. 79-84). It is quite true that all of these, especially the Tale of
the Two Brothers, in which a woman, fair, faithless, and cruel, perse-
cutes the Osirian hero, being both his daughter, seducer, and mother,
are strongly influenced by Asiatic motifs, but the most characteristic
feature, the remorseful self-emasculation of Osiris or the sun-god
Re', is as old as the Book of the Dead, xvii. 29; i.e. it dates from the
Middle Empire. A variant of this myth is found in the Harris Magic
Papyrus, vii. 8, which is translated on p. 125. Here Horus (i. e. the
young Osiris) violates his mother Isis, whose tears at this outrage make
the Nile overflow, while its water is filled with the fish said to have
arisen when the virilia of Osiris were thrown into it, evidently by
himself in remorse for his sin; elsewhere these fish devour them
(Note 80). For a reverse variant, in which Horus beheads his
mother for some sin, see pp. 118, 126. The present writer has
shown {OL V. 348 [1902]) that in a magic text (A. Erman, Zau-
berspriiche, pp. 2, 7) we find an allusion to a wicked daughter of
Osiris, coming from Asia or Nubia (cf. Note 76), "who made bricks



NOTES 399

[the text should be corrected to read, 'wove a garment'] for him,"
these works of her fingers evidently being poisoned or otherwise
fatal. It is not yet clear why "she said of her father, 'May he
live on za^es-herhs and honey.'" In a story which strangely
confuses Osiris and Mykerinos, the builder of the Pyramids, Hero-
dotus (ii. 129-33) seems to regard Isis as the daughter of his hero,
whose death she causes. Cf. also the opposition of Osiris-Horus
and Sothis in Fig. 55, and see Note 85 on woman as the reason
why man forfeited immortality or failed to attain it; pp. 99-100
on Isis as united with the goddess of the region of the dead; and
p. 118 on her saving Seth and thus battling with the powers of light.

107. See the myths given on pp. 73 ff.

108. The Historical Papyrus of Turin enumerates the earthly
reigns of Qeb, Osiris, Seth, Horus, Thout, the queen Justice, and
Horus (the younger.'' cf. p. 117). The reasons for this sequence
are plain from the Osiris-myth.

109. For this jubilee see F. LI. Griffith, in AZ xxxviii. 71 ff. (1900).
no. For the myth of Adonis see Mythology of All Races, Boston,

1916, i. 198-99, and Note 112. That Byblos is really the Phoenician
city and not, as has been alleged, merely an erroneous interpretation
of the Greek word jSy/SXos, "papyrus" (referring to the papyrus thick-
ets in the Delta; p. 116), is directly asserted, at least by later texts,
as when Osiris is termed "bull of Byblos" (Lanzone, Dizionario,
p. 751). The goddess of Byblos was much worshipped in Egypt
from about 2000 b. c. onward (cf. p. 154). On the other hand, when
Osiris is said to dwell in the Oases {Book of the Dead, cxlii), this
merely characterizes him as lord of the west, the desert, and the
region of the dead.

III. Thus the killing of Adonis by the boar looks as though it
had been borrowed from a later explanation of Seth in animal form
(see Note 33 on his sacred animal); in other words, Syria appears
to have derived it from Egypt. Thus the pillar worshipped at Byb-
los (p. 154) seems to be simply the Egyptian symbol of Ded. On
the other hand, the Egyptian parallels to the "Gardens of Adonis,"
the images of Osiris made of sprouting grain to symbolize resurrec-
tion, cannot be traced before 1600 B.C., although it is in Egypt that
we find Osiris most clearly connected with the tree or plant of life
(p. 94, etc.). Tammuz as a shepherd has only rare parallels in Egypt,
e.g. in the Tale of the Two Brothers, which is manifestly Asiatized
(cf. Note 106), and in Orion watching over calves {Pyr. 1533, 1183);
but the role of Osiris as a neat-herd seems originally to have asso-
ciated him with the celestial cow, a thought which is not logically
expressed anywhere in Asia. The Tale of the Two Brothers appears,
indeed, to regard the younger, dying brother, Bati-Osiris (see Notes



400 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY

60, 106, and pp. 131-32), as the shepherd, although it does not dis-
tinctly state that the elder of the pair, Anubis (i.e. the predecessor of
Osiris as the god of the dead, and consequently the fosterer of him or
of his double, Horus; cf. p. 102), is the tiller of the soil as contrasted
with the shepherd. In the Leyden-London Gnostic Papyrus (vi. 2, 7;
xiv. 28; cf. also De Morgan, Ombos, nos. 66, 114) Anubis appears as
a neat-herd, though this may merely have been derived later from the
canine form of the deity. On the other hand, Osiris as patron of
agriculture (p. 113), and especially of the vine, harmonizes with the
myth of AdoAis. Thus shepherd and field-labourer seem to inter-
change freely in Egypt. In Asia the idea of the god in the floating
chest or ship (Note 29, etc.) is much more richly developed, while
the rivalry of the hero's two wives (perhaps the upper and lower
sky or world) is obscured in Egypt (Note 76). The high, conical
head-dress of Osiris reminds us of that of the Syrian gods (p. 156) and
seems quite distinctly to betray his Asiatic character.

112. The very scanty Babylonian material on this subject now
has been most completely gathered by H. Zimmem, "Der babylo-
nische Gott Tamijz," in Abhandlungen der koniglichen sdchsischen
Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, xxvii. 701-38 (1909). For a full dis-
cussion of analogues in other mythologies see Sir J. G. Frazer, The
Dying God (2nd ed., London, 191 1).

Chapter VI

1. Berlin papyrus of the Greek period, first translated by P. J.
de Horrack, Les Lamentations d'Isis et de Nephthys, Paris, 1866.
It claims to contain the words which restore Osiris to life and "place
Horus on his father's throne." On Osiris as "the one before the west"
see pp. 21, 98.

2. The fourth month.

3. Or, "the Heliopolitan" (?). In early times, it is true, Osiris
was not prominent at Heliopolis (but see p. 98). Others regard
this name as an allusion to the square pillars against which the figures
of Osiris usually lean. This pillar has nothing to do with the round
pillar of Ded (pp. 92-93).

4. For this title of Osiris see p. 97.

5. Page iv of the papyrus.

6. Or, "thou shinest "(.?).

7. i. e. manifestation; see p. 160 on this original etymology of
the word for " soul," and cf . Ch. IV, Note 90.

8. Page V of the papyrus.

9. Book of the Dead, cxii.

10. i.e. represented on a flower or plant, and, according to p. 50,



NOTES 401

often as a child. Here also "the green" probably meant originally
the ocean (Ch. Ill, Note 12); our text vainly tries to explain this
expression, which had become unintelligible. "Horus, the lord of the
four greens" {Pyr. 457), clearly refers to his birth in the four lakes
or sources of the Nile.

11. Harris Magic Papyrus, vii. 8.

12. We should expect "on the (dry) bottom," or "on the
bank."

13. Her, misplaced four words before.

14. Or, "again" (.?).

15. Thus Brugsch, Religion, p. 724; less probably, "Sothis."

16. From the calendar of lucky and unlucky days in the
Sallier Papyrus, IV. ii. 6, now in the British Museum (cf. Fig. 228.
Ch. XII, Note 7). This very important text seems to be an "Horus
awkward schoolboy's copy, like so many of the moFt interest- ^^ "',^
ing Egyptian manuscripts; hence it is often unintelligible.

17. The first month of the Egyptian calendar.

18. The name means "the place containing weapons," "the ar-
senal," so that the combat is localized near this city of the eastern
frontier of the Delta, not far from Heliopolis. On the hippopotamus-
shape, so contradictory to the use of weapons, see pp. 107, 118.

19. We are tempted to read "her metal." Otherwise Isis would
appear not only as the sorceress (p. 80), but also as Fate (p. 53).

20. Lacuna in the text.

21. The negative is omitted in the manuscript. Seth refers to his
former passion for Osiris (cf. Ch. V, Note 34).

22. Literally, "turning the back to speaking."

23. The phrase is obscure, but perhaps alludes to a renewal of
the combat in the sky.

24. Corrupted in the manuscript for "fixing a cow's head in its
place."

25. De I side et Osiride, xix-xx.

26. Budge, in ArchcBologia, Hi. 542 (1890); see p. 68 for the very
late manuscript from which the text is taken.

27. Manuscript, "goddess."

28. The children of the sun-god, created by him as has been de-
scribed on pp. 68-69.

29. Or, "as my limbs "(.?).

30. Thus after the analogy of other texts rather than "piercing."

31. i.e. Sekhmet; cf. p. 75 for a play on this name, and pp. 29-
30 for the sun as female.

32. Manuscript, "thou hast"(.?).

33. i.e. the sun, which he had swallowed (cf. p. 106).

34. Thus he is described as lying bound in the depths of the dry
XII — 27



402 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY

land; or, by a repetition of ideas (Budge, in ArchcBologia, Hi.
562 [1890]), he is guarded by Aker (cf. p. 43).

35. More literally, "I made his teeth jagged" (?).

36. A variant adds, "nor his neighbours," probably to be corrected
to "tribe," i.e. his kin.

37. Literally, "archive."

38. Budge, in Archcsologia, Hi. 555 (1890).

Chapter VII

1. This list includes most gods of any real importance; the in-
tentional exclusions are a few names whose reading is too uncertain
(for some of these cf. Ch. I, Note , some dubious Graeco-Roman
traditions, and most demons and astral beings who are rarely men-
tioned and for whom we cannot prove an actual cult. Sacred animals
and foreign deities will be considered in special chapters, although
some divinities who occasionally appear in animal form cannot here
be overlooked. A few references to names previously mentioned add
details.

2. K. Piehl, in AZ xix. 18 (1881).

3. See p. 21 for this rare instance of dissimilation of one god
into two.

4. See p. 164. Connexion with the constellation Aries through
the solarization of Amon is possible for the latest period, though
the hieroglyphs nowhere state it. For the different ram-headed forms
of the solar god see Ch. II, Note 15. Later the solarized Amon also
appears as the solar hawk (p. 24), usually with a human head (very
rarely as a crocodile). For a strange local form of Amon see G.
Daressy, in Annates du service des antiquites de VEgypte, ix. 64 (1908).

5. W. Spiegelberg, in AZ xHx. 127 (191 1).

6. She is thus confused with Mut (Naville, Shrine of Saft el
Henneh, Plate II).

7. Gayet, Louxor, Plate IX, etc.

8. Pyr. 182, 220, 614, 1833, and Brugsch, Dictionnaire geogra-
phique, p. 130; in the latter passage 'Anezti is localized in the eastern
Delta.

9. See K. Sethe and A. H. Gardiner, in AZ xlvii. 49 (1910).

10. See W. Golenischeff, in AZ xx. 125 (1882), where his sacred
plant (like ivy .'') is also depicted.

11. e.g. Naville, Shrine of Saft el Henneh, Plate VI.

12. Mariette, Denderah, iv. 81, Pyr. 556, Lacau, Sarcophages, p.
226. Her name, "the Flaming One" (cf. aseb, "flaming," as applied
to male gods in Book of the Dead, Ixix), may refer to her serpent's
form.




NOTES 403

13. For this deity see Ch. VIII, Note i. He is scarcely identical
with the special patron of the old king Per-eb-sen (Petrie, Royal
Tombs, i. Plate XIX, ii. Plates XXI-XXIII), a god who usually has
a hawk's head and a name with many variants which possibly is to
be read "the One of the Horus-Lake."

14. Pyr. W. 644 ff. The Pyramid Texts generally write Babi {Pyr.
568) or Baibu; and the query arises whether the "Babui with red
ears and striped loins" {Pyr. 604), i.e. a striped hyena, is identical.
Even in these earliest texts the god seems to belong to the realm of
magic. Later his name is etymologically connected with baba,
"hole, cave," as is possibly the case on p. 84.

15. Ixiii. His great sexual power also harmonizes with his Osirian
character (Schack-Schackenburg, Buck von den zwei We gen, xvi. 9).
In Pyr. 419 Babi is associated with Chemmis (i. e. a comparison
with the ithyphallic Min.'' cf. p. 138).

16. xvii, cxxv, and ed. Lepsius, xxx.

17. See E. Naville, in AZ xliii. yj (1906), who identifies him with
Bat (pp. 40-41) and accordingly endeavours to see in him a double-
faced bull, like the one represented in Fig. 2 {d). A trace of a Baiti as
Osiris may be found in Book of the Dead, cxlii. 14, but the Horus-
Baiti of Pyr. 580, 767, and "the two souls" (baiui) in human form
of Pyr. 13 14 and Borchardt, Sa^ku-re', Plate XIX, seem to be different.

18. In the Book of the Gates (Bonomi and Sharpe, Oimenepthah,
Plate XII) a monstrous serpent of the underworld is called Bi^(!),
Bita, and is already confused with Seth-'Apop. The fact that on his
two heads he wears the crown of Upper Egypt again connects Bati
with Babi and strengthens the suspicion that the two names were
confused at an early date. Cf., perhaps. Fig. 2 {e), which would well
explain the mingling of a bull-deity and a serpent-god. Naville {Fes-
tival Hall, Plate X) records the orthography Batbat {sic) beside Bat.
It is uncertain whether a monkey-shaped genius Eb'ebta, Ebta,
Ebi(.^)u belongs here.

19. Vice versa, both appear as vultures (De Morgan, Ombos, no.
329). Originally Buto seems to have presided only over that quarter
of her city which was called Pe(y). "The Goddess of Pe" (Peyet)
and "the One of Dep" (Depet) (Naville, Festival Hall, Plate VII)
may be diiferentiations or divinities who earlier were distinct. Is
the leontocephalous Uazet (Naville, Shrine of Soft el Henneh, Plate
VI) a rare form of Buto.^

20. The oldest pronunciation was Zedet {Pyr. iioo), and Zedut is
found even in Mariette, Denderah, i. 6 e, as contrasted with ii. 27.
Cf. Ch. V, Note 3.

21. The pronunciation Dua(u) is given by Pyr. 480, 994, 1155,
and the connexion with Herakleopolis by Naville, Festival Hall,



404 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY

Plate IX, where the symbol looks more like a nose. The comparison
of Mariette, Denderah, iv. 21 and 32, now proves beyond doubt that
the reading Khonsu for the symbol (p. 34) is a later error for the
correct " Herakleopolitan."

22. Petrie, Royal Tombs, i. Plate X, Borchardt, Sa'hu-re\ Plate
XIX (where the god appears in human shape), Mariette, Les Mas-
taba, p. 366, etc. For the pronunciation cf. Pyr. 631, where possibly
we should read "the Divine Worshipper," so that assimilation with
the morning star would be complete even there. The divine symbol,
of course, has only a very remote resemblance to a bearded chin; it
must have been an old unintelligible sculpture, like the pillar of
Osiris (pp. 92-93).

23. Pyr. 1428, 2042.

24. ib. 632, 1428.

25. Petrie, Royal Tombs, ii. Plate V.

26. Pyr. 198, etc.

27. See H. Junker, "Der Auszug der Hathor-Tefnut aus Nubien,"
in ABAW, 191 1, p. 37, for material regarding him. The comparison
with Shu also rests on the myth given on pp. 86-90.

28. The name may likewise mean "Mistress of the Northland"
(Emhit).

29. Mariette, Denderah, iii. 36.

30. Pyr. 288.

31. ib. 1013, etc.

32. Naville, Shrine of Saft el Henneh, Plate V.

33. The form Heqit appears in Book of the Dead, ed. Lepsius,
cxlii. 5.

34. "Hesat bore the celestial bull" {Pyr. 2080).

35. This is now proved for Isis-Hesat; see Petrie and Mackay,
Heliopolis, Kafr Ammar, and Shurafa, Plates XLI ff. Even by the
time of the later Egyptians the name seems often to have been
misread Hetmet (cf. the following Note).

36. Lepsius, Denkmdler, iv. 65. The serpent Hetmet (Mariette,
Denderah, iii. 75), or Hetmut {Pyr. 485), seems to be distinct (cf. the
preceding Note).

37. Pyr. 1210, where she is called "daughter of Qeb," apparently
associated even then with Isis. Is she identical with "the great
maiden {hunet) in Heliopolis" {Pyr. 728, 809, etc.).''

38. He was perhaps localized at or near Akhmin (see Lacau,
Sarcophages, p. 17). He is mentioned in Pyr. 1603 and appears in
Memphis (L. Borchardt, in AZ xlii. 83 [1905]). His name was mis-
read An-mutef by Egyptian scribes themselves, and in Mariette,
Denderah, iii. 36, the disfigured form Mer-mut-f is found.

39. In Pyr. 1226 the soul of the dead is endangered by Kenemti,

[Prometheus]

NOTES 405

a demon in the form of a bird or of a leopard, or wearing a leopard's
skin. Once more we see how many forgotten gods were embodied
in the decanal stars (pp. 57, 59).

40. This is our provisional reading of the divine name, meaning
"the One from the Mountainous, Foreign, Country" (Navllle, Deir
el Bahari, Plate LXIII, Lanzone, Dizionario, p. 995, etc.), so long
as its exact pronunciation is uncertain. The name is now read Ahu
by many scholars, but the orthography Ha (Pyr. M. 1013 [= Horus],
699, etc.). Hat {Pyr. 1284; cf. also Naville, Festival Hall, Plate XH)
points at least to a pronunciation Ahuti.

41. Book of the Dead, ed. Lepsius, i. 21, etc.

42. So also von Bergmann, Buck vom Durchzvandeln, 1. 70, where
she is confused with the birth-goddess Heqet.

43. The Greek form of this divine name is based on the (later.'')
pronunciation Khnuv, which is implied also in the Ethiopian hiero-
glyphic orthography Knufi (Lepsius, Denkmdler, v. 39) and Khnf;
the Kvr](f) of Plutarch {De Iside et Osiride, xxi) is problematic.
On Khnum's wife (at Esneh .?) see Heqet (pp. 50-52, 133-34); on
his two wives at Elephantine see p. 20; on his connexion with the
abyss and the lower world and on his later function as creator see
pp. 50-52.

44. Cf. p. 106. That her symbol was usually connected with the
hieroglyph shems, " to follow," as shown in our illustration (taken from
Petrie, Royal Tombs, ii. Plate VH, where a different representation is
also found), is confirmed by Pyr. M. 608 = Pyr. N. 121 3, Pyr. 280,
1 21 2. Her localization in the twelfth nome of Upper Egypt (Pyr.
1258) is questionable, and the site of her temple, "the House of Life"
(Pyr. 440, etc.), is unknown.

45. Pyr. 1440.

46. Mariette, Monuments divers, p. 46.

47. Mehit with a human head and two high feathers in Mariette,
Denderah, iv. 29, seems to be a different deity.

48. Book of the Dead, clxxx.

49. Mariette, Denderah, iv. 29. The name is written Menhiu in
Book of the Dead, xvii. 59, ed. Lepsius (Menhu, ed. Budge); the old
manuscripts, however, read Amon or Hemen.

50. Book of the Dead, xci, see also cxlii, V. 26, Mariette, Den-
derah, iv. 6, 15, De Morgan, Ombos, no. 112, von Bergmann, Buch
vom Durchzvandeln, 1. 71.

51. In this capacity she equals Muut, Muit (p. 46), and it is even
possible that her name was so read.

52. Naville, Shrine of Saft el Henneh, Plate IV.

53. Mariette, Denderah, ii. 66, Lepsius, Denkmdler, iv. 26, 74, De
Morgan, Ombos, no. 963.



4o6 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY

54. A. Erman, in ATj xxxviii. 20 (1900).

55. His name is also written Mnrui(?). The Greek transcription
M.avhovKi'i suggests that the ordinary orthography is abridged. A
Greek inscription from Kalabsheh, in Nubia, edited by H. Gau-
thier, in Annales du service des antiquites de VEgypte, x. 68 ff. [1910],
seems to connect him with an otherwise unknown goddess Breith.

56. The name was formerly misread Khem, Amsi, etc.

57. Our picture (after Mariette, Denderah, i. 23) seems to indi-
cate that later the mysterious rite was interpreted partly as a pil-
grimage to the god's chapel on a high rock and partly as a symbolic
striving after wealth and honour from the divinity. The earliest
representations of the ceremony, however (MiiUer, Egyptological
Researches, i. Plate XLH, Gayet, Louxor, Plate X), contain no such
speculations and do not even connect it with the ascent to Min's
chapel.

58. For these statues see J. Capart, Les Debuts de Vart en Egypte^
Brussels, 1904, p. 217.

59. Thus he appears on a relief of the Middle Empire in the Metro-
politan Museum of Art, New York. Cf. also his variant, the blue
Amon (p. 129); for the confusion of black and blue see Ch. HI,
Note 10.

60. Cf. Note 15 and Ch. V, Notes 80, 106. Hence Min is also
"the beloved one" {Pyr. 953) and later becomes associated with
Qedesh-Astarte (p. 156).

61. Perhaps this interpretation was aided by a misunderstanding
of the representation of his sacred trees as ears of grain.

62. In Pyr. 1378 he flies to heaven, i.e. is already identified with
the solar hawk.

63. So Naville, Shrine of Saft el Henneh, Plate II. Once he is rep-
resented with a strange animal head (Lanzone, Dizionario, p. 386).
His lion's head seems to be derived from that of his mother, Sekhmet.

64. Pyr. 1 146 (cf. ib. 483.?).

65. This identification with 'Apop occurs as early as Harris Magic
Papyrus, v. 7.

66. Mariette, Denderah, iii. 69, Lanzone, Dizionario, Plate CLXXI V.
6y. This unusual pronunciation of the feminine termination as

-th is a local and possibly non-Egyptian archaism, parallel to the
long preservation of the feminine ending -t of 'Anuqet in the semi-
Egyptian region near the First Cataract.

68. With these weapons she drives evil spirits away from sleepers
(G. Daressy, in Annales du service des antiquites de VEgypte, x. 177
([1910]).

69. Even in the Middle Empire the sign was entirely disfigured
(De Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour, p. 104), and this was the case as



NOTES 407

early as Pyr. 489. For later misinterpretations see Mariette, Den-
derah, iv. 4, etc.

70. The famous statement of Plutarch {De Iside et Osiride, ix)
regarding an alleged mysterious inscription, "None hath ever lifted
my garment," seems to be nothing more than a fanciful misinter-
pretation of references to her good fabrics for the burial of Osiris
(see Pierret, Etudes egyptologiqiies, p. 45, Budge, Gods, p. 460, etc.)-

71. She was also called "the great wild cow" and at the same time
"long-haired" {Pyr. 728, 2003, etc.). She was likewise worshipped
at some neighbouring places, above all at Fa'get (Fa'giet) and
Herakleopolis Magna.

72. Naville, Festival Hall, Plate IX. At This-Abydos Ophois
seems to have been known in the early period principally as the
wolf (.'') -god of the necropolis. For his name "the One Before the
Westerners" and for his change of character see pp. 21, 98. A
local form, "Ophois from his Tamarisk," is mentioned in Pyr.
126, etc.

73. The vulture-goddess Pekhat {Book of the Dead, ed. Lepsius,
clxiv. 12) is probably to be distinguished from this divinity.

74. In this colour we are tempted to see a non-Egyptian character-
istic, for usually only women (who are less exposed to the sun than
are men) and some foreigners are painted yellow. The yellow skin
of Heka, the god of magic (Borchardt, Sa'hu-re', Plate XX), and
sometimes of Thout, suggests, however, other explanations for this
feature, seeming to indicate a retired, reflective nature, scholarship,
and wisdom, in that he stays diligently in his workship.

75. This epithet is found as early as Pyr. 560.

76. Hence "Ptah, resting on justice, satisfied with justice,"
sometimes appears as the god who watches over oaths; cf. p. 234
for texts referring to this function. Osiris often stands on a similar
pedestal, a like explanation being given (p. 97).

77. "Ptah opens the mouth (of the dead) with his stylus of metal"
(Virey, Tombeau de Rekhmara, p. 168), i.e. to restore his speech. In
this capacity he may perhaps already be confused with Sokari, and
as a potter, probably, with Nuu-Khnum. For the ceremony cf. p. 181.

78. Was the situation of Memphis near the great division of the
Nile one of the reasons for this identification, or was it, rather, Ptah's
claim to be the oldest of all the gods, like Nuu .''

79. See pp. 220-22 for the later, pantheistic conception of Ptah as
the god of the universe; for his later son, I-m-hotep, see p. 171, and
on his late association with Astarte see Ch. VIII, Note 9.

80. Pyr. 468, 1 180, 1348, 2153.

81. Mariette, Bender ah, iv. 55, etc.

82. "The two maidens" as mothers of Osiris {Book of the Dead,



4o8 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY

cxlii. 14) seem to mean Isis and Nephthys as a later interpretation
and have no association with Triphis. The earliest orthography of
Repit's name (e.g. K. Piehl, in ATL xix. 18 [1881]) appears to connect
it with a word re-pit, "statue in a small chapel," so that all the ety-
mologies cited above would be secondary.

83. The form Sept occurs in Pyr. 11 16.

84. Louvre C 15, etc. (ed. A. Gayet, Musee du Louvre: Steles de la
douzieme dynastie, Paris, 1889).

85. Pyr. 1575, etc.

86. Formerly the name was erroneously read Sekhet, Pakht, etc.
The vocalization Sokhmet is unsafe.

87. Pyr. 606, 1375, etc.

88. Cf. pp. 104, 157, Ch. V, Note 43. See also Pyr. 1274, etc.,
Petrie, Gizeh and Rifeh, Plate XIII f, etc.

89. Pyr. 489.

90. Naville, Festival Hall, Plate VIII.

91. If the orthography in Pyr. 1139, 1751, is really to be read
Semtet, she would seem to be "the goddess of the necropolis," this
word being written Semit in Petrie, Gizeh and Rifeh, Plate IX,
though elsewhere in the Ancient Empire it appears as St.

92. Cf. Naville, Shrine of Soft el Henneh, Plate II.

93. ib.

94. Lanzone, Dizionario, p. 11 70, Plate XV.

95. The name is written with an arm holding a sceptre {Pyr. P.
662) or a child {Pyr. M. 773), which seems to confirm the fact that
the later orthography Shenet is identical. It is doubtful whether
Pyr. 444, 681, 689 characterize her as a serpent (for the serpent as
an emblem of all goddesses see p. 166). For Shentet's identification
with Isis see Lanzone, Dizionario, p. 11 78, and Book of the Dead, ed.
Lepsius, cxlii. 17. The temple of (Per-)Shentit (von Bergmann,
Buch vom Durchwandeln, 1. 54, Mariette, Denderah, iv. 35) was
probably the one in Abydos (Lanzone, op. cit. p. 729).

96. Naville, Shrine of Saft el Henneh, Plate VI.

97. Pyr. 1 1 96, 2013.

98. Earlier orthographies were Sbek, Sbeuk; in the Fayum a late
local form was called Petesuchos ("Gift of Sobk"). In Pyr. 507 Sobk
wears a green feather.

99. The origin of this seems to be that the Pharaohs of the Twelfth
Dynasty built their residence in the Fayum. Thus the Sobk of the
city of Shedet became the official god of all Egypt and was neces-
sarily solarized, this being evident as early as the "Hymns to the
Diadem of the Pharaoh" (ed. A. Erman, in ABAW, 191 1, p. 24,
etc.). Accordingly he has "the solar eye of Sobk on his head" {Book
of the Dead, cxxv, ad fin.), and this solarization was furthered by



NOTES 409

the clerical error (or change) in the manuscripts of the Book of the
Dead which altered Sobk's home Ba'eru into Bekhu, i.e. the moun-
tain of sunrise. Later he was also compared on rare occasions to the
earth-god Qeb, but the reason for this is quite obscure.

100. This was the case in the city of Apis in the Delta, even at a
time which regarded the crocodile as "Typhonic" (p. 107). A (late.'*)
female form, Sobket, had to be compared with Sobk's wife or
mother, Neith, and must be distinguished from an earlier leonto-
cephalous goddess Seqbet {Book of the Dead, ed. Lepsius, cxliv. V).

loi. Pyr. 445, etc.

102. This is as early as Pyr. W. 211, which mentions "Horus in
his sledge-bark"; cf. Pyr. T. 270 and Pyr. 1429 for the explanation
of his bark as solar; in Pyr. 1824 Sokar is already the solarized
Osiris.

103. A. Erman, in AZ xxxviii. 29-30 (1900) (Twentieth Dynasty).

104. Sop is clearly one with the god Sepa {Book of the Dead, xvii;
identified with Osiris ?). In the same text, Ixix. 6, 8, where he may
be identified with Anubis, Sop's name is written with the sign of
the centipede {Pyr. M. 763, etc.), which later scribes mistook for a
backbone, etc. The latest spelling was S'ep (von Bergmann, Buch
vom Durchzvandeln, 1. 49). It is uncertain whether he was worshipped
in Hebet (see G. Maspero, "Memoire sur quelques papyrus du
Louvre, " in Notices et extraits des manuscrits de la Bibliotheque Na-
tional, xxiv. 24 [1883]). Manetho blended Joseph and Moses into
one personality, substituting Osiris for Hebrew Y6 = Yahveh (regarded
as the first component of Joseph's name), and thus reconstructing the
name as half Egyptian and half Hebrew. In his association of Sop's
name with Heliopolis he is supported by "Atum of Sep(a)" {Book of
the Dead, cxxv).

105. For this god see E. Naville, The Shrine of Saft el Henneh
and the Land of Goshen, London, 1887. The Asiatized picture given
in the text (taken from Borchardt, Sa'hu-re\ i. Plate V) is the old-
est known. His sacred kesbet-tree or kesbet-trees {Pyr. 1476, etc.)
were subsequently mistaken for sycamores {nubs), whence the later
name of his city.

106. Diimichen, Patuamenap, Plate XV. The site of her city,
Tatet, Taitet {Pyr. 737, 1642, 1794, etc.), is unknown.

107. Pyr. 290.

108. Thus A. Wiedemann, in PSBA xxiii. 272 (1901).

109. Her name Is not to be read Bast(et), as many Egyptologists
still think.

no. With greater correctness we might write this name Weng(i),
and so the following names, Wert, Wesret, etc. ; but cf . the preface on
the popularization of transliteration. For Ung see Pyr. 607, 952.



4IO EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY

111. Naville, Shrine of Saft el Henneh, Plate VI.

112. Pyr. W. 329.

113. Petrie, Jthribis, Plate XVIII.

114. Pyr. 650 (619), 1 153.

115. ib, 631, etc.

116. ib. 662.

117. ib. 994, 1476.

118. ib. 131, 1537.

119. Ahmed Bey Kamal, in Annates du service des antiquites de
VEgypte, xiii. 170 (191 3).

Chapter VIII

1. Foreign countries in general were thought to be under the
protection of Hat-hor, the goddess of heaven; and for this reason we
find her especially in Nubia, on the coast of the Red Sea, in the
Sinaitic Peninsula (Ch. Ill, Note 12), and as the goddess of the Liby-
ans (Champollion, Notices, ii. 208). It is not safe to call divinities of
frontier districts foreign gods, because they are sometimes said to be
masters of the alien countries adjoining; thus Neith of Sai's has no
trace of a Libyan origin or character (p. 142), neither is Min of
Koptos (pp. 137-39) really a Troglodyte god, although they
are called respectively "mistress of the Libyans" and "master of
the Troglodytes." In like manner the deity "Ash, the lord of the
Libyans," who introduces these barbarians by the side of the
goddesses of the west (Borchardt, Sa'hu-re', Plate I; cf. p. 131), is
still an Egyptian divinity. See also on Sopd and Khasti, pp. 149,

134-

2. Manifest Asiatic tendencies are found even in the Pyramid
Texts; see e. g. p. 104 on the approximately datable adoption of the
myth of the cosmic serpent; Ch. Ill, Note 70, on the blind Orion-
type; p. 109 on the spear of the celestial god; p. 58 on the double
Orion, etc.; and, above all, p. 120 on the great difficulty of deciding
exactly which details of the Osiris-myth were native to Egypt and
which were received from abroad, although it is probable that it
had its roots in the myth of the dying god from countries east and
north of Egypt (p. 120). The tendency to make all goddesses
celestial runs remarkably parallel with Asiatic theology and leads
us to the prehistoric age.

3. For the raised foot of the running Orion see p. 57. We have
already found (pp. 80-83) another reason for the lifted foot of the
walking sun-god or of his representative at night, Orion, in a ver-
sion which makes Isis-Virgo wickedly use the serpent against the
god, thus showing the same Asiatic motifs inverted.



NOTES 411

4. On the general problem of relationship, especially between
the Egyptian and the Babylonian religions, see A. Jeremias, Die
Panbabylonisten, der alte Orient und die dgyptische Religion, Leipzig,
1907. This very suggestive little study, however, contains some
comparisons which are quite strained. While it is a great step in
advance no longer to consider the Egyptian religion as an isolated
growth, the claims of some zealous "pan-Babylonians " to treat it
as nothing but a mechanical reproduction of Babylonian beliefs are
erroneous. See pp. 56-57 for the remarkable fact that not even the
astronomical basis of the major part of the Babylonian religion was
reproduced in earlier Egypt, which had an astronomy that was
widely different. It is only in the Grseco-Roman period that we
find many mechanical copies of Babylonian doctrines, e. g. in astrol-
ogy or magic (see p. 200).

5. For fuller information on these deities see Miiller, Asien und
Euro-pa, p. 309.

6. This cap, plaited of rushes, is the characteristic head-dress
of most Asiatic gods. We have already noted (Ch. V, Note iii)
that its regular occurrence with Osiris, as originally a divinity of
Lower Egypt, where this type of crown would be unsuitable, may
be a bond of union between Osiris and Asia.

7. Like Orion as well. For this ribbon see Ch. Ill, Note 70.

8. See W. Spiegelberg, in Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie, xiii. 120
(1898).

9. From this most famous temple of hers she is called "daughter
of Ptah " in fragments of a strange tale (W. Spiegelberg, in PSBA
xxiv. 49 [1902]), in which, after wandering between Egypt and Syria,
she appears sitting naked on the sea-shore like the Greek Aphrodite
or the Asiatic "daughter of the sea " (i.e. Astarte).

10. The lion's head in Fig. 160 shows Astarte confused with the
warlike Sekhmet, her neighbour in Memphis (pp. 146-47; so also
De Morgan, Ombos, no. 208 .''). For the double nature of Astarte cf.
likewise on 'Anat (p. 156).

11. This is an astral myth: Virgo stands on Leo, holding Spica
and Hydra, which recurs in the legends telling how Isis conquered
the sun-god by a serpent (pp. 79-83) or aided him (cf. p. 153).
Egyptian mythology could also consider it as a reversion of an
Egyptian mythological idea (see pp. 29, 88 on the asp as a lost
member of the solar deity).

12. The name also seems to be written Dedunti. It is rather
strange that the ancient hieroglyph is not clearly recognized in Pyr.
803, 994, 1718, and this would appear to militate against reading
this divine name in the appellation of King Menenre', Dedun(.'')-
em-sa(u)-f. Manetho read this M€domov(l>is, i.e. with the god-name



412 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY

Mehti. It is possible that we have here a confusion of Egyptian
divinities whose names were written similarly, or that Dedun,
when transferred to Egypt, assumed different local
designations.

13. Quibell, Hierakonpolis, Plates XIX (with

V^ J_^__^ emblems of war and conquest), XXXIV. In like

^^7 JJ^^^S manner both names occur in the tomb of Menes

K-JS^"^^^^ (Petrie, Royal Tombs, i. Plate III). Dedun is men-

tioned among Egyptian gods (Quibell, op. cit. i.

Fig. 229. Symbol pj^^g XXVI c), as is Selqet alone (ib. Plates XVII,

OF ELQET AS THE ^yjjj^ ctc.) ; both arc shown on other prehistoric

vessels (Petrie, Diospolis Parva, Plate XVI).
14. The theory that Bes was an East African or Arabian deity
must, however, now be abandoned; cf. p. 62.

[Prometheus]

Chapter IX

I. This subject has been treated especially by A. Wiedemann in
various essays (see the literature cited in his Religion of the Ancient
Egyptians, London, 1897, p. 172) and in his Tierkult der alten Aegypter,
Leipzig, 191 2. The most complete treatise is by T. Hopfner, Tierkult
der alten Aegypter, Vienna, 191 3.

2. Epet, originally a mixed form, appears as a hippopotamus
only in more recent times (p. 59). The association of this animal
with Seth belongs to the very latest period (p. 118 and Ch. V, Note

35)-

3. See Ch. IV, Note 90, on this real meaning of the ordinary

word for "soul."

4. For the earliest examples of such mixed representations of
deities see Petrie, Royal Tombs, ii. Plates XXI ff. (from the First
Dynasty f) ; cf . also the confused description of the goddess Nekhbet
(Ch. VII, Note 71). A remarkable attempt of a very advanced Egyp-
tian thinker to explain the origin of the sacred animals in his own
peculiar way has been mentioned on p. 85; this shows the difficulty
which that remnant of antiquity began to present.

5. In the Grseco-Roman period he was called Serapis, i.e. Osor-
hap (see p. 98 for this etymology). Sometimes he seems to have
been confused with Hepi, a son of Osiris-Horus (p. 112), as in Pyr.
13 13. For the etymology "the Runner" see the orthography in
Mariette, Les Mastaba, p. 183.

6. There is a tradition, though of questionable authority, that
the priests drowned the Apis when he reached the age of twenty-
five years. This drowning would again imply the explanation as
the Nile and Osiris.



NOTES 413

7. Seventy is a characteristic cosmic number; cf. Ch. V, Note
75, on the more exact number seventy-two as expressing the circle
of the year.

8. A cattle owner is denounced for having ill-treated a calf with
sacred marks (a Mnevis) and his mother (W. Spiegelberg, in ATj
xxix. 82 [1891]).

9. Hence the bull appears on the Roman coins of the nome of
Her-monthis; see p. 139 on the original form of Mon^u.

10. Ahmed Bey Kamal, in Annales du service des antiquites de
VEgypte, V. 198 (1904).

11. The black colour of most of these sacred animals seems to
confirm the suspicion that the celestial bull or cow was soon sought
in them (see Ch. Ill, Note 10, for the identity of black and blue),
although in general the beginning of their worship must have been
much earlier than this cosmic interpretation (p. 160).

12. This designation seems to show that the fusion of the pillar-
god of Busiris (p. 92) and of the Mendes-" spirit" was earlier than
the explanation of the former as the dying god Osiris.

13. See p. 28 and Lanzone, Dizionario, Plate LXVII, 2 (which
also proves that the Egyptians did not take the word b(a)i to mean
"ram," but "soul"). The Stele of Mendes (cf. E. Naville, Jhnas
el Medineh, London, 1894, pp. 20-21) and the Hibeh Hymn (1. 27;
see p. 221 for this text from the Persian period) identify this god with
"the living soul" of Shu, Qeb, Osiris, Re', etc., i.e. pantheistically
with the entire world (cf. the underlying idea of the four elements,
p. 66, and perhaps likewise the deity with the four rams' heads, ib.).

14. It might be supposed that the race of sheep with wide-spread-
ing horns could, when it had later become extinct, be misunderstood
as goats in the old pictures, or that a goat was substituted when
these sheep had disappeared, or that for superstitious reasons the
goat was not called by its correct designation; but none of these
explanations is convincing. That the Greeks were not wrong is
shown by Lanzone, Dizionario, Plate LXVII, i, where a goat ap-
pears with the inscription "the divine soul (or, "ram".''), the chief
of the gods" (cf. also the designation of the universal god as hai
["buck"] in the Hibeh Hymn, 1. 27). Mummies of goats, both male
and female, have been found in Upper Egypt as well.

15. See Mariette, Denderah, iv. 80, Naville, Shrine of Saft el
Henneh, Plate VI.

16. See the present writer's remarks on this name (first explained
by Lefebure) in MFG, xvii. 290 (1913). The best picture, repro-
duced in Fig. 172, is taken from Naville, Shrine of Saft el Henneh,
Plate VII.

17. The name means "the shining one," perhaps because of its



414 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY

white feathers (cf, the paronomasia in Pyr. 1652). This explains
why at Heliopolis it could be interpreted as a symbol of light.

18. These tales begin with Herodotus, ii. 73.

19. On the goose of Amon see p. 129; on the goose later attributed
to Qeb p. 42; on the ibis of Thout pp. 33-34; on the hawk or falcon
of Horus p. loi. All these birds, however, had little prominence;
cf. pp. 167-68.

20. XVII. i. 38 (= pp. 811-12, ed. Casaubon).

21. Mariette, Denderah, iii. 28, 29, etc. A picture (ib. iv. 25)
also shows us, it is true, four lions as traditional guardians of the
temple and represents them as being fed, but these were scarcely
living animals.

22. XVII. i. 22 (= p. 803, ed. Casaubon).

23. In similar fashion cosmic types like the bull and the hawk
may have taken the place of other animals in this period (see p. 160
and Note ii).

24. See F. Preisigke and W. Spiegelberg, Die Prinz Joachim
Ostraka, Strassburg, 1914, for documents of the inspection of such
"tombs of gods," and cf. W. Spiegelberg, in Report on Some Excava-
tions in the Necropolis of Thebes, London, 1908, pp. 19 ff. On the
inability of the masses to distinguish between "divine " and "sacred "
see p. 161.

25. See Ch. I, Note 3, on the difficulty of separating these under-
lying ideas.

26. Cf. e.g. Newberry and Griffith, Beni Hasan, ii. Plate XIII,
as to what strange creatures hunters expected to see in the desert.

27. For the divinity of the kings see especially A. Moret, Du
caractere religieux de la royaute pharaonique, Paris, 1902, and S. A. B.
Mercer, in Journal of the Society of Oriental Research, i. 10 (1917)
(where references to the general literature are given).

28. Naville, Deir el Bahari, Plate LI (with an alternating syn-
onym for ka), etc.

29. Temples at Deir el-Bahri, Luxor, Edfu (ed. Naville, Gayet,
and Chcissinat respectively), etc. The theory of divine incarnation
which arti'sts and poets describe on these monuments — with an excess
of detail for modern taste — is that the sun-god (Amon), attracted
by the charms of the queen and falling in love with her, approaches
her by filling the Pharaoh with his soul. The child born of such a
union is, therei'^ore, the offspring of the god as well as of the king.

30. U. Wilcken, in AZ xlii. 11 1 (1905).

31. The staten?ent that he came from Kochome, i.e. "the City of
the Black Bull," or from Athribis looks like a later theory derived
from the name of his father (= Apis) in an effort to explain his
divinity. .



\



NOTES 415

32. Lepsius, Denkmdler, iv. 73, etc. Such cults seem to have flour-
ished especially in Nubia.

Chapter X

1. For special studies of this subject see A. Wiedemann, The
Ancient Egyptian Doctrine of the Immortality of the Soul, English tr.,
London, 1895, E. A. W. Budge, Egyptian Ideas of the Future Life,
London, 1908, G. A. Reisner, The Egyptian Conception of Immor-
tality, London, 191 2.

2. Possibly, however, this custom may have been understood as
equipment for becoming a "follower of the sun-god," a member of
his crew (pp. 26, 55).

3. That ka is merely an earlier and more carefully chosen word
for " soul " is evident from the interchange of both terms, e. g. in
cases of divine incarnation in animals (p. 165) and men (p. 170).
The original etymology of the word is disputed. The higher mean-
ing attributed to the term ka is also revealed in the prevailing idea
that in form it is a double of man's personality (cf. Fig. 180). As
another word for "soul" the term ikh is found as early as Pyr. 403,
etc.

4. Since cremation was believed to involve the complete anni-
hilation of personality, it was feared as endangering the very ex-
istence of the soul (see A, Erman, Gesprdch eines Lebensmiiden mit
seiner Seele, Berlin, 1 896); drowning, on the contrary, made one like
Osiris and was a blessed death (F. LI. Griffith, in JZ xlvi. 132 [1910]).

5. This must not be mistaken, as it often is, for the Indian doc-
trine of transmigration of souls. It is most obviously a survival of
the primitive animism described in Ch. I. Animals have no soul un-
less a human or divine soul temporarily makes its abode in them.

6. If we correctly understand the numerous invocations against
"dead, male or female," such lurking spirits were feared and seem
to have been considered the cause of Illness. A papyrus contains a
curious letter written by a widower to his deceased wife (tr. G.
Maspero, In JJ VII. xv. 371-82 [1880]), enumerating all the kind-
ness which he had shown her in her lifetime and at her burial and
begging her to leave him in peace; it does not state whether dis-
turbing dreams were meant or whether Illness was attributed to her.

7. The Egyptian title is The Book of Coming Forth by Day (I. e.
with the morning sun). It Is wholly erroneous to call It the "Bible
of the Egyptians"; although it Is a rich mine of Information, it does
not seek to formulate the creed. The text, ultimately codified after
700 B.C., was first edited by R. Lepsius (Leipzig, 1842) and better
by E. Naville (Berlin, 1886); it has been translated into English by



4i6 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY

Lepage Renouf (London, 1904) and E. A. W. Budge (London, 1901).
Smaller works (in part imitations and extracts) of this kind are The
Book of Respiration (ed. H. K. Brugsch, Sdi An Sinsin, Berlin, 185 1),
The Book "That my Name may Flourish" (ed. J. Lieblein, Leipzig,
1895), The Book of Wandering through Eternity (ed. E. von Berg-
mann, Vienna, 1877), The Rituals of Embalmment (ed. G. Maspero,
in "Memoire sur quelques papyrus du Louvre," in Notices et extraits
des manuscrits de la Bibliotheque Nationale, xxiv. 14-51 [1883]), The
Rituals of Funerary Offerings (ed. E. Schiaparelli, Turin, 1881-90),
etc. Forerunners of the Book of the Dead — apart from the Pyra-
mid Texts, our oldest Egyptian religious documents — are such works
as The Book of the Two Ways (ed. H. Schack-Schackenburg, Leipzig,
1903; better ed. P. Lacau, in RT xxix. 143-50 [1907]).

8. This number corresponds to that of the nomes in Egypt
(pp. 17-18), whence the manuscripts make unsatisfactory attempts
to localize all judges in these nomes. Does the number survive in
the Ethiopic Liturgy, where the priest, after saying the Kyrie thrice,
repeats it secretly forty-two times (S. A. B. Alercer, The Ethiopic
Liturgy, Milwaukee, 1915, p. 360).?

9. Originally they were for the most part evil demons, as is ob-
vious in the case of Neheb-kau, the " Overthrower of Souls " (p. 141),
who later cannot entirely deny his evil source (cf. Ch. V, Notes

43, 54)-

10. This may perhaps show that originally, as we have suggested
(pp. 33-34), they were two distinct gods.

11. Pyr. 1 1 12, etc.

12. In the early texts the "fields of sacrifices {1 Pyr. 471 has the
variant, "of those at rest"), of sprouts {earu), of altars, of malachite"
(pp. 55, 97, Ch. Ill, Note 12), etc., were originally green pleasure-
places in heaven, with lakes and canals depicted in the stars (p. 55);
they were not yet fields for toil. Cf. also Ch. II, Note 10, for the
"jackal lake." The "lakes of the (female) worshippers" (duaut; Pyr.
P. 245) are confused with such designations as "underworld {duat;
Ch. V, Note 16) lakes," etc. "Lake" is rather synonymous with
"field" in this celestial sense. Thus we have, for example, a
"nurse(ry.'') lake" {Pyr. 343, etc.) beside a "lake of the green plant"
(khat, ib.; possibly the earlier reading for khaut, "altars"), a "lake
of plenty" (ib. 1228), etc.

13. This seems to be a later etymology for the earlier orthography
shawabtiu ("procurers of food").

14. The earlier period was especially anxious that the departed
might enjoy sexual pleasure and be protected against sexual weak-
ness. The figures of alleged "dolls " deposited in the graves simply
meant concubines for the dead.



NOTES 417

15. Pyr. 950 more modestly describes how they bail out this ship.

16. Ixxx, Ixxxii.

17. The rarer expressions occur as early as Pyr. 392, 1679; "ser-
vants of the god" are mentioned in Pyr. 754, "followers of Osiris"
in Pyr. 749, 1803, "followers of Ophois" in Pyr. 928, 1245, "followers
(from) the celestial abode" in Pyr. 306.

18. The watch-dog of Osiris has this name as early as Pyr. 1229,
where the scene of the judgement is laid near the source of the Nile
(Ch. V, Note 43). In Bonomi and Sharpe, Oimenepthah, Plate V, he
seems to be confused with the pig or sow which sometimes symbolizes
the condemned sinner (p. 180).

19. This stands in contrast to the belief that drowning confers a
blessed immortality (see Note 4).

20. These four baboons (cf. Fig. 186) interchange with the four
sons of Osiris-Horus in the Book of the Dead, cliii A and B, show-
ing once more that, as we have proved above, the scene is where
the Nile comes from the lower world in the south.

21. The idea of such a hell does not develop until the New Empire,
and then under influences which are not yet determined. The most
detailed accounts of the underworld, heaven, and hell are found in
two collections which enjoyed a certain popularity between 1500
and 1000 B.C.: the Book of That Which is in the Other World and the
Book of the Gates. The principal purpose of these collections of an-
cient pictures, which were often misinterpreted, was to describe the
nocturnal course of the sun through the realm of the dead. Originally,
as we have stated (Ch. II, Note 11), the "island of flames" was
not a hell; and the Book of the Gates, making
it the abode of blessed souls who live on its
bread and green herbs, seems to revert to
the conception of the fields and islands which
the stars form in the sky (see Bonomi and
Sharpe, Oimenepthah, Plate XIV). Other Fig. 230. Souls in the
texts, such as Lacau, Sarcophages, p. 225, like- ^^^^^0 of Flames among

^ ...i. • 1 J 1 X ur Flowers and Food

wise represent the island as a place of bliss.

A "god of cauldrons" (Ketuiti), usually pictured with the head of a

cat (cf. p. 106 .^) and once with that of an ox (cf. on Nuu, p. 47 .^), is

partially recognized as master of hell from the Eighteenth Dynasty.

Curiously enough, Horus, the god of light, is more frequently regarded

as the ruler of the place of torture. An inscription at the beginning of

the Roman period (Lepsius, Auswahl der wichtigsten Urkunden des

dgyptischen Alterthums, Plate XVI, etc.) states that all the dead, even

the good, must go to the same Hades. "The west is a land of sleep

and darkness" where all souls slumber in torpor and oblivion, and yet

(in direct contradiction to this view) they are in misery, longing in vain

XII — 28




41 8 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY

even for a drink of water and regretting that they have not enjoyed
more pleasure during their earthly life. This is not, however, to be
considered as an expression of old Egyptian doctrine, but represents
foreign thought, especially Greek.

22. Thus far this is merely a hypothesis. As a survival of the same
idea, even in the New Empire, we occasionally find the genitals of
mummies cut off and wrapped with the mummy (cf. Ch. V, Note io6,
for the origin of this practice from the Osiris-myth). It is uncer-
tain why the skin was sometimes removed from the soles of the
feet, nor do we know whether a religious explanation was given to
the gilding of parts of the mummy (such as the face and the tips of
the fingers) in the later period.

23. As in many other lands, objects deposited with the dead were
often broken to "kill" them and thus to send them with the soul
of the departed, e.g. literary papyri for his entertainment were
frequently torn in pieces. As a security for gaining eternal life in
the New Empire the burial customs of the blessed earliest ancestors
(Ch. XI, Note 23) were imitated, at least symbolically or in pictures.
Thus we find allusions to the prehistoric custom of sewing the body in
a skin, or a little pyramid of stone seems to have put the departed in
the status of the early kings who rested in real pyramids, etc.



Chapter XI

1. cxxv, introduction.

2. Variant: who guard the sins (variant: the lower world); fur-
ther variant: who live on truth and abhor wrong. This passage
afi"ords an excellent example of the way In which scholars struggled
with the texts, which were often obscure and corrupt.

3. Cf. p. 29 for this Interpretation of the two eyes, which here
appear In an exceptional way as guardians of righteousness.

4. This song existed In various recensions and was claimed to
have been popular before 2000 b.c, being found In the funerary
temple of one of the Antef kings of the Eleventh Dynasty. For the
most complete discussion of It see the present writer's Liehespoesie
der alten Aegyfter, p. 29; cf. also Breasted, Development, p. 182.

5. The oldest of these moral writings Is the famous Prisse Papy-
rus, first translated by F. Chabas in his Etudes sur le papyrus Prisse,
Paris, 1887 (cf. B. G. Gunn, The Instructions of Ptahhotep, London,
1908). This prosaic and utilitarian text, which still remains very
obscure, claims to date from the time of the Third and Fourth
Dynasties. The exhortations of the wise AnI (Chabas, Les Maximes
d'Ani, Chalon-sur-Saone, 1876), written during the New Empire, have
much higher literary and ethical value (see pp. 232-33).



NOTES 419

6. Scenes of drunkenness are commemorated as good jokes even
in tombs. It is significant that the name of King Psammetichus
means "the mixer," i.e. the inventor of new mixed drinks (p-sa-n-
metk).

7. Especially cxxv. So far as the text, which is badly corrupted in
the manuscripts, can be understood, the best English translation of
this important document is by F. LI. Griffith, in Library of the World's
Best Literature, pp. 5320-22.

8. See Renouf, Religion of Ancient Egypt, pp. 73 ff.; Breasted,
Development, pp. 165 ff.

9. This interesting text was mixed by mistake with ritual formulae
for the king {Pyr. P. 164, etc.).

10. See Mythology of All Races, Boston, 1916, i. 195.

11. The picture is drawn from Naville, Festival Hall, Plate IX.
See, further, Mariette, Denderah, iii. Plate LXIII, where we learn
that the smaller pillars were often covered with vestments to make
them look like statues. W. Spiegelberg has shown {RT xxv. 184
[1903]) that the name of these monuments was "sticks" (i.e., prob-
ably, "poles"). Our picture confirms the frequency of horned skulls
(for the meaning of which see p. 37) on the earliest of these pillars.
Obelisks and such emblems are connected in Pyr. 1178.

12. For one of very unusual character see Naville, The Eleventh
Dynasty Temple at Deir el Bahari, London, 1 894-1908.

[Prometheus]

13. The repetition of these festivals at intervals much shorter
than thirty years, like their curious name, which is now usually in-
terpreted as "festival of the tail" (.''), is not
yet intelligible. Petrie {Royal Tombs, i. Plates
VII, VIII) has shown that the earlier name
was different ("festival of opening" [1\), and
that the oldest buildings which commemorated
this festival were rather simple, as in the accom-
panying illustration. The first of the elaborate Fig. 231. The Earliest
structures of later times was found by Naville Construction Com-

, . , .,,.,.„ • 1 Tl 11 r r\ 7 MEMORATING A f ESTI-

and IS described m his t estivai Hall oj Usorkon ^^^ ^^ ^^^ Tail"
//, London, 1892.

14. On the orders of the Egyptian priesthood see W. Otto, Priester
und Tempel im hellenistischen Aegypten, Leipzig, 1905. This work
refers, of course, only to the latest period.

IS- ii- 35-

16. ib, 92.

17. See A. Wiedemann, in PSBA xxiii. 263 (1901), A. Erman, in AZ
xxxviii. 53 (1901), and several writers in AZ xxxix. (1902). The
vessels described by Wiedemann (op. cit., pp. 271 ff.) are, however,
water-clocks for regulating the hours of worship. The whole problem





420 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY

of these purifications is still obscure, for the Greek writers gave
different explanations to the ceremony, confusing the symbolism of
lustration, a sign of presence, and the registering or dropping of
monetary gifts in brass boxes.

1 8. The application of this earlier Egyptian cosmetic usage to
the deities produced the large ornamented palettes carved from

slate, on which the green paint for
the eyes of the gods was mixed
in prehistoric and earliest dynastic
times. Even sacred (and sacrifi-
cial .?) animals sometimes had their
eyes decorated in this manner
(Borchardt, Sa'hu-re', Plate
XLVII). The priestess who thus

adorns the cow (which symbolizes
Fig. 232. A Priestess Painting the tt ^ 1 '^ j- ^ • ^

•^T^ c r^ rlat-hor, accordmg to a picture

Eyes OF A Sacred Cow •. •. ' -. ••• t,i -trr

given m AZ xxxviu. Plate V [1901])

wears only a cord around her loins, so that she represents a god-
dess and accordingly enacts some mythological scene (to which
Pyr. W. 421, etc., allude.?).

19. From Louvre C 15 (ed. A. Gayet, Musee du Louvre: Steles de
la douzieme dynasiie, Paris, 1889).

20. See Petrograd Papyrus I (Tale of the Shipwrecked Sailor), I.
145, for an instance of such a sacrifice to an absent god. The burn-
ing of whole oxen is represented in connexion with the human sacri-
fices to be discussed below.

21. H. Junker, in AZ xlviii. 69 (191 1). The representations of
the king as a conqueror do not, however, refer to human sacrifice.

22. De Iside et Osiride, Ixxiii, etc. An altar for human sacrifice
found at Edfu is described by A. E. P. Weigall, in Annales du service
des antiquites de V^gypte, viii. 45 (1907). The pictures given in our
text all belong to the funeral sacrifices and may, therefore, have a
different aim (cf. Ch. X, Note 23, for the possibility that the sole
object in killing slaves was to send them with the soul of their master) ;
but they permit a certain conclusion about human sacrifice in divine
cults.

23. See G. Maspero, in Memoires puhlies par les memhres de la
mission archeologique frangaise au Caire, v. 452 (1894), and Griffith,
in Tylor, Tomb of Paheri, large ed., text of Plate VIII, where, hov/-
ever, we find no consideration of the fact that the Egyptians of the
sixteenth century B.C. no longer understood these representations,
but confused the ceremony of interring the dead in the fashion of
the blessed prehistoric ancestors — in a crouching position and sewn
in a skin — with similar burials of human sacrifices. This has been



NOTES 421

noted in part by Davies {Five Theban Tombs, p. 9), who also repro-
duces (Plate VIII) the sacrifice of Nubian slaves given in our text
(Fig. 210). In our older picture (drawn from Petrie, Royal Tombs,
ii. Plate III) the peculiar wooden sledge on which the sacrifice is
drawn to the grave appears in an unusual form. Cf. Fig. 210, where
this sledge is carefully buried after it has been used.

24. See K. Sethe, in AZ xliv. 30-35 (1907).

25. The most important of these are the demotic papyrus at
Paris, at first erroneously interpreted as a chronicle (now edited by
W. Spiegelberg, in his Demotische Studien, vii, Leipzig, 1914), and
a prophecy in a papyrus at Petrograd. A Leyden papyrus (ed.
A. Gardiner, Admonitions of an Egyptian Sage, Leipzig, 1909) is not
prophetic.

Chapter XII

1. The fullest collection of material on Egyptian magic is con-
tained in A. Erman's Egyptian Religion. In many works usages and
texts are treated as magical which should rather be classified as
purely religious.

2. See p. 171. For his magical book see G. Maspero, "Memoire
sur quelques papyrus du Louvre," in Notices et extraits des manu-
scrits de la Bibliotheque Nationale, xxiv. 58 (1883).

3. Until the Roman period this was never uttered as a wish —
"may he go!" — for to the mind of the earlier Egyptians this would
have deprived the sentence of its efficacy. It must be stated as a
fact, and then it will become a fact. On the magic effect connected
with such religious texts see Breasted, Development, p. 94.

4. Every number is sacred because the cosmic system reveals
them all, but especial value attaches to 4, 9, (14,) 18, 27, 42, no.
The number seven is usually unlucky (cf. pp. 40, 59 on constellations
of seven stars), although, on the other hand, it appears in the fourteen
souls of the sun-god (see pp. 28, 170), etc. It is only in the latest
period that three becomes especially sacred. For the dread forty-
two judges of the departed see p. 176.

5. The most famous text on this theme, telling how the
princess of an alleged Asiatic country called Bekhten was healed
by a statue of Khonsu (translated by Maspero, Contes populaires
de VEgypte ancienne, 3rd ed., Paris, 1906, pp. 161-67), is a pious
forgery; but there are historical analogues of such expeditions,
such as the sending of the idol of the Ishtar of Nineveh from
Mesopotamia to Egypt to cure the illness of Amen-hotep III.

6. The hieroglyph for "talisman" {sa, <Q.SKQnS— v^) seems to re-
present a cord with numerous magic loops © (2) ©""""^ (cf . on Neith,
p. 142). For a papyrus on the magic properties of gems see Spiegel-



422 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY

berg, Demotische Papyrus aus den koniglichen Museen von Berlin,
p. 29. The symbol of the open hand, so popular in the Orient to
this day, already appears among the amulets which cannot be
traced back to a religious idea.

7. The longest calendar of this nature is contained in Sallier
Papyrus IV and has been translated by F. Chabas {Le Calendrier
des jours fastes et nefastes, Chalon-sur-Saonc, 1870). It shows very
little agreement with other texts of this character (see e. g. Budge,
Facsimiles of Egyptian Hieratic Papyri in the British Museum, p. 41 ;
cf. also Ch. VI, Note 16). The priests must have disagreed widely
regarding these calendric systems.

8. Cf. p. 185 and Ch. I, Note 3, on this occupation, which easily
assumed a religious significance.

9. See especially the astrological handbook discussed by Spiegel-
berg, op. cit., p. 28.

10. For a collection of such passages see H. Grapow, in AZ xlix.
48 (1911).

11. Pyr. W. 496= T 319.

12. Explained in later times as "they fight among themselves,"
but perhaps originally meaning "they fall like rain."

13. i.e. Aker (see pp. 42-43); variant: "of those who live in the
depths of the earth, the folk of Aker."

14. Originally "my soul," revealing the fact that primarily the
entire hymn used the first person, thus increasing its magic character.

15. See Ch. II, Note 11, and Ch. X, Note 21, for the varying ideas
of this place.

16. A play on the similar words meaning "message, messenger"
and "locks on the top of the head."

17. Variant: "upon the colours"; but the text is corrupt. Per-
haps we should read "Shesmet" (cf. p. 59 for this goddess, who was
soon forgotten).

18. The word for "hunting" is khensu. Whether we here have an
allusion to Khonsu (cf. p. 34) is uncertain; for the "knife-bearers"
as powerful (and usually hostile) demons see pp. 175, 180.

19. See p. 58 for this butcher and cook; this seems to corrobor-
ate the suspicion that originally Shesmet was mentioned above
(Note 17).

20. The greatest sidereal gods (see pp. 54 ff., 178).

21. i.e. as fuel, because they are too tough to be eaten.

22. i.e. as his servants (so Breasted, Development, p. 128), but
perhaps the meaning is, rather, "they are under his spell" (so that
without difficulty he can choose the fattest).

23. The word also means "nourishment, fullness." A later, but
meaningless, variant has "his dignities, sign of nobility."



NOTES 423

24. See pp. 173-74. The possibility that we here have a poetic treat-
ment of the motif of the moon which grows every month by swallow-
ing the stars, or of Saturn, etc., who devours his children, as A.
Jeremias holds in his Die Panbabylonisten, der alte Orient und die
dgyptische Religion (Leipzig, 1907), following C. P. Tide's explanation
of the myth of Kronos (cf. Mythology of All Races, Boston, 1916, i. 6-
7), is very remote and in any case would not have been understood
by the scribes who copied this old text and expanded it,

25. See Miiller, Liebespoesie der alten Agypter, p. 17, where a girl
in love declares that she will defy bastinados to keep her philtre.
The "Negative Confession" (p. 185), however, enumerates this usage
among the most heinous sins.

26. This remarkable manuscript, dating from the third century
A. D., and thus constituting the latest product of pagan Egyptian
literature, has been translated by F. LI. Griffith and H. Thompson
{The Demotic Magical Papyrus of London and Leiden, London, 1904),
where other material of this kind is also mentioned.

27. Westcar Papyrus, ed. A. Erman, Die Mdrchen des Papyrus
Westcar, Berlin, 1890 (see also Petrie, Egyptian Tales, i. 9 ff., and
Maspero, Les Contes populaires de VEgypte ancienne, 3rd ed.,
Paris, 1906, pp. 25 ff.).

28. See Griffith, Stories of the High Priests of Memphis, p. 103 (also
translated in the books mentioned in the preceding Note).

29. Cf. W. H. Worrell, "Ink, Oil and Mirror Gazing Ceremonies
in Modern Egypt," in Journal of the American Oriental Society,
xxxvi. 37-53 (1917).

30. See pp. 63, 207 for their selection of gods. The inscription given
by Daressy, Textes et dessins magiques, p. 46, calls them "these gods
who come choosing protection for N. N." Such objects have been
found chiefly in tombs and are discussed by F. Legge, in PSBA
xxvii. 130-52, 297-303 (1905), xxviii. 159-70 (1906), and M. A.
Murray, ib. xxviii. 33-43 (1906).

31. Griffith and Thompson, op. cit. Plate XX, 11. 28 ff., text,
p. 133. It contains many non-Egyptian elements (see Notes 32, 44).

32. Mutilations of Hebrew Y6 (=YHVH) S'bhaoth ("Jehovah
of Hosts").

33. i.e. "I am he."

34. i.e. he possesses sun and moon.

35. Griffith and Thompson, op. cit. Plate XIX, 11. 33 ff., text,
p. 127.

36. Heber ("angel".?).

37. Literally, "the one great in secrecy."

38. The word behen ("to bark") is recognizable, so that we might
translate more freely " lord of barking."



424 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY

39. Perhaps an allusion to the four sons of Horus or Osiris (see
pp. 111-13) and also to Anubis.

40. Coptic kolch, "to bend."

41. Literally, "put down."

42. The meaning is, " Let this dog-bite be as ineffective as the at-
tempts of the powers of darkness to swallow the sun" (pp. 79, 106).

43. An allusion to the burning pain of the wound, yet seeming
at the same time to refer to a cosmic conflagration. In this event it
is one of the few suggestions of eschatological or cosmogonic con-
flagration, concepts which often blend with each other (cf. Ch. V,
Note 104).

44. Cf. Note 32. Here we have an interesting variant, ab-iaho,
"Father of Jehovah," i.e. the one who preceded even the eternal
god.

45. See p. 117. The legend is given in the Metternich Stele (ed.
W. Golenisheff, Leipzig, 1877), Verso A, 11. 48 ff.

46. i. e. a man of good birth and breeding knows how to obey.

47. This "crocodile city " is not the Psoi's of Upper Egypt.

48. Literally, "women of husbands."

49. These four verses about the fire seem to be incongruous; their
insertion is perhaps due to the fact that the original text may have
stated that the sting burned like fire.

50. The text also states (1. 67) that the poor woman was rewarded
for her kindness: "She (i.e. Isis) filled the house of the poor woman
with victuals (.^), because she had opened the door of her house,
unlike the rich one, who remained grieved." This part of the legend,
however, is not essential for the sorcerer, who mentions it only in
passing.

51. For other myths used as magic incantations see pp. 79-83,
125-26, 127-28.

Chapter XIII

1. For the human figures which, at the commencement of the
historic period, began partly to replace the animal bodies, so that
strangely blended figures were the result, see pp. 160-61.

2. Cf., for example, pp. 58, 165 for such errors or uncertainties.

3. On the antiquity of the artistic expression of this tendency in
the composite, half-human figures of deities see p. 161.

4. For the cosmic system underlying this grouping see pp. 49-50.

5. For the ennead see G. Maspero, in RHR, xxv. 1-48 (1892).

6. See e. g. Pyr. 2009, where Atum is identified with Osiris.

7. ch. clxii.

8. Book of the Dead, ed. Naville, xvii. 6 ff.



NOTES 425

9. Destruction of Men, ed. E. Naville, in TSBA iv. 1-19 (1876),
vili. 412-20(1885), I. 85; cf. also pp. 73-79, 84-85 for this collection
of myths. This part is younger than the other stories taken from that
collection.

10. See Ch. VII, Note 99, for this land of sunrise. The fiend is
usually sought in the south (cf. pp. 104-05, etc.).

11. Noticed by Renouf, Religion of Ancient Egypt, p. 229, copied
completely by J. H. Breasted, in AZ xxxix. 39-54 (1901) (cf. the
same scholar,. "The First Philosopher," in The Monist, xii. 321-36
[1902]), and more elaborately discussed by A. Erman, in SBAW,
191 1, pp. 925-50. In part it is still unintelligible. Its age must not
be overrated; the religious thought is not that of the Pyramid Age.

12. The argumentation is as follows: the primeval flood, mani-
fested on earth in the ocean (Nuu) and — to obtain a creative pair
(cf. p. 48) — in Nekhbet as the female Nile (p. 46), is simply a
revelation of the Memphitic god of beginnings. The sun in his
Heliopolitan designation must take second place after the principle
of water, which shows itself in every part of the creation. In other
respects the Heliopolitan system, adapted to the Memphitic idea of
cosmic beginnings, is followed. The confusion of male and female
divinities was a step which was rather rare and daring in the earlier
period.

13. The remainder of the document is concerned with the tradi-
tions of the Osiris-myth in a more conservative fashion.

14. See also p. 66 for his incarnation, Mendes, as the cosmic
god of all four elements.

15. Text given by Brugsch, Religion, p. 515. The Pyramid Texts
(2067) cannot yet rise above the concept of a god who upholds the
sky and stands on the earth.

16. A. Erman, in AZ xxxviii. 30 (1900). In earlier times Osiris is
not yet clearly understood as the deity of all nature, although he
recurs in all its changing forms (pp. 93-96).

17. Brugsch, Reise nach der gross en Oase Khargeh, Plate XXVII;
extracts are translated by Renouf, Religion of Ancient Egypt, p. 240.

18. Translated by Budge, Gods, i. 339.

19. Harris Magic Papyrus, viii. 9 ff.

20. Perhaps to be corrected to read "dwarf of gold." An abnor-
mal stature may appear either as dwarfish or as gigantic (p. 61).

21. See pp. 92-93 for this form of Busiris-Dedu.

22. A corrupted name, possibly also to be read "Maga" (p. iii).

23. This would seem to explain "Heliopolitan" as the title of
Osiris (Ch. VI, Note 3).

24. The manuscript confuses two similar words meaning "hut"
(i.e. cabin) and "ship."



426 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY

25. More exactly, "long-tailed monkey, marmoset."

26. Probably corrupted and to be restored, "quenched {'akhem)
only by the abyss."

27. Or "of Triphis"; cf. p. 146, and the corresponding Note, accord-
ing to which allusion might be made to the earliest meaning of the
name, "Goddess in a Shrine."

28. See Mythology of All Races, Boston, 1916, i. 29-30.

29. Harris Magic Papyrus, vii. 6.

30. Cf. p. 27 and Ch. V, Note 84, on the island of flames as a
possible basis of this idea.

31. The exact vocalization is doubtful, and the pronunciation
Ikhnaton in particular is quite uncertain.

32. For earlier traces of such amalgamation cf. the myth given
on pp. 80-83 ^^^ the old commentaries cited on pp. 219-20. It is
true that the tendency does not find its clearest expression until after
the heretic king, but, as we have repeatedly shown, it can be traced
long before him.

33. The best edition of the original text is by Davies, Rock Tombs
of El Amarna, vi. Plate XXVII. J. H. Breasted, De hymnis in
solem sub Amenophide IV conceptis, Berlin, 1894, was the first to
occupy himself with this important inscription, which has since
found many translators, but still presents a number of difficulties.
Despite the opinion of some scholars, the hymn cannot have been
composed by the King himself (see Note 44).

34. By implication this also means "growing."

35. Perhaps the more correct translation of red is "growth."

36. From the following words the text erroneously adds "it
from."

37. i.e. is predestined (cf. p. 52 for the older idea of predestina-
tion).

38. i.e. the colour, the complexion of the various human races.
In earlier tradition likewise Horus is the patron of these races; in
other words, the sun burned them to different hues.

39. This might also mean "weary (because) of them " (thus
Griffith, in Davies, Rock Tombs of El A mama, vi. 30), but an allu-
sion to the myth of the sun's withdrawal from earth (see pp. 76-79)
does not seem to be in harmony with the jubilant tone of the hymn.
The passage remains obscure.

40. Correct the text to tekheb.

41. The verb is omitted.

42. Correct the text to her.

43. Literally "nurse."

44. These lines show that the author of the hymn was not the
monarch himself (cf. Note 33), but a courtier of the reforming



NOTES 427

Pharaoh. He now understands the divine nature of the sun since
his gracious sovereign has instructed him in the new wisdom.

45. Literally "for thy limbs."

46. A conjectural translation which implies several corrections of
the text.

47. Text, "them."

48. Or, perhaps, "from" (cf. the parallel expression in Ch. V,
Note 22).

[Prometheus]

 

49. For the longest of these see Davies, Rock Tombs of El Amarna,
iv. Plate XXXIII; it is translated by Griffith, ib. vi. 28.

50. This tendency in Egyptian literature is set forth by A. Erman,
Religion, pp. 98 ff., and in SBAW, 191 1, p. 1086. Unfortunately we
cannot determine how far this change in literary style corresponded
to a true religious awakening.

51. Mariette, Les Papyrus egyptiens du musee de Boulaq, Plate
XVII; see also Chabas, Maximes d'Jni, p. 91; and cf. Ch. XI,
Note 5.

52. Apparently alluding to the deity in his quiet and secluded
sanctuary, where he should not be disturbed more than is absolutely
necessary.

53. Possibly meaning "thoughts," or, perhaps, "its words," refer-
ring to the heart.

54. Sallier Papyrus, I. viii. 4.

55. Literally, "the one who findeth his mouth."

56. A. Erman, in SBAW, 191 1, p. 1089.

57. Plate XVI; Chabas, Maximes d'Ani, p. 31.

58. Literally "repeat."

59. A. Erman, in SBAW, 191 1, p. 1102, after G. Maspero, m RT
iv. 143 (1883).

• 60. ib.

61. i.e. in a question of property?

62. A. Erman, in SBAW, 191 1, p. iioi. Note how in all these in-
scriptions a public confession of the sin is considered necessary.

63. Or, perhaps, "it."

64. A. Erman, in SBAW, 191 1, p. 1 109.

65. Anastasi Papyrus, II. x. 5 ff.

66. Thus the corrected manuscript after the present writer's col-
lation of the original in London.

67. Literally "belly."

68. i.e. without brain, stupid.

69. The last verses, which are very obscure, may be understood
of helpless wandering in a circle. "My time" may perhaps mean
the time for returning home to the fold, following the simile of the ox.

70. See Miiller, Egyptological Researches, ii. 149.



428 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY

71. Mariette, Les Papyrus egyptiens du musee de Boulaq, No. 17
(Plates XI ff.); the text in question has been especially studied by
E. Grebaut, "Hymne a Ammon-Ra," in Revue archeologique, new
series, xxv. 384-97 (1873).

72. This part of the hymn was originally in praise of Min (see
pp. 129, 137-39), as is also shown by the stele Louvre C 30.

73. The name of some sanctuary is missing. Cf. the pictures of
chapels of Min given on p. 138.

74. Cf. pp. 138, 129 for the use of this ribbon with Min and
Amon.

75. i.e. of Buto and Nekhbet; see p. 132.

76. i.e. the king.

JJ. An important passage for showing that the monstrous enemy
of the sun is the ocean (p. 106).

78. Literally "colour" (cf. Note 38).

79. The paronomasia of the original is untranslatable in English;
the Egyptian terms here used for "knowledge " and "wisdom " also
mean "satisfaction " and "abundance " (see p. 67).

80. The manuscript has "heareth."

81. This word also means "beauty."

82. Correct the manuscript to sanehem and khnems.

. 83. Cf. p. 225 for the image of the solar disk, "who sendeth forth
his arms" (cf. p. 227).

84. See the examples given on pp. 114, 119, 126.

85. A monkey also appears as the solar archer, being perhaps
confused with Thout (Rosellini, Monumenti del culto, Plate XLII).
For the Greek view of life after death entering into an Egyptian
inscription see Ch. X, Note 21.

86. A similar view is expressed as early as the Homeric poems, as
when Iliad, 1. 423, speaks of "the blameless Ethiopians" (cf. also
Odyssey, i. 22 ff., Iliad, xxiii. 205-07).

87. Cf. Legge, Forerunners and Rivals of Christianity, ch. ii.

88. See W. M. Flinders Petrie, Personal Religion in Egypt before
Christianity, London, 1909; G. R. S. Mead, Fragments of a Faith
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1906; R. Reitzenstein, Poimandres, Leipzig, 1904.

BIBLIOGRAPHY



EGYPTIAN



BY THE EDITOR



I. ABBREVIATIONS

ABAW . . Abhandlungen der Berliner Akademie der Wissen-

schaften.

AR .... Archiv fur Religionswissenschaft.

AZ . . . Zeitschrift fiir agyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde,

JA .... Journal asiatique.

MVG . . Mitteilungen der vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft.

OL .... Orientalistische Literaturzeitung.

PSBA . . Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology.

Pyr. . . . Pyramid Texts (ed. K. Sethe).

Pyr. M. Texts of the Pyramid of Mri-n-re' I.

Pyr. N. . . Texts of the Pyramid of Nfr-k'-r' Pipi II.

Pyr. P. . . Texts of the Pyramid of Pipi.

Pyr. T. Texts of the Pyramid of Tti.

Pyr. W. . Texts of the Pyramid of Wn-is.

RHR . . . Revue de I'histoire des religions.

RP . . . Records of the Past.

RT ... Recueil de travaux relatifs a la philologie et a I'arche-

ologie egyptiennes et assyriennes.

SBAW . . Sitzungsberichte der Berliner Akademie der Wissen-

schaften.

TSBA . . Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaeology.



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436 EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY

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(1912).

"Das agyptische Pantheon," in JR xv. 59-98 (1912).

'Die agyptischen 'Sargtexte' und das Totenbuch," in AR



xvi. 66-85 (1913).

'RosKh-Li'Ni, I., Monumenti del culto. 2 vols. Pisa, 1882-84. (Part iii
of his Monumenti dell' Egitto e della Nubia.)

RuscH, A., De Serapide et Iside in Grcecia cultis. Berlin, 1906.

Sallier Papyrus. See Anonymous, Select Papyri.

Sayce, a. H., The Religions of Ancient Egypt and Babylonia. Edin-
burgh, 1902.

Schack-Schackenburg, H., Buch von den zwei Wegen. Leipzig, 1903.
ScHAFER, H., Die Mysterien des Osiris in Abydos. Leipzig, 1904.
ScHENCKE, W., Amon-Re. Christiania, 1904.

ScHiAPARELLi, E., II Libro dei funerali dei antichi Egiziani. 2 vols,
and atlas. Turin, 1881-90.

Sethe, K., Die altdgyptischen Pyramidtexte. 2 vols. Leipzig, 1908-10.

"Der Name der Gottin Neith," in AZ xliii. 144-47 (1906).

"Der Name des Gottes K^/3," in AZ xliii. 147-49 (1906).

"Der Name des Gottes Suchos," in AZ 1. 80-83 (191 2).

Sethe, K., and Schafer, H., Urkunden des agyptischen Altertums.

10 vols. Leipzig, 1903-09.
SouRDiLLE, C, Herodote et la religion de V Egypte. Paris, 1910.
Spence, L., Myths and Legends of Ancient Egypt. London, 1915.
Spiegelberg, W., Demotische Papyrus aus den koniglichen Museen

von Berlin. Leipzig, 1902.
" Ein agyptisches Verzeichnis der Planeten und Tierkreis-

bilder," in OL v. 6-9 (1902).
"Der Stabkultus bei den ^Egyptern," in RT xxv. 184-90

(1903)-
Aegyptologische Randglossen zum Alten Testament. Strassburg,

1904.
Die demotischen Denkmdler. 2 vols. Leipzig, 1904-08.



BIBLIOGRAPHY 445

Spiegelberg, W., "Der agyptische Mythus vom Sonnenauge In
einem demotischen Papyrus der romischen Kaiserzeit," in
SBAW, 191S, pp. 876^5.

Steindorff, G., The Religion oj the Early Egyptians. New York, 1903 .

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(1873).
Strauss und Torney, V. von, Der altdgyptische Gotterglaube. 2 vols.

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TiELE, C. P., Vergelijkende Geschiedenis der egyptische en mesopota-
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Geschiedenis van den Godsdienst in de Oudheid. 2 vols. Am-
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Tylor, J. J., The Tomb of Paheri at El Kah. London, 1894.

Vatican Magic Papyrus. See Erman, A.

ViREY, P., Etudes sur le Papyrus Prisse, le Livre de Kaqimna et
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446



EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY



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IIL PRINCIPAL ARTICLES ON EGYPTIAN RELIGION IN
THE ENCYCLOPiEDIA OF RELIGION AND ETHICS

(vols, i-ix)

Baikie, J., "Confession (Egyptian)," iii. 827-29.

"Creed (Egyptian)," iv. 242-44.

"Hymns (Egyptian)," vii. 38-40.

"Images and Idols (Egyptian)," vii. 131-33.

"Literature (Egyptian)," viii. 92-95.

"Manetho," viii. 393-94.

"Music (Egyptian)," ix. 33-36.

"Nature (Egyptian)," ix. 217-20.

FoucART, G., "Body (Egyptian)," ii. 763-68.

"Calendar (Egyptian)," iii. 91-105.

"Children (Egyptian)," iii. 532-39.

"Circumcision (Egyptian)," iii. 670-77.

"Conscience (Egyptian)," iv. 34-37.

"Demons and Spirits (Egyptian)," iv. 584-90.

"Disease and Medicine (Egyptian)," iv. 749-53.

"Divination (Egyptian)," iv. 792-96.

"Dreams and Sleep (Egyptian)," v. 34-37.

"Dualism (Egyptian)," v. 104-07.

"Festivals and Fasts (Egyptian)," v. 853-57.

"Inheritance (Egyptian)," vii. 299-302.

"King (Egyptian)," vii. 7II-I5-

"Names (Egyptian)," ix. 151-55.

Gardiner, A. H., "Ethics and Morality (Egyptian)," v. 475-85.
"Life and Death (Egyptian)," viii. 19-25.



BIBLIOGRAPHY 447

Gardiner, A. H., "Magic (Egyptian)," viii. 262-69.

"Personification (Egyptian)," ix. 787-92.

"Philosophy (Egyptian)," ix. 857-59.

Griffith, F. Ll., "Altar (Egyptian)," i. 342.

"Atheism (Egyptian)," ii. 184.

"Birth (Egyptian)," ii. 646-47.

"Crimes and Punishments (Egyptian)," iv. 272-73.

"Law (Egyptian)," vii. 846-47.

"Marriage (Egyptian)," viii. 443-44.

Hall, H. R., "Ancestor-Worship and Cult of the Dead (Egyptian),"
i. 440-43.

"Death and Disposal of the Dead (Egyptian)," iv. 458-64.

"Expiation and Atonement (Egyptian)," v. 650-51.

"Family (Egyptian)," v. 733-35.

"Fate (Egyptian)," v. 785-86.

Milne, J. G., " Grseco-Egyptian Religion," vi. 374-84.
Moret, a., "Mysteries (Egyptian)," ix. 74-77.
Naville, E., "Charms and Amulets (Egyptian)," iii. 430-33.
Petrie, W. M. F., "Architecture (Egyptian)," i. 722-26.

"Art (Egyptian)," i. 862-63.

"Communion with Deity (Egyptian)," iii. 760-62.

"Cosmogony and Cosmology (Egyptian)," iv. 144-45.

"Egyptian Religion," v. 236-50.

Sethe, K., "Heroes and Hero-Gods (Egyptian)," vi. 647-52.

Showerman, G., "Isis," vii. 434-37.

Stock, St. G., "Hermes Trismegistos," vi. 626-29.

Wiedemann, A., "God (Egyptian)," vi. 274-79.

"Incarnation (Egyptian)," vii. 188-92.