Topic: Finno-Ugric Mythology

[Prometheus]

One of the very best accounts of a sacrifice, which has been
preserved for posterity, dates from the seventeenth century
and is from the Lule Lapps. When these had decided to
make an offering, they bound fast the sacrificial animal behind
the tent, thrust a knife into its heart and carefully gathered its
heart’s blood. The horns and the bones from the head and
neck, together with the hoofs, were carried to the holy place
in which their Seide stood. When the Lapp had come to the
Seide, he took off his hat, bowed low to the idol and smeared
it with blood and fat from the sacrifice. The horns were
piled in a great pyramid behind the stone, the pile being called
the “ horn-yard ” and containing sometimes as many as a
thousand horns. Of the meat of the sacrifice which was eaten
by those making the offering themselves, a small piece was
cut from every quarter, threaded on to a switch of birch and
hung on to the front of the horns. At times the slaughtering
might take place at the holy place, the meat being then pre-
pared and eaten there. Besides the bones, the hide of the
reindeer was also left on the holy mountain ; the head was
hung on a tree, where such were to be found in the vicinity
of the idol . 34

The Kemi Lapps had a custom of cutting down a tree near


no


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


the Seide stone, calling it the luete-muor (“ sacrifice tree ”).
Before the sacrifice the god was asked, by lifting him, what
he wished in return for giving assistance in some matter or
other. The animal chosen for the offering was bound fast to
the tree and slaughtered “ after a long speech.” Both the
stone and the tree were besmeared with blood, and when the
meat was prepared, small strips were cut out of it, threaded
on to a ring made of young pliable branches and hung up in
the sacrifice tree. After which, the sacrificial meal was begun.
Should anything be left over, it could not be taken home but
must be left at the place together with the animal’s hide and
horns . 36

The Norwegian Lapps, before the slaughtering, cut a small
piece out of each ear and the tail of the animal and placed
them before the god as a preliminary taste. The sacrificial
animal was killed by stabbing, and flayed in such a manner
that the horns and the hoofs remained fast to the hide. There-
after, several small sticks were prepared, lines and figures
being cut in them. The sticks were called “ the sacrifice tree ”
and were placed smeared with blood near the god ; their func-
tion was to represent “ wax candles.” We see from this that
the Lapps at that time tried to ape Scandinavian customs. When
the meat was carved, a piece from every quarter was cut out
for the idol. The fire was made in a fixed spot, near which
there had to be, where possible, a spring or brook; the whole
of the flesh of the sacrifice was cooked at once. With the fat
that rose in the cauldron and with the blood, the sacrificial
priest smeared certain curiously-shaped stones, placing them
afterwards near the god. Then, with his followers, he finished
off the whole of the carcase, taking due care not to spread the
bones about, but to leave all on the place of offering, where
the hide also was left. During the performance of the sacri-
fice, the Lapps sang their songs, which they call luete (= Fin-
nish luote , “ magic song,” Scandinavian blot, “ offering ”). 36

Slightly differing from the foregoing was the sacrificial



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PLATE IX


1. Lapp Seides made of tree-stumps or posts,
roughly carved in human form. (See pages 107—8.)

Drawn by Teringskiold.

2. Rastekaise, a holy mountain of the Lapps, with
two sacred stones. (See page 103.)

After photograph by L. Hannikainen.




THE SEIDES OF THE LAPPS


hi


custom of the Russian Lapps, as described by Genetz. Cer-
tain features of the performance seem to point to a sacrifice
in honour of Nature gods. The sacrifice had to be begun
early in the morning and the gods prayed to with the face
turned towards the east. After the flesh had been devoured,
the hide with horns and hoofs attached was built up with
branches of birch and fixed to a pole in a position resembling
that of a live reindeer . 37 Up to a few score years ago these
Lapps sacrificed as many as twenty-four reindeer at a time.
A great sacrificial feast of this description was not, however,
celebrated every year, nor were the reindeer killed all at once,
but during the space of several days, a few at a time. All
the participants in the feast had to cleanse themselves and
put on clean garments. The sacrificial food was regarded as
being so holy, that one might not spill any even on one’s
garments. During the ceremony the shaman stood alone, at
one side, with his face turned to the east. The reindeer hides
that were stuffed with birch-twigs were also placed with their
heads to the east. After the ceremonies the priests had to
cleanse themselves again . 38

Besides reindeer, the proper time for sacrificing which was
in the autumn, the Lapps also slaughtered other animals in
honour of their Seides, such as birds and other game, occa-
sionally also strange domestic animals procured from their
neighbours. Sometimes a dog might be offered up entire to
the Seide, or living animals, which were imprisoned in chasms
in the mountain or grottoes, or were left alive on some solitary
island as a gift to the gods. There are even reports of chil-
dren being sacrificed . 39

In like manner as the Mountain Lapps sacrificed their rein-
deer, the Fisher Lapps fed their Seides on fish. When a
fisherman went out to fish, he generally went first to the stone,
kissed it three times and said: “ If I now succeed in catching
fish in the sea or the river, I promise thee their intestines and
livers.” After making a catch, the promise was fulfilled.


1 1 2


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


Even as late as the middle of the last century, the Norwegian
Lapps are said to have sometimes smeared their stones in secret.
As sacrifices to the Seides in later periods, there are reports
of money being offered up, both in Finnish and Russian Lap-
mark; also rings of brass, tobacco, etc., all of which objects
were placed in small hollows in the stones . 40

If we follow the development of religious beliefs and cus-
toms among other related peoples, we can observe that the
Seides worshipped by the Lapps under the naked sky, contain
two different classes of spirits, of which the one, the so-called
house or family gods, little by little, are generally moved into
the dwelling-house of the worshipper; while to the other, to
whom might be given the Greek name “ heroes,” many people
began to build special small bothies.


CHAPTER VIII


FAMILY GODS

T HE TERM family gods is here meant to express such
tutelary genii as are worshipped by each separate family
and whose images are kept at home, or in the vicinity of the
home, and which the family carry along with them when re-
moving from one place to another. As already stated in an
earlier chapter, Tornaeus relates about the Seides of the Lapps
by the Torne Lake that among “ many gods ” there was always
one which was the highest and foremost, the principal god,
which alone was worshipped by the whole village. It was
set up in an elevated place, in order to be seen and honoured
by everybody, but those which were merely “ family gods,”
stood in lower places. Whether the Lapps carried their family
gods with them during their rovings, is uncertain, and also
whether they used to keep them in their tents.

The family gods of the Samoyeds are made of wood or
consist of stones only, the latter often of a peculiar form.
The father of the family may have as many as fifteen dif-
ferent “ dolls,” generally dressed in reindeer-skins or in
gowns of cloth. These clothes may not be sewn, but are
wrapped or tied around the god. When travelling, the gods
are conveyed in sleighs made specially for them, and during
the journey the “ sleigh of the gods ” must be the last in the
caravan. These images are well kept; they get new clothes
every year, and sacrifices are made to them from time to
time, though these are, indeed, very often of little value.
On the occasion of sacrificing, they are taken out of their
sleigh, which is outside the holy back of the tent, and set up


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


114

on a dais made solely for the occasion, or are carried into the
tent and placed in its sacred background. When sacrificing
reindeer to them, the Samoyeds besmear the mouths of the
images with blood and lard. When they make images of
their family gods, the shaman must conjure up a spirit to
live in them. Sometimes the gods have, ' in their vicinity,
small arms and tools made of lead, and, for company and
help, images of the spirits of animals . 1

Like the Samoyeds the Northern Ostiaks also preserve and
carry their family gods with them in a special sleigh. A more
common custom among the Ostiaks and also the Voguls,
seems to be the harbouring of them in the dwelling-house
itself near the back part of the tent, in a chest or case. Later
they have begun to keep them also in a barn, or in the attic.
The family gods may be made of wood, metal, hides, etc.
Besides all sorts of victuals, such as meat, fish, gin, they re-
ceive for clothing, offerings of hides, kerchiefs, pieces of cloth,
etc. The feeding of the family gods takes place, among the
above-named races, at hours that are not fixed beforehand . 2

Traces of the social signification of the family gods among
the Finno-Ugric peoples, have, however, been best preserved
among the Votiaks, who live a settled existence. By acquaint-
ing oneself with their beliefs and customs, one can clearly
discern that these family gods are really the late forefathers
of the family, who are worshipped from generation to genera-
tion as the tutelary genii of the family. In their capacity of
protectors of the family prosperity, a small building is devoted
to them on the Votiak farm. Its name kuala or kua is of
Finno-Ugric origin and corresponds to the Finnish kota.

The kuala is a barn-like, square building of timber, without
a basement. It has neither windows nor ceiling, and the floor
consists of hard-stamped earth. In the middle of the floor
there is a fireplace bordered with stones, and on this a large
iron cauldron is kept, resting either on the stones or attached to





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PLATE X


1. Samoyed, stone Family-god clothed and lifted
on a tree trunk. (See page 1 1 3. )

After photograph by K. Donner.

2. Family-gods of the Ostiaks. (See page 114.)
After photograph by Adrianov.





FAMILY GODS


u 5

an iron chain hanging down from the rafters. From the fire-
place the smoke goes out through an opening in the wooden
roof. The low door was formerly situated on the south side.
Sometimes we find the kuala divided into two parts, or an
extra building erected behind it. The inner part is generally
held sacred, and women are not allowed to enter it. At the
present time, the Votiaks use the kuala only as a depository
for household utensils, but in olden times, before their archi-
tecture had developed into its present form, the kuala was the
only dwelling-house of the Votiak family.

A reminiscence of these distant times, of which the Votiaks
still speak in their tales, is the custom in some districts of still
using the kuala , not only as a storehouse, but also as a room
for cooking and eating by the family, especially during the
warm season. In this case, it is generally fitted up like a
dwelling-house; along the walls run solid benches of red-
wood, and in the corner nearest the door there is a table round
which, in summer, the family assemble to take their meals.
At times there will be found, near the door, a cupboard for
holding household utensils. The most notable and remarkable
object is, however, a shelf of wood in the cupboard, dark with
age and situated at the height of a man, on which may be seen
in some districts even in our days, a little case with a lid. This
little case is the most sacred object of the Votiaks, for in its
vicinity the living believe they can approach departed genera-
tions. As a sanctuary, the kuala has been retained in its former
condition, though the Votiaks, now that agriculture has become
their principal means of existence, have begun to build more
modern dwelling-houses for themselves.

The resemblance of the kuala cult to the worship of the
spirits of the dead is seen in the fact that the kuala sacrifices
must always be performed within the particular family. A
person belonging to one family will never enter the sanctuary
of another family in order to perform a sacrifice. How par-


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


1 1 6

ticular the Votiaks are in this respect is shown by the fact that
if the family has a foster-son of another family, he must,
during the kuala sacrifice, go to the prayin g-kuala of his
own family, even though the latter be situated in another
village. Further, the alien position of a married woman in
her husband’s family is shown by the usage of the Votiaks
of calling her by the name of her kuala-iamAy as a distinction
from the family which she entered by her marriage. In the
beginning of her married life, she is even for a time obliged to
frequent her own family kuala , in order to sacrifice there,
when sickness or other troubles occur. From the above the
signification of the kuala cult in the social life of the Votiaks
will be clearly seen. As an uninterrupted tie of union between
those belonging to the same family or tribe, and not only be-
tween the living but also between the living and the departed,
this cult unites the present with the dark primeval time. Every
Votiak considers it his holiest duty to know his origin, even
after removing to a strange neighbourhood. This is, indeed,
not very difficult, as every Votiak family has a particular de-
nomination of its own. These family names are words, the
meaning of which has been generally forgotten, such as mozga ,
utsa , etc. By the family name kinsfolk may know each other
even in a strange place. This fact is of all the more importance
as the Votiaks consider it a crime to marry within the same
kuala family, obstacles to marriage being confined not only
to the nearest of kin but extended over a comparatively large
circle.

Originally, the Votiak villages were family villages ; hence
a village and a family living in it often bear the same name;
at times, a newly built village is called by the name of the
home village. If, in such a village, there are several families,
the village generally takes the name of the oldest family
Jiving in it. Certain instances from the District Sarapul will
show that the Votiaks really have a natural tendency to keep
together almost as one family. Some time ago, in a village


FAMILY GODS


ii7

called Norja, sixteen fathers of families still lived in such
economic nearness, that in spite of their inhabiting different
houses, they took their meals in common. In another village,
twenty men, living separately, were subordinate to one com-
mon head . 3

Besides by means of the family name, the Votiaks are united
by the stamp with which they mark their property. This
mark is generally the picture of some object, such as a goose-
foot, an axe, etc. (The Ostiaks at an earlier time used also
pictures of animals.)

The mark of the father is left to the eldest son, who lives on
in his father’s cottage. The other male members of the same
family, must therefore, when removing from the paternal
home, procure a new mark for themselves, which is generally
done by making a trifling addition to or slightly changing the
mark of their former home. Having received their own,
they do not, however, forget the mark of their fathers, which,
at the same time, belongs to the kuaia sanctuary still in exist-
ence in their former home. Left thus as an inheritance by the
father to the eldest son, a mark may sometimes be very old.
As in the case of the family name, blood relations may also,
by means of the mark, know each other in strange parts.

As a family inheritance, the eldest son, after the death of
the father, besides the homestead, the mark and the kuaia,
also receives the office of “ kuaia guardian,” whose duty it is
to perform family sacrifices. Should there be no male heir,
the office of “ kuaia guardian ” is inherited by the brother of
the deceased or by some other of the nearest male relations.

Besides worshipping in the kuaia sanctuary of the family,
which by its master is used at the same time as a storehouse
and a kitchen, and in which only the family in question wor-
ships, the Votiaks take part in the sacrifices also in the kuaia
whose guardian is, if possible, a lineal descendant of the
founder of the village family. Compared with the latter
the family sanctuary is called “ the little kuaia” Of little


1 1 8


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


kualas there are many to be found in a village, not so many,
however, as there are families, for every kuala is not a sanc-
tuary. This springs from the fact that every Votiak who has
founded a family and home of his own does not mark a sanc-
tuary for himself at once, but continues to worship in his
father’s kuala , and should he have none, in the kuala of his
grandfather, the guardian of which is a lineal descendant of
the latter, and, where possible, an eldest son. Thus we find
here another suggestion that the Votiak family was formerly
larger than at the present time, comprising several sub-fam-
ilies, who most likely lived in the same complex of houses,
obeying the same head.

[Prometheus]

Of “ great kualas ” there is, on the other hand, only one,
if the village is a family village, as are most of the old Votiak
villages. If, as often happens when founding a new village,
people descended from different families are included in the
population, there will be as many kualas in the village as there
are families. Every “ great kuala ” is called after its respec-
tive family: mozga kuala , utsa kuala y etc. The worshippers of
the kuala are likewise called after their family: mozga pijos
i 11 mozga sons”), utsa pijos , etc. From the number of the
great kualas one can thus easily find out how many families
there are in a village. Especially among the Eastern Votiaks,
there are villages formed of several different families which
have moved to strange parts as settlers. Where there are
several great kualas in a village, these are generally to be
found in the houses of their guardians} they differ in no way
from a private kuala and are also used like the last named as
store-rooms for household utensils. Should, however, the
village be inhabited by one family only, there being conse-
quently only one “ great kuala” the latter attains an entirely
different position from the other kualas. In its capacity of
the common property of the village, the “ great kuala ” or
“ village kuala ” is generally situated in the garden of its
guardian, or in a particular enclosure either in the village or



PLATE XI

Votiak Kuala or Sanctuary of the
Family-Gods

(See page 1 14.)

After photograph by U. Holmberg.





FAMILY GODS


119

near it. As a village sanctuary,, the kuala has attained an ex-
clusively religious significance, being sometimes considered so
sacred that, for instance, no women are allowed to enter it.
Thus, among the Votiaks, it has generally developed into a
kind of temple, which development, in the southern parts, at
least, has evidently been influenced by the Mohammedan
prayer-houses of the Tatar villages.

In the family kuala , as in the village kuala , the sacrifice
shelf is generally situated on the back wall, most often in the
left-hand corner there. On holy days, offerings are placed
on the shelf, but, generally, it is for the most part empty,
when not occupied by articles necessary for the sacrifices.
In some instances, there is, under the sacrifice shelf, a cup-
board about a yard high, in which are kept, besides the sacrifice
utensils, smaller offerings. The Votiaks believe that the
“ Luck-protector,” Vorsud, lives near the sacrifice shelf.
Formerly, there was, on the sacrifice shelf, a little case with a
lid to it made of linden bark, which is still to be found in some
parts, e.g., in the Government of Kazan. The size and form
of the sacrifice case vary somewhat in different places. For
the most part, they are round, but very often we also find
oblong and square ones. A sacrifice case may sometimes be
found to be very old and darkened by the smoke in the kuala y
having been handed down as a sacred heirloom from father
to son for generations.

In our time, the Vorsud case, in both family and village
kualas , is generally empty. But can it be possible that a re-
ceptacle regarded with such superstitious awe, forbidden to
women and strangers to approach, was always thus empty?
Several authorities, for the most part among the very oldest,
relate that they have seen many different objects in these
cases: ancient coins, the bones of birds, gaily coloured feathers,
squirrel skins, sheep’s wool, etc. But again, could these trifles,
possessing obviously more the nature of sacrifices than of ob-
jects of worship, have been venerated by the Votiaks? When


120 FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY

one compares the sacred background of the kuala with the
corner of the bothies regarded as holy by both the Ostiaks and
the Voguls, and the sacrifice case with the god-chest of the
latter, which is not empty, but among these more primitive
peoples contains images of their tutelary genii, is it not more
likely that the Votiaks’ sacrifice case was also in former days
a similar home for their family gods? In our days, there are
certainly no images to be found among them. Even in the
oldest sources we find it written that the Votiaks possess
neither pictured nor carven images. But the memory of gods
who formerly dwelt in these cases has not altogether died out,
and the Christian Votiaks place even today a picture of a
saint on the same shelf that, earlier, held their spirit offerings.

The scanty traditions, however, give no clear idea of the
images of the Votiak family spirits. Assuming that the sacri-
fice cases, the circumference of which is, on an average, about
one hundred and twenty centimeters, and the height about
thirty centimeters, have not become very much altered in the
course of time, we may conclude that the images were not
very large. Most likely they were just such clumsy, dressed
wooden dolls as the Votiaks still make for themselves during
severe illnesses, in order to remove the illness from the patient
to the doll. Such would also seem to have been the images
of the Siryans, judging from the fact that in the life of St.
Stephen, their apostle, it is stated that their images resembled
human beings, had noses, mouths and even feet, and that they
were either carved, or hollowed out. As they were made of
wood, St. Stephen was able to chop them into pieces with an
axe and burn them. There was a great number of them “ both
in the villages and dwelling houses.” 4

When beginning their sacrifice, the Votiaks place fresh
green twigs on the corner shelf of the kuala , under the sacri-
fice case. In autumn or in spring, or, generally during the
time when the trees are leafless, they use, when sacrificing,
twigs of the silver pine ( Pinus fichta or sibirica ), but in the


FAMILY GODS


1 21


summer birch twigs. The use of green twigs certainly origi-
nates from very ancient times, for this custom has also been
observed among the Lapps, of whom missionaries relate that
they placed birch twigs under their images in the summer,
and fir twigs in the winter.

This custom of laying green twigs on the sacrifice shelf,
which, together with the sacrificing, belongs to the most im-
portant duties of the kuala guardians, has, curiously enough,
been kept up even in parts where the sacrifice cases, not to
speak of images, are no longer to be found. This is particu-
larly the case among the Eastern Votiaks. Among these we
seldom find sacrifice cases, but on the other hand we may see,
even in our days, on every sacrifice shelf, whether there be
sacrifice vessels there or not, twigs more or less faded, accord-
ing to the time that has passed since the sacrifice. In several
places, these twigs, which originally were of quite a secondary
importance compared with the images, are regarded with the
same superstitious awe as the latter. Only the officiating
priest, who on holy days burns the old twigs and places fresh
ones in their stead, is allowed to touch them. Certain investi-
gators have supposed that these same twigs have been objects
of worship . 5 This is, however, a mistake, though the twigs
have at times had the high honour of being removed from
their place under the “ case ” to the “ case ” itself, and in
this way the original idea became confused. That the kuala
cult is concentrated around the sacrifice shelf and the “ case,”
is proved, above all, by the custom of the sacrificing priest’s
standing, ’while praying, with his face turned towards the
sacrifice shelf.

We have stated earlier that not every Votiak kuala is used
as a sanctuary. This it may become only by means of particu-
lar inaugural ceremonies, generally performed in the summer.
On a day fixed beforehand, the person who intends to obtain
for himself a Vorsud of his own, invites a few guests, gen-
erally two men and two women. The guests having arrived,


122


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


the young master and mistress, with their guests, proceed to
the head of the family who is at the same time the guardian
of the Vorsud kuala , taking bread and gin with them.
On arriving, they begin to feast in the house of the chief.
The latter invites one of his neighbours and his wife, and these
officiate as host and hostess, the host of the feast entertaining
the men, and the hostess the women. When the guests have
been sufficiently entertained, the host and his wife begin
singing wedding songs, in which those present also join.
Lastly, the guests go to their neighbours for more hospitality
and return to the kuala guardian in the evening. On their
return, porridge is cooked by the guardian of the family kuala.
The one who intends to secure a Vorsud for himself, now
goes to the kuala , takes some ashes from the fireplace, and
wraps them in a clean white cloth, saying: “ I take the smaller
and leave the greater.” He then places the bundle of ashes
on the shelf of the kuala and sits down to the sacrificial por-
ridge together with the other guests. After the meal he goes
back to the kuala y takes the ashes from the shelf, and sets
out for home with his guests. During the journey home, the
escort of the Vorsud play and sing, the mistress of the new
kuala meanwhile keeping a copper coin in her mouth until they
arrive at the homestead. When starting out into the street,
on the way home, and on arrival, she dances to the music of a
stringed instrument. The ashes conveyed in this manner are
now placed on the shelf of the new kuala , the master saying:
“ I, thy master, have brought thee here with reverential
ceremonies, be not angry therefore, and when we pray to thee,
hear our prayers.”

In some places, the feast is held, according to an older cus-
tom, in the kuala itself, where a functionary, with a loaf
received from the guardian of the old kuala , turns to the
Vorsud with the following words: “ Vorsud, come with us to
another place; do not take offence, old ones, deceased ones.”
Later, he does the same thing with a loaf from the son,




PLATE XII


1. Votiak case for the Vorsud or “ Luck-pro-
tector ” with offerings on the sacrifice shelf. (See
page 1 19.)

After photograph by Y. Wichmann.

2. Votiak village or Great Kuala . (See page

1 18.)

After photograph by U. Holmberg.




FAMILY GODS


123

afterwards handing the father’s loaf to the son, and the son’s
to the father. When the son who has separated from the
home of his father, has received the bread, he reverently
carves a chip from the pot hanger of wood suspended from the
ceiling. He takes, further, ashes from the hearth, and conveys
these with the chip to the newly founded kuala of his new
home . 6

A curious statement is that he who carries the Vorsud must
not put his foot on the bare ground, but must walk all the time
on planks laid on the ground.

Many circumstances in the above descriptions recall the
customs followed at a Votiak wedding. The very tunes
played on this occasion are wedding tunes. In some places,
it is further customary to distribute presents at the kuala
feast, as at a wedding. In the District of Mamadysh a custom
recalling a wedding is connected with the above mentioned
ceremonies, namely, that the Vorsud is taken to the new home
like a bride in a sleigh with two horses and tinkling bells, the
women being dressed in wedding costume. That the Votiaks
themselves consider the Vorsud feast to be a wedding festivity
is seen from the name of this feast, mudor suan (“ mudor
wedding ”). Among the Votiaks, certain ceremonies recalling
those of the mudor wedding are now observed at the inaugura-
tion of the modern huts used in these days. They also call
this festivity “ hut wedding ” ( korka suan), on which occasion
as at a wedding a “ host ” (lord) officiates. As the Indo-Euro-
pean races observe similar customs, we may assume that the
Volga Finns acquired theirs through a foreign culture. The
fact, however, that the above named ceremonies refer to a
time when the Votiaks were still living in the old kuala , in-
dicates that they date from a comparatively distant time.

The very word mudor, which phonetically corresponds to
the Finnish mantere (“ earth foundation ”), recalls a different
kind of removing ceremony, described by Aminoff. w When
leaving his father’s home to found a household of his own,


124


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


the son descends under the floor of the hut, takes a little earth
from there, and also fire from the hearth of the hut and then
prays to the son of the family spirit to accompany him to the
new home.” 7 A similar custom, when removing, seems to
have been known also among the Siryans in former times.
This appears from the following statement by Nalimov: “ Even
in our days, everyone, on leaving home for a long journey,
takes with him a handful of earth from under the earth foun-
dation of his home. This earth protects him from accidents
and nostalgia.” 8 Similar beliefs are to be found among the
Baltic Finns. Among the Ingrians a custom has been found of
giving to a bride who is going to a strange neighbourhood, a
bundle containing earth from the earth foundation under the
floor of her native hut, to protect her from nostalgia. Like-
wise, they believe that a domestic animal removed to another
farm, will not miss its former home, if, when removing it,
some earth is also brought from the outhouse where the animal
was kept before . 9

In the earliest times, the founder of a new family, when
parting from the home of his fathers, seems to have received
one or several images of his family spirits, to take with him,
the Lapps believing these to descend as an inheritance from
father to son, like any other property. On account of the fact
that the Votiaks have not, for a long time, used images, no
exact statements concerning this custom are to be found. Only
a few traditions and customs point back to this distant time.
Wichmann relates about the District Urzhum, that on leaving
his father’s home, a son was given also a part of the contents
of the sacrifice case . 10 Another writer mentions that the
sacrifice case of the new kuala must be made in the old kuala ,
and before being removed, it must have lain for some time on
the sacrifice shelf of the old kuala . 11 This may be the origin
of the words in the above mentioned custom among the Votiaks
when removing the Vorsudj “ I take the smaller and leave
the greater.” To receive a Vorsud from his native home is


FAMILY GODS


125

of such great importance to the son that if for one reason or
another the father quarrels with his son and refuses to give
him a Vorsud, the son must procure it by robbery. If the son
who is angry with his father says, when taking the Vorsud:
“ I leave the smaller, I take the greater,” the consequence,
according to the interpretation of the magicians, is that the
son gets the older Vorsud, and, in a religious sense, stands
higher than his father. If, after this, any of his younger
brothers is in want of a Vorsud, he must apply to his brother
with his request and not to his father . 12

After the mudor wedding, the kuala, is a sanctuary ; the
Vorsud lives in it, and from that day, worship is carried out
there. To keep up this is the sacred duty not only of that
generation, but also of the following, for according to the
beliefs of the Votiaks, the sacrifices in a building consecrated
as a sanctuary must never be interrupted. He who does not
observe this rule, will meet with some great accident. The
people tell with terror how such persons have lost their prop-
erty, have gone mad, etc. If, for instance at the change of
guardians, the kuala should be removed from one place to
another, the building is pulled down, and the timber of the
walls is placed in the same order when built anew. The
ashes of the hearth, the stones, and the Vorsud case are taken
with ceremony to the new place, together with the timber.
Besides being removed when changing a guardian, the kuala
may also be taken away for some other reason. Thus, for in-
stance, it once happened that a sacrificial bull, when about to
be killed, broke loose and ran away from a “ great kuala ”
the sacrificers, in the midst of their devotions, having to leave
off and pursue it. The place where the animal was at last
caught, was considered to be so pleasing to the kuala spirit
that the whole building was removed there . 13 If, from any
cause, people are obliged to destroy a kuala , the sacrifice case
and the stones of the hearth may not on any account be lost.
As an instance of the superstition of the Votiaks the following


126


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


legend is mentioned: A man destroyed his kuala and built in
its stead a barn, leaving the sacrifice case and the stones under
the hearth. Once, some young men who had gone there to
sleep were awakened suddenly by groans from under the barn,
like the wailing of a sick man. The next night the same wail-
ing was heard. At last, the master himself went to sleep there,
and found that it was none other than the Vorsud who was
moaning. He then promised to remove the stones and the
case into a new kuala , which he did, and thenceforward there
was silence in the barn . 14

Considering that the name of Vorsud, at the sacrifice meet-
ings of the Votiaks, is generally used in the singular, most
frequently in connection with the kuala family’s name, as
“ mozga Vorsud,” “ utsa Vorsud,” etc., it would seem as if
every Votiak kuala had possessed only one family spirit. This
was, however, not so in olden times, as is proved by the cir-
cumstance that the Votiaks consider themselves able to dis-
tribute them among their descendants. In one prayer the
name of Vorsud is also used in the plural . 15 The idea of
several spirits in one kuala appears, moreover, in the follow-
ing legend: A certain Votiak became a Christian and re-
nounced the ancient customs of sacrifice, but did not destroy
his kuala. After some time the spirits began annoying him;
when lying in bed, he seemed to feel a heavy stone pressing
on his breast; when he went to the barn to sleep, the spirits
came there, too, to annoy him. At last, the man made up his
mind to shoot them, and one night he walked about, gun in
hand, waiting for them. At midnight three persons in white
came out of the kuala> the first a beardless youth, the second
also young but with the beginnings of a beard, the third, a
woman. The man fired, and the vision vanished at once.
After that they did not show themselves any more, but re-
moved to another place, sending the man a severe illness as a
punishment . 16

The above story, showing that in one and the same kuala

[Prometheus]

PLATE XIII


Vorsud Case Venerated by the Votiaks
(See page 1 19.)

Water-colour by V. Soldan-Brofeldt.








FAMILY GODS


127

there were several family spirits, points also to their human
origin. According to the belief of the Votiaks, the kuala
spirits generally appear as human beings. At times, however,
though rarely, the Vorsud may reveal itself in some other
form. In a story of the Votiaks in the District of Glazov, a
kuala sanctuary is mentioned as having been on the site where
the present town of Vyatka is situated. It is related that
when the Russian settlers, after having driven out the Votiaks
from their then dwelling-places, began pulling down the kuala ,
a bird flew out of the sanctuary, meeting its death beside the
church just erected, as if stricken by an invisible power . 17

The Votiak, having founded for himself a kuala of his
own, still visits the old kuala , and sometimes even the still
older mother kuala. The first, in comparison with the second,
is a “ little kuala ” likewise the second in comparison with the
third, while the second, compared with the first, is a “ great
kuala ” and in the same way, the third in comparison with
the second. According to their kuala worship the Votiaks are
commonly divided into two groups, to both of which the same
person may belong — the family of the “ great kuala ” and
the family of the “ little kuala.” To illustrate the present
kuala cult of the Votiaks and the relations of the different
family groups with each other, it may be mentioned that the
same Votiak in the village of Ostorma-Yumya in the District
of Mamadysh, besides visiting the “little kuala” which is
situated in his own yard and in whose sacrifices, besides himself,
the families of his three younger brothers take part, also fre-
quents the “ great kuala ” situated in the same village and
visited by seventy-three families in all. The other families in
the village, belonging to other clans, go each their own way to
sacrifice. The above mentioned seventy-three families visit
also the kuala in the neighbouring village or Staraya-Yumya,
from which Ostorma-Yumya and certain other villages were
originally formed. The “ great kuala ” of Staraya- Y umya is
visited, not only by its own villages, but by the seventy-three


128


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


families of Ostorma-Yumya, and, also, by all the persons liv-
ing in the neighbouring villages who belong to the same tribe.
In later days, however, people have more and more ceased
coming from strange villages with their offerings to the “ great
kuala ” of the mother village.

The relationships among the family groups are, of course,
not the same in every Votiak village. Sometimes a “ little
kuala ” may be visited by quite a number of families, up to
several score, this depending wholly on the zeal of the Votiak
families in founding new kuala sanctuaries for themselves.

Those Votiaks, who have removed as settlers, and even
those who now remove far from their native place, and who,
therefore, cannot take part in the sacrifices of their native
village, remember, however, the kuala of their ancestors in
their own kualas. Thus for instance, a Votiak family living
in the village of Mozga in the District of Birsk, remembers the
“ great kuala ” in the native village of the same name in the
district of Yelabuga, because their ancestors had removed
thence, bringing with them mudor. A remarkable feature of
the kuala cult of the Eastern Votiaks is, further, the circum-
stance that the so-called “ little kualas ” have come to be
neglected ; relatives perform their sacrifices only in the mutual
family sanctuary, several of which may be found in one
village, depending on the number of different families. Un-
der such circumstances, mudor weddings take place only when
Votiaks remove as settlers from the old village to a new
one.

Reverence for the old home has been best preserved in the
oldest native districts of the Votiaks, where, in certain neigh-
bourhoods at present uninhabited, we may see remains of
crumbling huts, which are sometimes visited at the command
of the sorcerer, for the purpose of sacrificing in cases of severe
illnesses. A hut of this nature, which is called “ the utter-
most kuala ” is most probably the oldest home of the family
that has been retained in memory.


FAMILY GODS


129


General, regular kuala sacrifices are performed by the
Votiaks at somewhat different times in different places, but,
according to the most widespread custom, three times a year
— in the spring, in summer, and in autumn. Later, it has
become customary to sacrifice much oftener in the family kuala y
in some places on every Christian holy day.

On regular holy days, the Votiaks sacrifice in the “ little ”
as well as in the “ great ” kuala , representatives being some-
times sent also to the greater sanctuary of the mother village.
The sacrificial ceremonies in the different sanctuaries resemble
each other very much, with the exception of unimportant de-
viations. On the other hand, the times and order of sacrificing
in the kualas of different rank vary, sacrifices being sometimes
carried out first in the “ little kuala ” and then in the “ great
kuala ” and vice versa. In some places the sacrificial cere-
monies are held late in the evening, in others in the daytime.
At times the festivity lasts for two or three days.

The oldest account of a kuala sacrifice originates from the
province of Ufa and was published by Ryckov in the eight-
eenth century. The author relates that the Votiaks sacrifice,
“ near certain branches of fir regarded by them as representing
the family god,” a young calf, whose ears they then place on
the shelf on which the fir branches lie. The sacrificial animal
they kill in the sanctuary itself . 18

Of the same period is the description by Georgi, who gives
a more detailed account of the sacrifice performed at Easter.
The author states that both men and women partake in the
ceremony, having cleansed themselves first by taking a bath
in the bathhouse. Each one brings with him to the kuala
guardian the objects necessary for the sacrifice. When the
meat is cooked, the officiating priest places a portion from
every dish and also some beer on a table opposite the door.
On the shelf above the table some fir-twigs are laid, and on
these he puts a dish with morsels from the sacrifice. These
he takes after a while, together with the drinking vessel, in


130


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


his hand, asking from the Vorsud happiness, health, children,
cattle, bread, honey, etc. 19

A later, but much more complete account (1838) describes
a sacrifice in the village of Multan. In this account it is stated
that the guests bring with them to the sanctuary, bread, cakes,
boiled eggs, and, for drink, home-made spirits and beer. Hav-
ing accompanied the sacrificial animal to the middle of the
kuala in front of the “ image,” they place beside it loaves of
bread with eggs on them. If very many loaves have been
brought, those officiating select three whole ones, but of the
others they cut only a piece, placing these slices together with
the eggs on the whole loaves. At the same time, one of the
Votiaks recites prayers over the victim, and another pours
water on it. The prayer done, they begin killing the animal,
letting the blood flow into a cup or a trough \ the skin is
stripped off, the entrails cleaned and the worthless parts buried
in a pit. The sacrificial animal is then cut up, its different
members being severed so that a piece is obtained from each,
the head, the breast, the legs, etc. The meat is boiled in a
pan, into which the blood is also poured. When everything is
ready, the Votiaks begin drinking the gin and tasting the sacri-
ficial food. At the same time, they sacrifice, three times, food
and meat in the fire, pouring into it, also three times, gin
and beer from every vessel. Further, all the bones of the
sacrificial animal are gathered and put into the fire, only those
that will not burn being buried in a pit. The prayer read
during the sacrifice contains invocations to the god to protect
the family, to multiply the cattle and cause the vegetation
to prosper. 20

In the southern and eastern Votiak Districts, women gener-
ally do not appear at the sacrifices, and even when allowed to
come, they stop outside the door with their children. This
does not seem to have been the original custom. Among the
Votiaks of the northern parts, where the ancient original cus-
toms have been partly better preserved, women are always









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? r • rii • ' \



: ;c) i. ; . '

: _U ' o / ' "*>> - 7 . ? '

v-, ,, ? ?

.muoeuM bjIikiWu/I 3 rb men"



PLATE XIV


1. Remains of an old Votiak sacrificial Kuala in
a now uninhabited district. (See page 128.)

2. Vorsud case of the Votiaks with other sacrificial
apparatus. (See page 119.)

From the Nukharka Museum.






FAMILY GODS


131

present when sacrificing at home. At times they have a rep-
resentative of their own even at the kuala festivals, such
representatives, besides the ordinary kuala guardian, being
chosen from each sex for the purpose of arranging the festival
ceremonies. These become the host ( lord ) of the festival and
his wife, who sit each at a different table in different corners.
While officiating, the host keeps his cap on. The guests arrive
in white holiday costume at the sanctuary, where the men take
their places to the left of the fireplace, the women to the right.
Amusements very often follow the sacrifice: music, singing, etc.
The sacrificial priest sings sacrifice songs improvised on the
occasion in question . 21

In our days blood sacrifices at the kuala festivals have
begun to be scarce. When sacrificing for some special reason
they are still necessary, but at the regular festivals it has be-
come customary to sacrifice only bread or porridge. Even if
bread only be sacrificed, the Votiaks, in remembrance of the
older custom, must still light the sacrificial fire. Once a year
however, at least, they must still carry out a blood sacrifice
with materials mutually contributed.

At the sacrifices, the Votiaks place one part of the sacrificial
gifts on the shelf, while another part is burnt in the fire. When
sacrificing bread, they always place it on the shelf in the corner,
on which a white cloth is laid for the purpose. Sometimes
there is placed on the regular sacrifice bread, which the wife of
the kuala guardian makes of spring corn, other little pieces of
bread from all the other families taking part in the sacrifice.
Besides bread, the Votiaks also sometimes put butter, honey,
and drink on the Vorsud shelf. On the occasion of the blood
sacrifice, a little meat porridge, or, when the beast is a big
domestic animal, portions of its most important organs, gener-
ally boiled in different pans, are placed there. In most Dis-
tricts it is customary to place the above named offerings on
the shelf only as long as the prayer is being said. There are
circumstances, however, which indicate that formerly the offer-


132


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


ings were also left in their place for a longer time. Thus,
for instance, it is customary in the District of Mamadysh, when
sacrificing a duck, to leave its head on the sacrifice shelf until
after the second or third day after the kuala festival, when it
is eaten up by the priest. At Easter, a cake or a cup of water
is placed on the shelf for the night, sometimes for a whole
week, after which period persons belonging to the family eat
up the offerings. The women, in general, are not in the habit
of eating of the food placed on the sacrifice shelf.

Such portions of the sacrifice as the Yotiaks place on the shelf,
have also been sacrificed in the fire. Is this dual sacrificial
custom of the kuala cult to be considered as the original, or
are there two different stages of development reflected in these
customs? Aminoff considers that the placing on the shelf is an
older form of the kuala sacrifice, and the throwing into the
fire a more recent one . 22 That the fire sacrifice in general is of
later date among the Finno-Ugric races is seen clearly from the
sacrificial customs of the Lapps.

Besides the blood sacrifices, the purpose of which was prin-
cipally the feasting of the family gods, the Votiaks, in former
times, also carried gifts to their kuala sanctuaries which were in-
tended to serve the spirits as clothing, ornaments, or other holy
property. We have already mentioned that in the ancient sacri-
fice cases of the Votiaks, all kinds of objects, such as skins,
feathers, coins, etc., have been found, which most likely had
been placed there as offerings. In former times, sacrifices of
this kind were of course much more abundant and of more
value, so that many “ great kualas ” became quite remarkable
treasuries. For this reason their doors were well closed in un-
settled times, and the services of a special “ guardian ” were
necessary.

Besides the gift offerings, sacrificial coins are kept in the kuala
sanctuary of the Votiaks, a collection of money being, indeed,
embodied in the sacrificial ceremonies, and generally carried out
after the feast. This is done in such a manner that every guest


FAMILY GODS


133

either puts his mite into the money box or presses it into the
cake that the kuala guardian carries in his hands, after the sacri-
fice. Sometimes the guests bring their money stuck into the
sacrificial bread. This common money, of which much more
was collected formerly than nowadays, is used only for sacred
purposes. With this money they pay for the repair of the
sanctuary and for things necessary at the performance of the
sacrifices, and in addition for the sacrificial animals.

Besides the above mentioned regular sacrificial festivals,
there are others, more or less accidental, celebrated only under
certain circumstances, sometimes in the “ great kuala ” and
sometimes in the “ little kuala ” Occasional sacrifice festivals
are celebrated by the Votiaks when such illnesses or other mis-
fortunes have occurred, as are declared by the sorcerer to origi-
nate from the spirits living in the kuala. The sacrifice is not
killed immediately, but a “ sacrificial vow ” is made first, which,
in case of lack of means, may still be u renewed,” before the
true sacrifice is offered up. But on no account may it be for-
gotten or put off to an indefinite future. Particularly is it
obligatory to sacrifice when a young girl in the family is to be
married. It is related that, in the District Sarapul, when a
bride removes to her new home, she is first taken round the
fireplace in her old home, the while her father prays, with a
measure of gin and another of beer in his hand, promising to
sacrifice an ox, a calf, or some other animal to the family
spirit . 23 In the District Mamadysh it is customary that, on the
wedding day, the young wife makes a sacrificial vow, but the
sacrifice itself generally takes place first in the following
autumn, when she arrives at her native village with a duck
under her arm. The bird is killed and boiled in the u great
kuala” the sacrifice prayer being said by the “ guardian,” who
points out to the Vorsud which of the daughters of the family,
having married, has now removed to another family and is
therefore bringing an offering to the family spirits of her native
home. No other person than the sacrificing priest and the


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


134

sacrificer herself may take part in the performance. Only after
this sacrifice may the wife perform sacrifices in her husband’s
family kuala. In case of illness, however, or some other mis-
fortune, she must, on the advice of the sorcerer, sacrifice to the
kuala of her family.

We have earlier pointed out similarities between some fea-
tures of the Vorsud cult and those of the worship of the spirits
of the deceased. The worship of departed ancestors is, above
all, recalled by the close relationship of the Vorsud to the
family worshipping the same, in whose name it is often ad-
dressed in prayer. It is to be noted, also, that the Votiaks turn
to the Vorsud and to the deceased in exactly the same matters,
chiefly in cases of illness, the Vorsud and the deceased members
of the family being sometimes named side by side in the
same prayer.

In comparing the kuala sacrifices and the order in which
they are performed, with the general memorial festivals of
the Votiaks, celebrated in the dwelling-house, we notice that in
these, customs are observed that resemble the kuala ceremonies.
Thus the Votiaks celebrate memorial festivals, besides those
at home, within a greater family circle, or at the home of the
ancestors of the family, on which occasion they recall together
the memory of the deceased members of the family, in particu-
lar that of the most important. This corresponds to the
Votiaks’ curious fashion of distinguishing between the family
of the “ little kuala ” and that of the “ great kuala .” Thus,
it is no accident that the time of celebrating the regular kuala
festivals and that of the regular memorial festivals fall so near
each other. Evidently, the kuala festivals are only a more an-
cient form of the memorial festivals, in which, instead of
poultry, larger domestic animals were used for the sacrifice.
As the ceremonies at a later time have become altered to some
extent from their earlier form, both have been retained side by
side with each other until our days.

Among other Finno-Ugric peoples, the kuala cult has not


FAMILY GODS


135

[Prometheus]

been preserved to the same extent as among the Votiaks. Many
of them do not even use the old building, although it bears a
name common among all the tribes of these peoples. Remains
of the kuala cult, have, however, been preserved among the
Cheremiss, amongst whom we may still see, in some parts, in
the background of the hut {kudo) a time-darkened case which
these, like the Votiaks, regard as the dwelling of the kudo-
spirit. Nowadays we see there, besides offerings, only dried
birch leaves which are not even always renewed on the occasion
of sacrificing. Most frequently, however, we no longer find
a sacrifice case in a Cheremiss kudo , but in its former place,
the corner shelf continues to be held sacred. No stranger is
allowed to approach the sacrifice shelf, as the kudo - spirit
{kudo-V odyz) may take it amiss, nor does it befit women to
approach it, and even the children are afraid of it and avoid
it. In order to shield the sacred back part of the sanctuary
from injurious contact, the Cheremiss in some parts of the
country used to divide the house by a partition . 24 In the Dis-
trict of Urzhum I heard the back part called “ the little kudo”
At times only one or the other back-corner is separated by
means of a partition of boards. The “little kudo” which is
reached from the “ great ” one through a small door, is, ac-
cording to the Cheremiss, more sacred than the other parts of
the building. Only grown up men may enter there, and not
even these unnecessarily. In bygone days there were kept in
“ the little kudo ” besides the sacrificial objects necessary at
divine service, also arms and implements of the chase. Here
were made, besides, their vows of sacrifice, by bringing in the
firewood necessary when sacrificing in the forest, and the pan
in which the victim was to be boiled. Where there is no
longer any kudo y the sacrifice case is kept in the storehouse in
the entrance to the bathhouse.

The kudo -\ odyz of the Cheremiss, when requiring sacrifice,
also appears in human form in the dreams of the family mem-
bers. The offering is then placed in the above named case,


136 FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY

or on the sacred corner shelf. According to the earliest ac-
counts, the Cheremiss slaughtered a black sheep for their god. 25
Nowadays they bring for the most part only small sacrifices,
such as hens and ducks, for occasional reasons, mostly on ac-
count of a certain eye disease (trachoma). At first the sacrificial
vow is fulfilled in such manner that a little meal, some honey,
and cakes or other eatables, are placed on the sacrifice shelf.
The sacrifice itself is not executed until after the lapse of some
time. Then the flour and honey used at the sacrificial vow
are mixed into a dough, of which sacrificial bread is made for
all the members of the family. In the sacrificial meal, which
is prepared and consumed in the kudo , only members of the
family partake, strangers not being allowed the tiniest bit.
When beginning the meal, pieces of food are placed on the
sacrifice shelf, near which the head of the family prays, asking
for forgiveness on behalf of the sinner and on that of the
whole family, should any one, unconsciously, in one way or
another, have happened to offend the kudo- spirit, and implor-
ing him to protect and keep the family and home. In some dis-
tricts it is customary to offer up a sacrifice to him at a fixed time,
in the autumn. The bones of the victim are not burnt, but
buried in the earth under the building 5 a portion from every
part of the body of the sheep used for this being placed on the
sacrifice shelf. In the District of Urzhum a curious custom has
been retained of taking the household god to one’s neighbours,
when the spirit, by sending an illness, seems to require a sacrifice.
When not inclined to sacrifice to it, they say: “ Do not require
any thing of us, we have boiled the last already; we will take
thee to our neighbour’s; there is a silver-horned bull and a fine
woolly sheep, there thou shalt have a treat.” Thus speaking,
the Cheremiss takes dust from the “ kudo-s'pwxds ” case and
sets out for his neighbour’s. If he is asked to take a seat there,
and is offered bread and salt, all is well, as then “ the spirit ”
has been kindly received. Unnoticed, the guest throws the
dust from his hand into the corner and goes away without






PLATE XV


1. The little kudo or dwelling of the kudo - spirit
within a Cheremiss hut, or great kudo. (See page

I35-)

2. Cheremiss kudo. (See page 135.)

After photographs by U. Holmberg.





FAMILY GODS


137

saying good-bye or asking his neighbour to come and see him.
Also among the Hill Cheremiss, amongst whom one very rarely
comes across a kudo , the belief has been preserved that the
kudo-V odyz. continues to live in the place of the former kudo y
and that he who quarrels in the said place or besmirches it, will
undoubtedly fall ill . 26

After marriage, the Cheremiss woman still goes at first for
some time to the kudo of her old home to sacrifice, should she
meet with illness or any other misfortune declared by the sor-
cerer to have been caused by the spirits of the “ old place.”
Similarly the scattered younger families turn when necessary to
the spirits of older kudo. Thus, the “ little family ” remains
always dependent on the “ great family ” in some way or
other . 27

Georgi speaks also about a material image of the family god,
stating that “ in many houses, perhaps in every house, there is
in a corner in a case, a coarse little doll of wood, dressed in
male attire.” When describing the wedding ceremonies of the
Cheremiss, he further relates that “ when everything is ready
in the wedding house, the family god is placed on the table
and the sacrificing priest {kart) of the village prays in front
of it.” Considering that the Cheremiss have not been in the
habit of keeping the sacrifice case in the dwelling-house, there
is reason to suppose that the family god mentioned by Georgi
is the ^«<io-Vodyz . 28

A similar family cult doubtless existed among the Mordvins,
and even among the Baltic Finns. Among the Esthonians,
remains of it seem to have been preserved, through alien in-
fluence, until modern times. The Vorsud case of the Votiaks
corresponds, with them, to the “ Tonni vakk ” {vakk =
“case”). On Tonni or Antony ’s-day (January seventeenth)
one must brew beer or slaughter some animal — the latter
being generally a sheep, though a bull is sometimes mentioned.
At nightfall, the Tonni vakk was taken from its recess, candles
were lighted on the rims of the case, and it was carried all


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


138

round the dwelling house, the cattle sheds, and the yard.
From each part of the carcase of the sacrificial animal a piece
of meat was cut as a sacrifice to Tonni, and of the gravy a little
was also sprinkled on the nearest paths. Lastly the people
sat down to eat.

Tbnni’s case, which had to be made by the sorcerer, was kept
in a place known only by the master, generally in the attic of
the storehouse. In this were placed all the year round, for one
reason or another, various offerings: — when the corn was
threshed, when beer was brewed, when milking a cow that had
lately calved, when shearing the sheep, and when spinning yarn
or weaving cloth. When slaughtering, they sacrificed meat,
blood or fat. The case had to be particularly remembered on
the occasion of illness among either human beings or animals.
Falling ill was considered to be a consequence of the case hav-
ing been damaged or of some one, when passing, having made
a noise, or because the people had forgotten to sacrifice to it.
There is a report even, that the case used to contain a doll-like
image. That the Esthonians also had known both a lesser
family spirit and a greater one, is shown by a tradition, accord-
ing to which not only every family but also every village had its
common sacrifice case . 29

There are no reliable statements regarding the corresponding
family worship of the Finns. Yet, in the social life of the
Karelians there are indications that these belonged to two dif-
ferent families, a smaller and a larger one, the chieftainship
of the last named — where its head was not chosen by election
— descending from a father to the eldest son of the eldest
branch of the family. A result of the worship of the fore-
fathers of the family was most likely the alien position of the
wife in her husband’s home, for, as with the Votiaks, the women
in Finnish Karelia kept their own family name even after
their marriage . 30


CHAPTER IX


HEROES

T HERE is every reason to believe that those Lapp Seides,
which were worshipped by a larger following, were dedi-
cated to the spirit of some more famous man, the founder of a
family, a shaman, etc. Such people were worshipped also
among other Finno-Ugric peoples and the Samoyeds. Ven-
iamin relates of the Yuraks that certain of their stone or
wooden gods, the latter having a head coming to a point, were
worshipped by a great tribe, spread over a wide area, others
again by only a very scant congregation. The former are
generally situated in the neighbourhood of such places as the
Yuraks are accustomed to gather at, to hunt or fish or to seek
food for their reindeer. He mentions two such ancient sacred
places, visited by great numbers, of which one was situated
on the holy island Vajgats. At these meetings the Samoyeds
sacrifice reindeer and dogs to their tutelary spirits, besmearing
the mouths of the idols with the blood and fat of the sacrifice,
and having eaten the flesh, hanging up the head, and even
at times, the hide, on a holy tree . 1 Of later origin is possibly
a custom of the Eastern Samoyeds of throwing pieces of the
flesh of the sacrifice into the fire. Bloodless sacrifices are per-
formed among the Ostiak Samoyeds. These sometimes do
not slaughter the sacrificial deer, but content themselves with
cutting out the face of the god or other strange figures on its
back. After a ceremony of this description the animal is re-
garded as holy, and may not be used for any purpose or
eaten . 2

The “sacred places” of the Yuraks are not fenced in,
neither are buildings to be found on them, the idols standing al-


140


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


ways under the open sky . 3 On the other hand, special buildings
for their idols are met with among the Ostiak Samoyeds. A
building of this kind, hidden away in the forest, is described
by Donner in the following words: “As the dwelling-place
of the gods they use here a building standing on four high
supports, resembling greatly the average barns by the River
Ob. In the fore-wall there was a little opening and against
the back wall stood the god, made of wood and resembling
a human being, together with his marital partner. The face
was very clumsily carved, the eyes formed of two large blue
glass-pearls, imparting a very quaint expression to the old
man. The images were dressed in fine furs and had around
them a number of weapons made of pewter with which to
protect themselves j and, fashioned of the same material,
swans, geese, snakes, reindeer and other animals, by the help
of which they were supposed to be able to flee on the approach
of an unconquerable enemy. Near the door was posted a
little man dressed as a Russian policeman, holding a wooden
sabre in one hand, while in the other he swung a great sword.
The dwelling-place of the gods was furnished with gaudy
cloths and expensive furs, and before the image of the ancestor
the most varying objects lay on the floor, among other things
a great deal of money, of which many coins were a couple of
hundred years old. In the branches of the holy trees sur-
rounding the building garments, horns of animals, hides, etc.,
were hung.” 4

Similar spirits, bound to certain fixed places, are also pos-
sessed by the Ostiaks and Voguls in great numbers. The
mightiest of these are honoured by a great circle extended
over a wide area, others again only by a small one, or merely
by the population of a single village. “ All places dedicated
to idols,” says Pallas, “ the boundaries of which are exactly
defined by rivers, brooks, or other marks, are spared by the
Ostiaks, who neither cut down trees nor mow grass, neither
hunt nor fish, abstaining even from drinking the water within




PLATE XVI


1. Ostiak Holy Place, with images of gods or
spirits.

According to Finsch.

2. Ostiak place of sacrifice.

After photograph by Rabot.

(See page 141 and compare pages 139-140.
Yurak.)




— JL


HEROES


141

their boundaries, for fear of offending the gods. Should they
be obliged to traverse these waters by boat, they are careful
not to approach too closely to the shores or to touch them
with their oars, and if the way through them is very long,
they supply themselves with water before reaching the holy
place, as they would sooner suffer the worst tortures from
thirst than drink of the holy water.” 0 These holy places,
however, have not definite boundaries, still less are they fenced
in, but especially in the southern districts there is a little build-
ing resembling a storehouse, intended for the preservation of
offerings and the images. Like their house gods, the spirits
living at fixed holy places of the Ostiaks and Voguls have all
been materialised into images. Most often they have been
shaped as wooden figures resembling human beings, at times
as rag-dolls made out of stuffed sacks or natural stones ; fur-
ther, they have also been formed of bronze, copper, lead, or
even of bones. As assistants these have often images resem-
bling various animals. The storehouses for offerings are gen-
erally under the care of a special person, who then also
carries out the sacrificial ceremonies and receives the offerings,
money, skins, etc. Very often this occupation is hereditary in
the same family . 6

That these powerful and dreaded spirits, regarded as being
able to visit people with sickness, were originally human,
has not been forgotten by the people. A part of them are said
to have been former rulers or heroes, whose mighty deeds
are extolled in songs, others are expressly said to be the
founders of the clans. Those again that are furnished with
images of animals were probably famous shamans. An example
of how a powerful spirit is believed to develop out of a man
of mark after death is given by an Ostiak folk-poem, in
which a Vasyugan hero displays an uncommon nobility of
character by burying the body of a dead enemy-hero, erecting
his sword on the grave, and consoling him by saying: “ In
the times of coming daughters, in the times of coming sons,


142


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


thou shalt be called to life, and thou shalt become an offering-
spirit accepting offerings.” 7

At times one may see many images in the same offering-
house. Two hundred years ago, Novitskiy visited a “ great ”
god-house, containing five wooden images resembling human
beings wrapped round with “ clothes.” Around this chief
building were smaller square store-rooms on posts about the
height of a man; in these were preserved the objects used at
the slaughter of a sacrifice ; axes, knives, etc. Separated from
these was another little store-room filled with bones. 8

The sacrifices of the Ostiaks and Voguls, which may be
either annual or occasional, do not materially differ from the
corresponding uses of the Samoyeds. According to the oldest
sources, the mouths of the images were besmeared with blood
and fat, and the hides of the animals, with horns and hoofs
attached, hung up in trees. The use of fire as a means of
transmitting the offerings, met with also among the Ostiak
Samoyeds, is most probably of later origin. Like these last
mentioned, the more Eastern Ostiaks have the custom of occa-
sionally offering up so-called bloodless sacrifices, that is to
say, sacrifices in which the animal is not killed, its “ soul ”
only being made over to the god. Even children may thus
be consecrated to some spirit ; the child thus consecrated has
to fulfil certain duties during his lifetime, as, for example,
to marry a wife, or a husband, from the direction of the com-
pass in which the spirit dwells. 9

The worshipping of heroes among the Siryans, at the pres-
ent time totally forgotten by them, is described in the Life of
St. Stephen (d. 1396) in the following words: “ In Perm
many kinds of idols were to be found: some large, some small,
others again, of medium size; some were famous and very
fine, others were legion; a part were worshipped only by
few and were shown little honour, but others again were wor-
shipped by people dwelling far and wide. They have certain
idols to whom they travel long distances, bringing them gifts


HEROES


143

from afar, even from districts three or four days’ or a week’s

• 55 10

journey away."

The brother-tribe of the Siryans, the Votiaks, have even
today forest copses, consecrated to their ancient heroes, and
called lud by them. In earlier times these holy places were
hidden in the forests. The oldest authors to mention the
Votiaks say that these lud were generally in forests of fir . 11
Nowadays, as the forests in East Russia have diminished to a
very great degree, having even become quite scarce in some
districts, these consecrated groves have become visible, standing
out on the open plains as memorials of the former forests.
Thus, in the vicinity of the pagan Votiak villages flourish
luxurious sacrificial groves, the tall trees of which have been
held sacred from generation to generation.

Wherever these lud may happen to be, in the forests or
open plains, they are always fenced in. In this respect they
differ from the holy places of the Samoyeds and the other
northern peoples. But common to them all is the super-
stitious fear felt by the people for them. The Votiaks have
nothing else that they hold so sacred as these lud. No one
enters them without due reason, not even on holy days, with-
out taking an offering there. Cattle may not enter them,
branches may not be broken off, not even a stick may be
taken away; all disturbance is forbidden, and game seeking
shelter there may not be shot at by the hunters. Women and
children avoid them altogether ; in passing them they turn
their heads aside, still less would they ever set foot in them.
Neither may a stranger enter the sacred area. The spirit,
when angered, vents its wrath relentlessly by causing a severe
sickness. Most fear-inspiring, however, is the lud in the
twilight.

The fence surrounding the sacred grove is either of sticks
or boards, or sometimes of plaited branches. As in appear-
ance, so also in height, do they vary in the different districts.
A little gate of boards, swinging on wooden hinges, generally


H4


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY

[Prometheus]

leads to the sanctuary, being open only during the performance
of sacrifices. The direction of these gates varies so much that
it is impossible to conclude that they have been placed to point
to any special point of the compass. Wichmann saw in the
Elabuga District (Bussurman Mozhga) a lud that was divided
into two by a fence; into the inner part only the guardian of
the lud and his assistants were allowed to enter. In this part
was the fireplace and a table for the flesh of the sacrifice.
In the front part, to which the congregation also were ad-
mitted, there was a table for the mutual meal . 12

In most of the lud which the author was able to see during
his travels, there was, with the exception of the fence, nothing
that might specially draw attention to it. Only in a few
sanctuaries was there a rotted bench, a moss-grown stool, or
a narrow table, used by the Votiaks as an altar on which to
offer up their sacrifices. The offering-table is often placed at
the foot of some thick, centuries-old tree, under which the
sacrificing priest reads out his prayers. It would appear that
the sacrificial ceremonies of the Votiaks were particularly
centred round some old tree. Of this, Buch relates also, from
the Sarapul District, that in the centre of the lud there was
an old tree, the lower branches of which were lopped away to
allow of a freer approach . 13

In the larger and much visited groves there was also a
store-like building, without a fireplace, called the lud-kuala
by the Votiaks . 14 One of these the author saw in the Mama-
dysh District. It was a small hut, unfitted for a dwelling-
place, with a roof sloping backwards, and a small door, which,
like the gate of the grove, opened towards the west, that is
to say, towards the village. Nothing was to be seen in the hut,
except a shelf of board in the right-hand back corner. The
fireplace was outside the building, between it and the gate.
The old inhabitants relate that the kuala was not as empty in
earlier times as it was then, but was used as a store-place for
offerings, sacrificial vessels, towels, coins, etc.


HEROES


145


The Votiaks worship in families at the lud; the members of
one family never come to worship in the lud of another
family. Should several /^-families live in the same village,
just as many groves will be found in its vicinity. A grove in
which a great clan, i.e., many villages, gathers for a mutual
sacrifice, is called a “ great lud” Every lud has its separate
“ guardian,” the post passing down from father to son. Only
when a “ guardian ” is childless, is another member of the
family or clan chosen at a meeting of its members to be a
sacrificing priest. Sometimes, the magician ( tuno ) chooses a
guardian for the sacred grove.

The guardian has no special ceremonial dress at the sacrifices,
but it is demanded of him that his apparel shall be neat and
clean. Where possible, he must wear a white coat, on his
head a white hat, and white wrappings round his feet, and new
bark-shoes. Cleanliness is also demanded of the congrega-
tion visiting the grove. No one is allowed to enter who has
not bathed beforehand.

The Votiaks make a lud for themselves for many different
reasons. They begin to worship the lud spirit, for example,
in the hope of being delivered from some serious illness, or,
again, they build a fence round a grove, the spirit of which
has revealed itself in a dream, giving the exact situation of
the same. It is the duty of the dreamer to set out at once to
fence in the place shown him in his dream. When the Votiaks
move as settlers to a new neighbourhood, too far away for the
old lud to be conveniently visited, they prepare a new one
for themselves. This may not be done in any place without
calling upon the services of the magician, who bestrides a
young foal that has never been ridden before, and rides with-
out a bit or reins into the forest. The place where the foal
stops is the site of the grove. The Votiaks, however, take care
that the grove is not situated too far from the village . 15

Sacrifices are not offered up in a new sacred grove until the
“ spirit ” has been brought from the old place. The “ bring-


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


146

ing of the spirit ” is carried out in the same manner as the
mudor- wedding. The Eastern Votiaks relate that their fore-
fathers, for the inauguration of sacred groves in strange neigh-
bourhoods, brought with them ashes from the grove of their
native village. In the same manner Bogayevskiy says of the
Sarapul District, that when the tuno has decided on a site for
a new grove, the sanctuary is removed there with solemn
ceremonies, in which the most important act is the bringing
over of ashes from the old place to be placed on the site of
the fireplace of the new . 16

As soon as the lud has been inaugurated for its mission, it
becomes a sanctuary in which yearly sacrifices must be offered
up. This is not only the sacred duty of the founder, but of all
his descendants. Miropolskiy says that though the Russians
may have laid waste a lud> the Votiaks continue to worship
the spirit at the site of the former grove . 17 Anyone omitting
the proscribed sacrifices is sure to be punished severely by the
lud- spirit, who is regarded by the Votiaks as stern and exacting.

Doubtless, the Votiaks formerly had images within their
sacred groves, although we can no longer determine the ap-
pearance of these. The difficulty, for a child of nature, of
grasping the idea of a spiritual being when he has nothing
material to lay hold of, is shown by a fable of the Votiaks
in which it is told how they were at one time so crushed be-
neath material adversities that the duty of sacrificing lay too
heavily upon them and they decided to abolish this rite. A
Tatar offered to take away the /^-spirit by collecting all the
objects gathered together as offerings in the grove. The
hopes of the Votiaks were, however, dashed again by their
being continuously punished by the spirit. The people be-
lieved this to be due to the fact that the Tatar had not taken
the offerings far enough away, but had cast them on to the
village fields . 18

Besides occasional offerings, annual sacrifices are offered up
by the Votiaks in the lud. The annual sacrifices appear to







' .;tn :• 7 . < < d ,


( . I i.1 T^BCj 5 v7 1





PLATE XVII


1. Votiak sacred grove or lud with surrounding;
fence and gate. (See page 1 43.)

After photograph by Y. Wichmann.

2. Storehouse of the Ostiak idols near Vasyagan.
(See page 141.)

After photograph by Adrianov.





HEROES


147

have been made chiefly in the summer before hay-making
time, and in the autumn after the conclusion of work in the
fields. The ceremony itself was performed, according to the
most ancient custom, in the evening. Occasional offerings are
made by the Votiaks after every misfortune, especially during
a severe illness, said by the magician ( tuno ) to be a sign that
the /^-spirit demands a sacrifice. It is the magician’s duty to
find out what the spirit wishes as a sacrifice on the varying
occasions. To begin with, however, a promise of sacrifice is
regarded as sufficient. Thus, a few copper coins are bound
up in a rag, with the words: “With this money, /^-spirit, I
buy thee a horse, let the sick not lose his life.” Silver coins
are then placed in the rag, with the words: “With silver I
deck the mane of thy horse.” Further, a little meal is strewn
there, with the words added: “ Besides which I will bake thee a
loaf, if thou wilt give health to the sick.” The rag bundle is
then hung up in some secret place. Should the sickness not
improve after this, it is regarded as a sign that the spirit wishes
the actual sacrifice immediately . 19

This promise to the lud- spirit is often made by the guardian,
who, as soon as he is informed of the matter, goes out into his
yard or even into the sanctuary with a loaf of bread or a dish
of porridge in his hand, praying in the name of the sick per-
son, that the /^-spirit may be appeased and wait until the
sick person is himself in a condition to offer up his sacrifice.
Sometimes, the promise is again “ renewed ” before the actual
sacrifice. When the /^-guardian prays in his own yard, he
keeps his face always turned in the direction in which the
sanctuary is situated.

The day on which an annual sacrifice is to be performed,
is determined by the /^-family or lud- clan. Before the cere-
mony, the participants must all cleanse themselves and put on
clean apparel. To the preparations belong also the collecting
of sacrifice-money by cutting the family-mark of each family
on a stick, the marked lines indicating the amount given . 20


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


148

The /^-spirit always demanding blood-offerings, a foal is
generally used as the victim, but also, at times, a black sheep.

After the conclusion of all these preparations, the actual
ceremony is begun. Only the older males go into the sanc-
tuary, carrying with them the vessels, cauldrons, dishes, pro-
visions, and the sacrificial animal. When the crowd arrives
at the gate of the sanctuary, they greet the spirit by taking off
their head-dress, the guardian himself opening the door and,
as the leading person, going first into the grove, the others
following silently after. As a beginning fire must be made on
the site of the old fires, fallen trees, stumps, or fallen branches
being used for fuel. Towels for the wiping of hands are
brought with them also and hung up in the branches of the
tree. On the altar-table, decked with green boughs and
white cloths, the accompanying loaves and pancakes are piled
up. When the number of worshippers is very great, the food-
offerings are placed on the ground, a white cloth being laid
under the wooden bowl of each family.

Before commencing the sacrifice it must be ascertained
whether the /«^-spirit will accept the offering. This is done
by pouring fresh spring-water by means of a bundle of twigs,
over the sacrificial animal, which must be flawless and of one
colour. This ceremony is repeated several times, the lud-
guardian reading softly a prayer the while, until the animal
shivers, which, according to the Votiaks, Chuvashes and Chere-
miss, is a sign that the sacrifice is pleasing to the god.

After the “ sign ” the sacrificing priests begin the slaughter-
ing. Its feet having been bound together, the animal is
turned over on to its left side and the blood allowed to run
dry from the veins in its throat without any previous stunning
of the victim. A few drops of the warm blood are thrown
by means of the sacrifice ladle into the fire. During the
slaughtering, the /^-guardian reads out a prayer, holding the
sacrificial bread in his hand. As soon as the animal has been
killed, the hide is flayed from it and the carcase divided in a


HEROES


149


particular way. The chief organs of the body, the heart,
lungs, liver, etc., are cooked separately and when prepared
are set in a special dish. Later, two small fragments are cut
from each quarter of the carcase, from the tongue, lungs,
heart, liver, etc., one of which is placed in a dish on the table,
the other thrown into the fire. During an earlier period, the
pieces now set on the altar-table were hung up in the tree
itself, and in some places it is still said to be usual to thread
them on to a little twig, to the end of which a strip of lime-
bark is bound, probably for hanging up in the tree. 21 As
other peoples also, including the Lapps, have been in the
habit of cutting small slices from the most important organs of
the sacrificed animal, which were then threaded on to a pole
and fastened to the holy tree, it is apparent that this must
have been an ancient Finno-Ugric custom.

In sanctuaries possessing a building, the offerings are placed
on the corner shelf. This is quite to be expected, for if the
/^-spirits, as may be supposed, were at one time materialised
in the form of images, they were certainly situated in the
lud-kuala , together with the offering vessels and the money.
This is further pointed to by the fact that the Votiaks regard
the lud-kuala. as being so sacred, that only the /^-guardian
may enter it.

From the Life of St. Stephen we may obtain a graphic view
of the ancient lud-kuala sacrifices. Incidentally, the image-
house of the Siryans is mentioned, which was also watched over
by a special “ guardian.” The actual appearance of the build-
ing is not described 5 it is only stated that within were images,
sacrificing tables and a great amount of valuables. The saint
is praised for the fact, that out of all that was hung up round
the gods, either as clothing for them, or for their bedecking
themselves, or merely as gifts of sacrifice — skins of sable,
ermine, skunk, beaver, fox, bear, lynx, and squirrel — all these
he gathered together into a pile, and burnt them, smote the
images with an axe on their foreheads and hewed them into


150


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


small pieces, throwing these on the fire, and burning up every-
thing together, the pile with the skins and the images at the
same time. This caused great surprise among the Siryans, who
said: “ Why did he not take all this as booty for himself? ”
In another place we read: “ In the same manner he forbade
his disciples to take away anything from the houses of the idols,
neither gold, silver, copper, iron, pewter, nor any of the objects
mentioned earlier.” 22

When the /^-spirit has received his share of the sacrifice,
the food is divided according to the number of families taking
part in the sacrifice. Following a very old custom, the whole
of the food must be consumed within the sanctuary and at the
same time. The hide and the larger bones are, following an-
other old custom, hung up in the holy tree . 23 Nowadays, hides
are not seen in the groves of the Votiaks, as not even the fact
of their being cut into pieces has been able to protect them from
thieves. On the other hand, one can see among the Eastern
Votiaks whole skeletons of animals hung up with ropes of
bark on the tree. The extreme care with which the flesh of
the sacrifice is carved by the Votiaks, who avoid fracturing any
bone whatever, and the care with which they join these together
in their natural order, appear to be a result of a belief, said by
Bechterev to be prevalent among them, that the sacrificed
animal does not die, but passes living to the /^-spirit . 24

A noticeable feature in the lud worship of the Votiaks is,
further, the use of wax candles, not found among the more
northern peoples. These candles are often prepared first in the
grove, where the wax obtained in bee-keeping is kneaded be-
tween the hands round strands of flax.

After the meal, the congregation form up in long rows
while the lud - guardian prays in a low voice. According to the
oldest custom the prayers, like the slaughtering also, should be
read with the face turned to the west or the north. The con-
tents of the prayer vary in different districts, depending chiefly
on the accidental needs of the sacrificers. The /^-spirit is first


ILV77. : i h jq;

{..U.i ; 7.7 : 7 . . n;

v 7 - ?’

?; . ’ •; . . . •

l

.nr.. . 7 7 7 / ? ? ?/. ...




PLATE XVIII


1. Votiak lud-kuala , formerly a storeplace for of-
ferings, sacrificial vessels, etc. (See page 144.)

After photograph by U. Holmberg.

2. Votiak lud-kuala , Birsk district. (See page
144.)

After photograph by Y. Wichmann.




HEROES


151

asked to protect human beings and animals against sickness and
all other evils, and the fields from hail and storms, etc. After
each prayer, read by the guardian, the kneeling congregation
touch the ground with their foreheads. Sometimes the minds
of the worshippers are uplifted by the tones of stringed in-
struments. While the people are leaving the sanctuary, they
bow low to the lud and say: “ Live happily and protect us.” 25
At times the festival is prolonged in the village at the house of
the “ guardian,” where the men and women of the village
gather, and where feast-songs are sung in these words: “ The
/^-spirit has wished us peace and given his blessing.” The
festival may even be prolonged for two or three days . 26

What the origin of this lud - spirit was, the Votiaks themselves
do not always know. Many features of the ceremony point,
however, to the worship of the dead. Such features are, e.g.,
the fact that the /^-spirit, often called the “ ruler ” or “ lord ”
( lud-kuzo, lud-asaba ) or merely lud y appears in dreams in hu-
man shape, that he is fixed to a certain place, and that he is
worshipped by families and is sacrificed to in the evenings with
the face turned to the west or the north. The black sacrificial
animals are also a sign pointing to the worship of the deceased.

As Georgi already relates, the Votiaks sometimes worship in
their lud a spirit called Sulton (= Arabo-Turkish Sultan ). 27
The same epithet is applied by the Chuvashes to a spirit dwell-
ing in their sanctuaries, which is called by them kiramat (Pan
Arabo-Turkish word meaning “holy”). To Turco-Tatar
influence points also the belief of the Votiaks that the lud ,
when desiring a sacrifice, appears in dreams in the guise of a
Tatar. The lud sacrifices of the Votiaks are, however, not
entirely of foreign origin, for signs that these also worshipped
their ancestors and heroes are not wanting even in our day.
As an example may be mentioned that in Bussurman-Mozhga
(Elabuga District) eleven villages celebrate the memory of the
founder of their line, Mardan. The brave Mardan had in
bygone times come from the north and chosen this village as


152


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


his dwelling-place. Every third year they sacrifice a horse to
him and a cow to his wife, and annually, in addition, a sheep is
sacrificed. The words of thanksgiving uttered during the sacri-
fice to Mardan, are as follows: “Together we sacrifice a horse
to thee. For the fine children and the fine harvest thou hast
given us, we thank thee, Father Mardan.” 28

[Prometheus]

Further light is thrown upon the lud cult of the Votiaks by
the corresponding sacrificial cult of the Cheremiss. Like the
Chuvashes, the Cheremiss call their fenced-in sanctuaries
keremet. Contrary to their attitude towards the groves of the
Nature gods, in which they say sacrifices are made “ upward,”
or “ towards the sun,” sacrifices are here made “ downward,”
or “ towards the night.” The Cheremiss display great dread of
the groves of the “ lower spirits,” in which, where possible,
coniferous trees must grow. A peculiar feature is that in the
keremet no foreign tongue may be spoken, as the spirit dwelling
there “ hates foreign tongues.” They often give to their
sanctuaries names such as “ the keremet of our clan.” The
same person may, however, belong to two different keremet-
clans. In such cases, the keremet groves are generally con-
secrated to different spirits. At Kurmanaeva (Birsk District)
there is a so-called Suita n-keremet, in the sacrifices of which
the people of about twenty-five villages take part. Some vil-
lages have no keremet at all, while in some places a keremet
may belong to a few separate families only. In the Urzhum
District, where this cult has better preserved its original fea-
tures than among the Eastern Cheremiss, one may see several
sacrifice-trees in the same gloomy fir forest, by each of which
the different families offer up their sacrifices.

Where there is only one keremet in a village this is generally
called after the village. At times, the keremet may be called
after its founder, or after the place in which it is situated.
Every clan takes care of its sanctuary, where the collective
sacrifices are offered up by a member of the clan chosen for
the purpose, but where any single member also may make offer-


HEROES


153


ings on his own account. The Cheremiss make their offerings
late in the evenings, as after a sacrifice one may neither go out
to visit anyone, nor receive visitors. On the way to the grove,
one must, as far as possible, avoid meeting people. The most
usual sacrifice nowadays is a foal or a black sheep, but earlier
it was very often a black bull.

Like the Votiaks, the Cheremiss at times make only a
promise of sacrifice. The usual method is that money, flour,
honey, or a little loaf prepared specially for the occasion, are
placed in a little bundle, and the worshipper prays to the
keremet - spirit to be appeased and to soothe the agony of the
sick; binding himself to carry out the offering on a suitable
occasion. The bundle may be hung up either at home on the
wall of the storeroom, or in the keremet on the branches of the
sacrifice-tree; when the promise is redeemed, the bundle is
burned up. Often the promise is accompanied by the hang-
ing-up of the garments of the sick, or the thrusting in of
some iron implement, an axe, a sickle, or a knife in the wall
of the storeroom, from which they are removed after the
promised animal has been sacrificed. When the Cheremiss
promise a sheep or a bull, they take a little wool or hair from
the promised animal into the grove. If a horse has been
promised, they prepare harness of bark, and hang this on the
sacrifice tree as a guarantee to the spirit. At the same time
a few sticks of wood are piled against the tree. Some who
make promises of sacrifice hang up a wax candle with the
objects already mentioned. The promised sacrifice is
slaughtered, like the others, in the evening, as “ should anyone
meet the sacrificer, he would immediately fall ill.” By
means of all the objects that follow the making of a promise
of sacrifice, the Cheremiss attempt to assure the spirit that he
need not wait very long for the redemption of the promise . 29

Where a poorer Cheremiss cannot in due time fulfil his
promise of sacrifice, he must “ renew ” the promise by sacri-
ficing some lesser object. Very usual is the sacrificing of a


i54


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


goose, a duck, or a hare, in the place of a horse. In the Birsk
District the author had the opportunity of seeing how the
population of a village offered up a smaller sacrifice to the
keremet on account of a cattle-plague. Into the sanctuary
only the sacrificing priest and three assistants entered. These
had first to take a bath and clothe themselves in clean garments.
Immediately when they had arrived at the grove, the assist-
ants made a fire, using for this purpose glowing cinders brought
in a pan from the village. Sacrifice bread was kneaded on
the spot and baked on a wooden fork over this fire. When
the loaf, on which two “ noses ” had been impressed by three
fingers held together, was ready, it was placed at the root of
the sacrifice tree. The candles were then made and placed in
hollows in the bark of the tree. The actual sacrifice, a duck,
lay with feet bound together near the tree. Swinging a burn-
ing branch and striking the knife against the blade of the axe,
the “ priests ” prayed side by side, while the others killed
the duck by cutting its throat. The sacrificing priest poured
a little of the warm blood into the fire, imploring the keremet
to accept the sacrifice, free the cattle from the plague, and
wait until the autumn for the promised horse. When the
flesh of the duck was cooked the sacrificing priest carried it
to the tree, where he cut off small pieces of the heart, liver,
windpipe, neck, breast, back, wings and feet into two bowls,
the contents of one being given through the fire to the kere-
met , of the other to the medium of the sacrifice, “ the Fire-
mother.” In each bowl was also laid one of the cut-off
“ noses ” of the sacrifice bread. Before this ceremony, more
prayers had been read before the tree, accompanied by the
swinging of torches and the clang of the knife against the
axe. After the sacrifice of the contents of the bowls, the rest
of the meat was eaten ; the remnants were thrown into the fire.

At the sacrifices, one hears the Cheremiss in the Urzhum
District refer to the keremet - spirit as the u Old man,” the
“ Great man,” or the “ Prince.” The best known is a spirit


HEROES


i55


called the “ Old Man of the Hill ” or as he is also called,
after his dwelling-place, Nemda, “ the Old man of the Nemda
Hill ” or “ the Prince of the Nemda Hill.” Of this worship,
Olearius relates in the first half of the seventeenth century
that the Cheremiss made pilgrimages to the Nemda brook
and sacrificed there. This holy place, he says, is feared greatly
by them: “ Any one going there without an offering, perishes,
as the devil is believed to have his habitation there.” 30

The sacred place mentioned by Olearius, situated in the
Yaransk District, is spoken of also in certain accounts dating
from the former half of the last century. As the Russian
priests exerted much pressure on the Cheremiss at that time
on account of their pagan religion, they knew that these were
in the habit of making sacrifices at a stone, lying on the bank
of the Nemda near the village Tshembulatova, and, therefore,
they destroyed the stone. The spirit worshipped by the Chere-
miss at the stone, was called by them Tshembulat, from which
the village had derived its name.

Nowadays the people no longer gather at the actual dwell-
ing-place of this spirit, but have prepared groves in his name
at different places. Thus, the same spirit may be worshipped
in the groves of many villages. In the neighbourhoods where
tales of the “ Nemda Old man ” have been best preserved,
it is said that he lived by the Nemda brook over which a
“ bridge ” led. Besides a wife he had also officials: a “ book-
keeper,” an “ interpreter,” a “ guardian of the gate,” and a
“ bridge man,” whose office it was to watch over the bridge.
To each of these it was usual to make a separate offering, a
horse to the Prince himself, a cow to his wife, and to the
others some smaller animal.

Many tales go to prove that this “ great man ” was a former
Cheremiss chief. He is said to have ridden a white stallion
and fought against enemies: “When he finally succeeded
in re-establishing peace on earth, he called together the Chere-
miss to a stone, and proclaimed the peace to them. He then


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


156

lifted up the stone, and placed himself under it, saying to his
people: ‘ Should war break out again, some one must bestride
a white stallion, and ride three times round the stone, shout-
ing: “ Arise, Chief, there is war on the earth! ”’ A Cheremiss
did this once out of curiosity, shouted out the necessary words,
and immediately the chief arose, sat himself on his horse and
rode out to the east and west, to the north and the south,
but nowhere could he see signs of war. Then, calling the
Cheremiss together again, he said: ‘As you have fooled me
and called me without cause, you are hereafter my slaves,
and must sacrifice a foal to me annually.’ ”

In some districts he is called “ the Northern Ruler ” and
is said to have command over an invisible army. When sick-
ness is rife among the cattle, the people say: “The Northern
Ruler has sent his warriors to cut down our cattle.” Even
now he is said to ride through the land of the Cheremiss at
times, to see how these are progressing. Should anyone meet
him without knowing who he is, and thus not get out of his
way, an immediate illness is the result, and a horse must be
sacrificed to the spirit. The people even speak of his green
cloak and his red head-dress. He is specially sacrificed to in
times of war.

Besides the widely-known and everywhere highly respected
“ Nemda Prince ” the Cheremiss have other local keremet-
spirits, the fame of which is not so widely spread. The ma-
jority of these have become the objects of worship through
their heroic deeds. The Cheremiss remember their feats even
today. There are many local heroes, especially in the old
dwelling-places of the people. Thus, they make offerings to
“ the Old man of the castle-hill ” and to the “ Hero Aren,”
who fought against the Tatars, but met his death before a
gate, ever afterwards called the “ Hero gate.” At his death
the hero said: “ Remember me, give me a good horse with me
in the grave, and continue the war by slinging stones! ” The
Cheremiss did as their leader had advised. The stones, di-















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'

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qrn: : ' Hq ' ' ' -

— fij • ob > ri n >if€





















PLATE XIX


1. The image of the Samoyed, “ Master of the
Forest,” carved on a tree-trunk. (See page 178.)

After photograph by K. Donner.

2. Cheremiss horse-sacrifice to the keremet-spirit
in time of sickness. (See page 157.)

After photograph by U. Holmberg.





HEROES


157

rected by the dead hero himself through the air, whistled in
a peculiar manner and destroyed the enemy. On the place
where the hero had died, a keremet was established, in which
the Cheremiss sacrifice a foal in cases of sickness, even today.
A strange inherited custom is connected with this sacrifice as
a memory of those times of war: a stone is cast in the air in
the name of the sick person, and by the whining sound it
makes, the possibilities of recovery are made known.

Together with their own heroes, who “ hate foreign
tongues,” the Cheremiss, like the Votiaks, sacrifice to a spirit
called Sultan. The last named has his own special sanctuaries,
as according to the people’s view, he cannot be worshipped in
the same place as a Cheremiss chief. This may be a relic
from the period of power of the Bolgars, when the independ-
ence of the Cheremiss first began to waver. In any case the
keremet cult already described, corresponding with the lud-
sacrifices of the Votiaks, proves that the Finnish stocks on the
Volga have had their own princes at one time in history, the
memory of whom they have been able to preserve through
the centuries.

Under the alien name of keremet the Mordvins also wor-
shipped their heroes and the dwelling-places of these. Their
keremet also seems to have been a fenced-in forest-grove.
Even sacrifice store-houses {kudo) and probably also images
were kept by them in their sacred places . 31

That the Mordvins, like the Votiaks and Cheremiss, sacri-
ficed also to the spirits of alien rulers, is shown by the name
mentioned earlier, Soltan, or Salhta. The hero cult of the
Mordvins is further described by Paasonen as follows:
“ Among the Erza in the Kazan and Samara Governments,
we find a deity called Staka Pas (“ the heavy god ”), who is
honoured with special sacrifices, and entreated not to launch
“ his heaviness ” (evil generally) upon the people. In some
parts, a divine couple, popularly supposed to be husband and
wife, and bearing many names — e.g., Onto and Bonto —


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


158

are invoked by the epithet of Staka Pas, while elsewhere the
“ heavy god ” is addressed in sacrificial prayers as Kan Pas,
Kuvan Pas, and regarded as living “ in the black earth.”
The word Kan , the signification of which is now unknown to
the people themselves, is simply the Tatar Kan (“ prince ”),
so that Kan Pas means “ god-prince ”j Kuvan again is most
probably derived from the Turkish title kagan y which in Chu-
vash or Bolgar would be pronounced kugan , and in Mordvin
may easily have become kuvan. The Mordvins having been
at one time under the rule of the Volga Bolgars, of whom the
present day Chuvash are a descendant people, it is quite prob-
able that “ the heavy god ” was originally the spirit of some
Turkish ruler. Similarly, the other heavy gods, Onto and
Bonto, etc., are perhaps the rulers of an earlier age. 32

Of a corresponding sacrificial cult among the Baltic Finns
we have no reliable information. We need not doubt, how-
ever, that they also had their heroes whom they worshipped.
The Esthonians and the Finns have preserved a common name
hiisi, which originally meant “ forest ” but later also “ sacri-
ficial grove.” Hiisi, as the spirit dwelling within these was
also called, is generally regarded as an evil spirit, like the lud
of the Votiaks. An old tale has been recorded in Esthonia,
according to which the “ Thunder god ” thrived best in a
forest of leaf-trees, but Hiisi best among coniferous trees.
Here the same difference is made between the worship of
the Nature god and the underground spirits, as the Cheremiss
observe today. The old folk-traditions relate further, that
groves of this description among the Baltic Finns were fenced
in. That they even possessed sacrifice buildings in their sanc-
tuaries, is shown by the Papal Bull of Pope Gregory IX in
the year 1229, in which he allows Bishop Thomas to accept
the sacrificial groves and image-houses ( lucos et delubra),
presented to him by the converted heathen. 33

Doubtless also among the ancient heroes of Finnish song
were many who at one time were worshipped.


CHAPTER X


HOUSEHOLD SPIRITS

T HE anthropomorphic household spirit of many Euro-
pean peoples was unknown to the forefathers of the
Finno-Ugric race. Even now it is rare or unknown among the
Ostiaks and Voguls. A later spirit is the Russian Lapland
Kyode jielle (“the One who dwells in the tent”) or Port
hozjin (“Household ruler”). Of this latter, it is related
that he lives under the fireplace, and may sometimes appear
in the shape of a dog. To appease him the Lapps offer up
sacrifices to him and are glad when he leaves the house. By
the fireside where he dwells, there is a spot where women are
afraid to go or to step over. This household spirit is without
doubt borrowed from the Russians ( horzjin = Russian hoz-
yain). Through the Finns, the Lapps have made the ac-
quaintance of the Tonto (Finnish Tonttu = Swedish Tomte ). 1

The spirit dwelling in the house is called by the Votiaks
Korka-murt (“ House man ”) or Korka-kuzo (“ House
ruler ”). His chief dwelling-place is under the floor, for which
reason he is sometimes called “ the Ruler dwelling under
the floor.” As may be concluded already from the word murt
(“ man ”) this spirit has the outward form of a man. The
“ House man ” shows himself very seldom ; when this happens,
it is a forewarning of death or other misfortunes. When he
does appear he resembles sometimes the master of the house.
Generally speaking, he is a kindly and useful spirit, pro-
tecting the inhabitants of the house from strange spirits and in
every way looking after the interests of the house. He may
even at times take part in the household duties. The Votiaks


i6o FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY

relate that he sometimes spins in the night, if for some reason
or other, the womenfolk have been hindered from finishing
their day’s task. When the “ House man ” is given cause
for anger, he annoys sleepers in the form of the nightmare,
tangles hair and beards in the night, and hinders the success-
ful conclusion of tasks. Little children are never left alone in
the house, as it is believed that the “ House man ” can substitute
changelings for them. 2

Whenever the “ House man ” in one way or another shows
signs of being offended, he must be appeased by sacrifices.
The sacrifice, which with the Votiaks generally takes the form
of a black sheep, must be killed under the floor, where the
spirit dwells. In the ceremony, in which the master of the
house plays the part of the sacrificing priest, only members of
the family may take part, as the flesh of a sacrifice may not
be offered to strangers. Pieces of the meat and the bones
of the sacrificed animal are buried in a hole dug under the
floor, into which the victim’s blood is also allowed to run
during the slaughtering. The flesh of the sacrifice is cooked
and eaten, as a rule, in the house itself. Besides occasional
offerings, regular sacrifices are made at certain times to the
“ House man.” Usually, the Votiaks sacrifice to him in the
autumn, after the conclusion of agricultural work, a goose or
duck and also porridge} the bones of the bird together with
the porridge and a spoon are placed under the floor. The
person carrying out the sacrifice reads out the following prayer:
“ Thus do I sacrifice to Thee, O Spirit dwelling under the
floor, a goose. Do not frighten us. Be pleased to accept the
sacrifice offered. Give to me and my family and dependants
peace and happiness.” In some places offerings are also made
during the summer, at the time when the sheep are driven in
to be clipped. Where a suitable victim is not to be found in
the flock, the ceremony is postponed to a later date, and at
the time a promise only is given along with the porridge,
part of which must be buried under the floor. 3

[Prometheus]

HOUSEHOLD SPIRITS


161


Above all, the Votiaks regard it as a duty to sacrifice to the
“ House man ” when they first establish themselves in a new
house. We find Georgi already relating that the Votiaks, on
moving into a new house, sacrifice a black sheep . 4 The re-
moval into a new house has in certain Votiak territory acquired
a festival character — the “house-wedding” {korka-suan ) .
All the relatives and friends gather in the house, bringing
gifts. The most important ceremony is the killing of the
sacrifice under the floor of the new dwelling. In the Sarapul
District it is the custom for the master of the house, accom-
panied by his wife, to step under the floor, bearing pancakes
and home-distilled spirits and a young fir about a yard high,
and there deliver a promise of sacrifice. The master of the
house sets up the green fir tree in a corner, takes a branch of
the tree in his hand and kneels down beside it. His wife
spreads a tablecloth before him on which she places a pancake.
She then pours spirits into a goblet and offers it to her hus-
band. The latter, with the goblet in his right hand and the
branch in his left, reads out a prayer, in which he prays that
the dwelling now completed may be comfortable to live in
even until old age and death, and he promises to sacrifice
a black sheep. After the prayer he drinks up the spirits and
tastes also of the pancake. The promised sacrifice is made
later. While its flesh is being cooked, the master of the
house prays on his knees for happiness, riches, and everything
that is good for the new home, pointing out that he is now
fulfilling the promise given. At times even a bull may be
sacrificed. On the day of the sacrifice, nothing may be given
away from the homestead, and the animal to be sacrificed may
not be killed on the bare earth, but on twigs of fir . 5

Besides the “ House man,” the Votiaks sacrifice also to the
“ Cattleyard man ” (Gid-kuzo). This also is an anthropomor-
phic, kindly spirit, which, in the sheds, looks after the cattle
and sees that they duly increase, protecting them from beasts
of prey and sickness. The “ Cattleyard man ” also looks after


i 62


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


the provender of the cattle, as the Votiaks believe that he
drives away strange spirits of like kind, when these come to
their neighbours’ sheds to steal provender. He dwells chiefly
in the stables. The horses that please him are cared for and
fed by him; he will even, at times, plait their manes and
tails ; but others which he hates, he tortures by riding them to
exhaustion during the night. A folk-tale relates how a farmer
spread resin on his horse’s back, and in the morning, coming
into the stable, saw a little old man, about half-a-yard long,
sitting stuck fast there . 6 As in the case of the “ House man,”
both occasional and regular sacrifices are offered up to the
“ Cattleyard man.” The Eastern Votiaks are in the habit
of sacrificing a capercailzie in the cattle sheds when a cow is
sick, and a brace of pike for horses. In some districts it is
customary to offer up once for each foal the above fish-sacri-
fice, so that these may, as horses, shine like the pike. The fish,
however, is not cooked, but burned as it is in the cattleyard.

The yearly sacrifices in honour of the “ Cattleyard man ”
occur both in the spring, when the cattle are let loose to pas-
ture, and in the autumn, when they are shut up in the cattle-
folds again. In most places, it has now become the rule to
give only a promise of sacrifice together with bread or porridge
in the spring, the promise being fulfilled in the autumn if the
cattle have been healthy out in the pastures and have in-
creased. The sacrificial ceremony, in which only members
of the family may take part, greatly resembles the ceremony
under the floor, described earlier, the only difference being
that the sacrifice intended for the “ Cattleyard man ” is burned
in the cattleyard. Even the animals used are the same as in
the sacrifice under the floor. In the prayers, the appeal is
for fat horses and milch-cows, enough to fill the whole yard,
or one may also say: “ Be vigorous and strong, drive out the
strange spirit, protect the cattle and banish all evil from the
yard ! ” 7

The bath-house spirit is called the “ Bath-house man ”


HOUSEHOLD SPIRITS


163

(Munt'so-murt) or the “ Bath-house ruler ” (Munt'so-kuzo).
He lives in a dark corner of the bath-house and resembles
in appearance a tall, middle-aged man, clad in a white shirt
and shoes of lime-bark, or he may also be tall and have only
one eye. Sometimes this being speaks and cries like a suckling
babe. He appears to human beings only before some mis-
fortune.

The “ Bath-house man ” plays pranks with the bathers,
sometimes hiding their underclothing, at times binding together
the sleeves of their shirts or turning them inside out, in this
way hindering their dressing. His nature is more evil than
that of the spirits described above. It is not advisable to go
alone into the bath-house, neither is it wise to quarrel there or
speak loudly. Like the “ House man,” the “ Bath-house man ”
can also substitute changelings in the place of rightful infants.
In both the foregoing cases, a piece of iron or some other
metal is used as an amulet. This spirit is rarely sacrificed to . 8

In the threshing-barn lives the “ Threshing-barn man ”
(Obiri-murt). Sacrifices are offered up to him in the autumn,
so that he may refrain from becoming angry and frightening
folk, but instead protect the threshing-barn from fire and
storm. For these sacrifices a goose or a duck is chosen, or,
at times, a sheep, which is killed by the head of the family in
the threshing-barn, or on the threshing-floor, on to which the
blood is also allowed to drip. The flesh of the sacrifice is
cooked at home, after which all return to the scene of the kill-
ing for prayers, the food being also brought there. In the
end, the remains of the sacrifice and the bones are buried under
the threshing-barn. Besides blood-offerings a sheaf of grain
is often left on the beams of the threshing-barn after the
conclusion of the threshing, for the use of the “ Threshing-
barn man.” 9

If one compares the household spirits of the Votiaks with
the corresponding ones of the Russians, one cannot detect any
difference even in the nature of the sacrifices. The “ Korka-


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


164

murt ” of the Votiaks is identical with the Domovoy of the
Russians. Sometimes he is also given the Russian name
Susetka, which is used especially by the Siryans, whose folk-
lore has generally adapted itself to the Russian. The Siryan
Susetka dwells under the floor, like the Votiak “ House man,”
where sacrifices in his honour must be placed. Like these he
is a kindly spirit, which looks after and protects the prosperity
of the house. If he becomes angry, all kinds of misfortunes
are met with, manual labour turns out badly and the cattle
grow thin, as the Susetka neglects to feed them. Sometimes
he attacks human beings in the shape of a nightmare or kisses
them in their sleep so that painful blisters appear on their lips.
At times, he spins and makes a noise as though he were building
something, but this is never a good sign, being followed by
death, fire, or other misfortunes. When the Siryans remove
into a new house, they also endeavour to appease the house spirit
with sacrifices. Rogov relates that at a removal, the master
of the house takes a picture of a saint from the corner of his
old dwelling, goes down with this under the floor and calls
to the house spirit in the following words: “ Susetka, my
brother, let us dwell also in the new. Love my cattle and my
family.” In the new home, the picture is placed in a corner,
and the house spirit is bidden to take up its dwelling under
the floor. According to a general belief among the Siryans,
the household spirit does not move into the new house until
the fireplace is ready . 10

As with the Votiaks’ “ House man,” foreign models are
to be found for their “ Cattleyard man,” “ Bath-house man ”
and “ Threshing-barn man ” among the Russians, from whom
the Siryans also here have borrowed their spirits. The
“ Threshing-barn man ” of the Votiaks corresponds with the
Siryan Rynys olysa (“ the one who lives in the threshing-
barn ”) or the Rynys-aika (“ Threshing-barn man ” ), the
“ Bath-house man ” of the former with the Pyvsan olysa
(“ The one who dwells in the bath-house ”) or the Pyvsan-


HOUSEHOLD SPIRITS


165

aika (“ Bath-house man ” ) of the latter. 11 As the buildings
themselves inhabited by these spirits are not originally Finno-
Ugric, the spirits also must be of later origin. The dwelling-
place of the “ House man ” under the floor points to the
assumption that the Votiaks cannot have worshipped this spirit
at the time when they still lived in the old /£«#/#-dwellings,
where there was no floor. It is worth mentioning in this
connection, that the “ House man ” has never had the kuala ,
in which the Finno-Ugric family gods are considered to dwell,
ascribed to it as a dwelling-place.

The anthropomorphic spirit dwelling in the house is called
Port-oza (“ House ruler ”) by the Cheremiss, but when pray-
ing to it, two names are used, Port-kuguza (“ House man ”)
and Port-kuva (“House woman”). The spirit appears at
times, especially before some important event, in the form of
a man or woman clad in the old Cheremiss fashion. If, for
some reason, it becomes angry, it can bring about many kinds
of misfortune among the family or in the home 3 thus it may
cause illness. The Cheremiss sacrifice to it, so that it will
not be angry or bring troubles upon the house. When ap-
peased, or otherwise contented, it protects the home from
robbers, fire, and spirits of sickness, and brings happiness and
prosperity to the family. For this reason the Cheremiss pray
very often to it. Every evening, when their women retire
for the night, they offer up, in the name of the family, the
prayer: “ £ House man,’ £ House woman/ give success and
health! ” Besides those made for accidental reasons, annual
sacrifices are offered up to the household spirit. In some dis-
tricts it is the custom to go under the floor every autumn, bear-
ing beer, porridge, bread or pancakes, to beg for happiness
for the home from the spirit, or a sheep may also be annually
sacrificed. Sometimes, a black ram is sacrificed to the male
spirit, and a black sheep to the female.

Above all, the “ House man ” and “ House woman ” are
worshipped with bread and pancakes at the removal into a


1 66


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


new house, when they are implored to make the new house
happy, to give children, and to bring riches and other good
things. They are also often prayed to for happiness when the
first layer of logs is laid in its place. Even at the grove-
sacrifices, when all the gods and spirits are remembered, a
drink-offering is presented to the household spirits.

An evil household spirit of Tatar origin is the Suksendal,
which is believed to disturb the peace of the people of the
house. It creates disturbances in the night, troubles people in
the guise of nightmares, and has sexual intercourse with people
in their sleep, appearing in the form of a man to women, and
in the form of a woman to the men. Further, it deposits
changelings in the place of children left alone in the house.
To protect the latter from harm, the Cheremiss mother places
a pair of scissors or some other iron object in the cradle. The
Suksendal can not only do harm in the house, but can also
molest human beings in the bath-house, where it may even kill
a person paying a late visit there.

The cattleyard spirits are the Vit'sa-kuguza (“ Cattleyard
man ”), and the Vit'sa-kuva (“ Cattleyard woman ”), believed
by the Cheremiss to protect the cattleyard. They can appear
to the inhabitants of the house in human form. If the
“ Cattleyard woman ” likes the cattle, she causes them to in-
crease, but where the cattle are displeasing to her, she refuses to
protect them, neither does she cause their increase, but is instead
cruel to them in many ways during the night. Thus, she
drives them from place to place and prevents them from
grazing in peace. In order to cause her to care for the herds,
and refrain from molesting them, the Cheremiss offer up a
hen to her. According to their statements, the cattleyard spirit
is an old woman, who appears clad in white in the folds among
the cattle in the evenings.

A spirit who feeds some animals and worries others —
especially horses — by riding on them the whole night
through, so that these appear quite worn-out and limp in the


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167

morning, is called by the Cheremiss generally Vit'sa-oza
(“Cattleyard ruler”). The name is, however, never men-
tioned by the Cheremiss in their prayers, who turn instead to
the “ man ” and “ woman.”

The “ Bath-house spirit ” (Mot'sa-oza), most often re-
garded as an evil spirit which disturbs the bathers, is not wor-
shipped by the Cheremiss. Only when a new bath-house is
heated for the first time, do they set a little butter on the
benches, “ so that the bath shall be good.” The person offer-
ing up the butter utters during the ceremony: “ £ Bath-house
man,’ eat up the butter! ”

The watermill spirit is the Vaks-oza (“ Mill ruler ”), which
has also the power to appear in human form, sometimes as a
man, at others as a woman. This last is decorated over the
breast with silver coins. The mill spirit lives in the mill under
the floor, or behind the water-wheel, and is friendly to the
miller, whom it helps. Old millers, notably, are in league
with the mill spirit. When the mill spirit is angry and the
grinding goes badly, the miller sets out a dish of porridge as
a sacrifice under the floor of the mill or in some other suitable
spot. In the porridge-offering a pat of butter must be placed
and a spoon given along with it. The Cheremiss declare that
from the nature of the difficulties that beset him, the miller
can interpret the present needs of the mill spirit.

A spirit in the shape of a human being dwells also in the
threshing-barn. The “ Threshing-barn man ” (Idem-kuguza)
or “woman ” (Idem-kuva) shows itself early in the morning,
disappearing when one approaches it. In the ritual in the
sacred grove a drink-offering is made to the “ Threshing-barn
man ” and “ woman,” and they are remembered also in the
harvest-festival ceremonies. A blood-offering may even be
made to them at the threshing-barn . 12

These Cheremiss household spirits bear also plain marks of
Russian influence, which is equally evident in the correspond-
ing beliefs of the Turco-Tatars in East Europe. Another


1 68


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


anthropomorphic spirit is the Kardas-sarko (“ Yard-sarko ”) of
the Erza Mordvins, which lives beneath a stone situated in the
courtyard and is generally represented as a male, though some-
times also as a female. But coincidently with these beings who
clearly possess human characteristics, certain more primitive
beliefs are found among both the Cheremiss and the Mord-
vins, which may perhaps throw some light on the origin of the
household spirits. These peoples had animated the buildings
themselves. This appears plainly in Mordvinian folklore j
while the parting words of a newly-married girl are: “ Dear
house, I have sojourned long in thy warm shelter.” The
household spirit Kud-ava (“House mother”) or Kud-
azerava (“ House mistress ”) is originally the house itself,
although these terms may at times be also used with a similar
meaning to that of the Russian Domovoy. The more primitive
meaning is discernible in the following examples: In a Mok-
sha magic prayer the passage occurs: “ House mistress, pardon
him who built thee and heats thee.” And in an Erza petition
of a similar character we read: “House mother, above

is thy lime-bark (the roof is thatched with this material),
beneath are thy beams.” The dwelling-place as a whole, i.e.,
with the adjoining buildings, designated as jurt by the Mord-
vins, has a special spirit of its own, the Jurt-ava (“ Dwelling-
place mother ”), known also among the Moksha as Jurt-
azerava (“Dwelling-place mistress”). In addition, they
speak of the “ Bath-house mother,” the “ Mill mother,” etc.
The protectress of a whole village is the Vel'-ava (“ Village
mother ”). 13 The Cheremiss, amongst whom the dwelling-
place and all objects connected with it are also regarded as
animated beings, impressionable and capable of feeling, believe
that the kudo , their ancient dwelling-house, and the more
modern port , are fitted like human beings with a “ soul ”
(ort) which can depart from its habitation. If one quarrels,
shouts, smokes too much tobacco in the house, or keeps the
place untidy, the “soul” disappears. “You drive away the


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169

soul from my house,” say the Cheremiss when anyone disturbs
the peace of their homes. Has the soul departed, then the
house is no longer “ happy,” “ life begins to be wearisome in
it,” and “ the building has received hurt.” When the building
creaks in the night, the Cheremiss say “ the building’s ‘ soul ’
moves.” In empty dwellings, which have been deserted for
some time, there is no “ soul,” as they no longer “ live.” The
soul of the building cannot in this primitive state take on any
definite appearance, but is, as the Cheremiss say, merely
the “ prosperity,” the “ happiness,” or the “ comfort ” of the
house. An equally indefinite soul have the cattleyard, the
threshing-barn, etc. As the “ soul ” of buildings was believed
to be able to deliver itself from its material dwelling-place,
it is hardly to be wondered at that gradually the thought
arose, that these, like other souls, might at times become
visible, e.g., in the shape of some domestic animal, a cat or a
dog . 14 Later, the “ soul ” of buildings may have become
identifiable with those of departed human beings or family
gods, and thus have borrowed from these last also their human
characteristics.

Among the Cheremiss and the Mordvins the bee-garden has
also its special tutelary genius. The former call this the
Miiks-ort (“ Bee-soul ”). The Moksha Mordvins worship
the Neskeper-ava (“ Bee-garden mother ”) as the protective
spirit of the bees; the Erza Mordvins use the name Neske-pas
(“ Beehive god ”). 15

The Baltic Finns, who form a group by themselves, call
the household spirit “the Ruler” (Finnish Haltia, Esthonian
Haldja). Without doubt, this “ Haltia,” which according to
the Ingrians was “ not made nor brought, but was in and
through itself,” has the same origin as the ort of the Chere-
miss . 16 Like this last, the Finnish Haltia needs no food. But
one must do honour to him in every way. When settling in
a new dwelling, and even when staying anywhere for the night,
permission must first be begged of this “ Ruler.” If any


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY

[Prometheus]

170

rapping sound be heard in the house, it is regarded as a sign
of permission to do so. Similarly, when entering a room for
the first time that day, one must always remember to say:
“ Good morning, Ruler.” In this case, also, the answer is

17

a rap.

Every room with a roof-tree had its own Haltia, as this
last was supposed to live in the roof -tree. According to
another report, he took possession of the house as soon as
three logs had been crossed, and when the building was de-
molished and the logs laid in a pile, the Haltia cried with
fear lest he became homeless. But if even one log was taken
into use, he removed with this into the new house. “ In order
that the Haltia should not feel lonely in the new house,”
the ashes from all the hearths were taken over to the new
fireplaces . 18

According to the prevalent view, the Haltia could become
visible at times, but he appeared only before some misfortune.
In Ingria the Haltia is said to have appeared at such times in
the shape of a dog or a mottled or striped cat. This was a
sign of fire . 19 The Haltia of a house was also pictured as a
human being. According to a belief prevalent in Finland,
the person who died first in the house, or the one who lit the
first fire there, became the Haltia of the house. Especially
was it supposed to appear in the shape of the first departed
master or mistress of the house. As such, it was generally
kind to everyone, and had special care, in particular, of the
provisions. The male Haltia was of higher rank than the
female, just as in life the master had stood above the mistress;
but children grew up better where the Haltia was a woman.
Both the male and female Haltia were better at the tasks
which they had carried out while alive; under the care of a
male Haltia the horses flourished, and similarly, cows, sheep,
pigs and poultry under that of the female. Other buildings
also, and even vessels, had their Haltia. That of the latter
was intimately connected with the keel of the vessel. The


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171

Haltia of a church was sometimes regarded as being of equal
height with the church . 20

The Baltic Finns have to a very great extent been under
the influence of the Scandinavians. The Finnish Haltia and
all the beliefs now connected therewith find their counterpart
in the Swedish Ra or Radare (“ ruler ”). Of Swedish origin,
as may be seen from its name, is the Finnish Tonttu (Swedish
Tomte) with human characteristics, concerning which Bishop
Agricola says, that he “ guided the house.” In some districts
a special, clean room was furnished for the Tonttu. The
room had to contain a table laid with untouched food, which
was renewed a few times each week. With the exception of
the person who looked after the food, no one was allowed to
live in this room . 21

Of the outhouses, the Tonttu occupied the bathhouse,
stables, mill, and above all, the threshing-barn. Every thresh-
ing-barn had its Riihitonttu (= Swedish Ritomte) who stole
grain from the neighbours’ fields and carried it to his own
threshing-barn. The threshing-barn Tonttu looked after the
threshing-barn, but if he was offended, he began to carry away
grain from the house or would soon burn up the whole thresh-
ing-barn. He was wished a good-morning in the mornings,
and in the evenings, when the fires were lit there, the Tonttu
was begged to keep an eye on them, and wished good-night.
Should one desire to stay overnight in the threshing-barn, one
had to request permission of the Tonttu, and on no account
could one lie down near the hearth. He appeared sometimes
in grey clothes and wearing a grey hat on his head. Porridge
and milk were offered up to him behind the threshing-barn
fireplace.

According to some beliefs, the threshing-barn Tonttu was
born of the last sheaf of grain that was cut in the fields. The
sheaf was placed on the rafters of the barn for the whole
year. At times, it was left for many years ; and “ during this
period the spirit was supposed to come forth.” When it was


172


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


desired to ask on Christmas Eve what the next year’s harvest
would be like, the master of the house had to proceed to the
threshing-barn and ask: “ Good Tonttu, say what kind of year
we may expect.” If the threshing-barn creaked in reply, a
good year might be hoped for."

Among the household spirits may also be included a being,
which gathers all kinds of good things from other places for its
owner. The Votiaks, who perhaps have appropriated this spirit
from the Russians, call it the “ Bearer.” It is said to resemble
a cat, and assists its owner by bearing grain to him from other
people’s granaries. The animistic character of this being is
shewn by the belief that if the “ cat ” is killed, the owner of
the same dies likewise . 23

The Finns call this spirit the Para, after the Swedish Bjara
or Bara (“Bearer”). In Ingria there are Money-, Bread-,
and Milk-Paras. In some districts in Finland also, the Para
has brought its owner money and rye, and even, at times,
manure from the fields of neighbours. Generally, however,
the Para is regarded as the bearer of milk, cream and butter.
As such, it was usually believed to have the shape of a cat . 24
The “ Butter-cat ” of the Scandinavians is identical with the
Smierragatto of the Lapps . 25 Anyone who desired to own
such a spirit, could, according to the Finns, create one for
himself. Its material body was fashioned, for example, out
of cast-off female garments, the head of a thread-ball, and the
foot of a spindle. Each of these objects had to be stolen.
The milk, or other commodities brought by the Para to the
house, was carried by it either in its mouth or in its intestines.
If the door of the milk-closet was left open during the night,
empty milk and butter dishes would be found full in the
morning. The Seed-Para left a narrow track through the
fields from which it had stolen grain . 25

The same spirit is called Puuk by the Esthonians (Platt-
deutsch Puk; Latvian Puhkis). The Money-Para of the
Ingrians, which flies through the air like a meteor, is identical


HOUSEHOLD SPIRITS


173


with the Esthonian’s Tulihand (“ fire-tail ”), or Kratt (ancient
Scandinavian skratti , “ ghost”). The Esthonian Kratt, which,
like the Finnish Para, could be manufactured of certain ma-
terials, carried money, etc., in a sack. Food was offered up to
it — generally porridge and milk. If, during its flight through
the air, one succeeded in unloosing all the bindings and buttons
of one’s garments, the Kratt fell down upon the ground with
all its treasures . 27 In Finland also the Kratti was known,
where, as Bishop Agricola relates, it “ had the care over
property.”

A spirit flying through the air like a “ fire-worm ” — a
meteor — the Votiaks call by a Tatar name, Ubyr. It is en-
tirely evil in its ways, drinking the blood of sleeping persons ;
where this has happened blue marks are left on the body.
The Ubyr may be either the soul of a living sorcerer, or that
of an evil dead person. It can be brought to the ground in
the same way as the Kratt of the Esthonians . 28

On the boundary between the property of two neighbours,
dwelt, according to the Finns, Raja-aija (“ Boundary man ”).
In West Finland they have a saying: “ shouts like the Bound-
ary man.” It is believed that when the “ Boundary man ”
shouts, there is no echo in response, and that he appears when
boundary lines are dishonestly moved. In East Finland, ac-
cording to ancient report, the people sacrificed on the boundary
stones . 29

The treasures hidden away in the earth had also their
“ Ruler ” (Finnish Aarnion Haltia), and over them, on cer-
tain holyday nights, Midsummer’s Eve in particular, one
could see blue flames . 30

All the above mentioned beliefs have their counterpart
among the Teutons and Slavs.

The Esthonians in Krasna, who have continuously wor-
shipped their old “ land gods,” sacrifice to the a Father of
the home ” (Kodojeza) in a corner of their orchards. This
holy or “ purified ” spot could be entered by women once


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


174

only in their lives, i.e., after their wedding ceremony. It
was the duty of the master of the house to look after the place
and offer up sacrifices there, choosing as assistant a “ pure ”
person. Besides occasional offerings for some reason or other,
the ceremony of the “ family-beer ” ( 'perekahi ) was per-
formed every autumn. A portion of all the flesh cooked in
the house from sacrifices, would be taken over to the “ puri-
fied spot.” 31

In order to understand the genesis of the “ pure spot ” of
the Esthonians, it is necessary to glance at a similar custom
among peoples related to them. The Votiaks, who no longer
possess their older dwelling-house, kuala , have the same sacri-
fices in a corner of their yards as the other Votiaks in their
kuala. The site of the old kudo is also regarded as “holy”
by the Hill Cheremiss . 32 May one assume that the family-
sacrifice of the Krasna Esthonians to the “ father of the
home ” (a “ village god,” Kiilajumal, is also known) is
identical with the autumn sacrifices of the Volga Finns to their
family gods? In that case one could understand also the Finns’
habit of offering up all kinds of first-fruits at the root of a
holy tree or a holy stone in the vicinity of the home. Old
sacrificial ceremonies often continue to exist under changed
circumstances.

In the offerings to household spirits by the Finno-Ugric
peoples it would appear that they most of all felt the need of
appeasing the underground spirits. Traces of an old Indo-
European custom of sacrificing a human victim under certain
buildings, are to be found among the Volga Finns, who sacri-
ficed children under a new watermill . 33 The Mordvins are
said to have expressed the following wish at this ceremony:
“Be the Ruler of the mill, the Mill mother! ” 34 But from
this the conclusion can by no means be drawn that the house-
hold spirits of the Finno-Ugric peoples, the majority of which
spirits are direct loans from neighbouring peoples, were
originally human beings sacrificed under their buildings.


CHAPTER XI


FOREST SPIRITS

A S IN olden days, hunting was one of the chief means
of existence of the Finno-Ugrian tribes, it is but natu-
ral that they should have peopled the forests with all kinds of
spirits.

Missionaries relate that the Scandinavian Lapps worshipped
a Forest spirit, which was called Leib-olmai (“ Alder man ”).
The Lapps honoured him “ in order that he might give them
luck in hunting.” The following description by Randulf
shows that the above mentioned spirit was especially the pro-
tector of bears: “ Leib-olmai is a bear-man or bear-god, who
protects the bear, the holy animal, and who also presents it
to the Lapps when they pray and call to him for it.” He re-
lates further that where the Lapps had not asked for the as-
sistance of Leib-olmai, they not only lost their prey, but in
addition the god might help the bear, when it would rush
upon its assailants. Therefore the Lapps consult their magic
drums before hunting the bear and pray the spirit not to
take the bear’s part . 1

The older sources of information do not mention actual
offerings to Leib-olmai nor anything about the manner of
offering. Randulf only states that hunting equipment, bows
and arrows, were offered up to him. According to J. Kildal,
Leib-olmai looks down on the female sex. A woman may not
walk round a tent where there is a gun, this being regarded
as in some way connected with the Forest spirit. Forbus says
further, that the custom of sprinkling extract of alder-bark
on the hunters’ faces at the bear-feasts, was carried out in
Leib-olmai’s honour . 2 The name of the Forest god, “ the


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


176

Aider man,” has probably been derived from this magic cus-
tom. Judging by this, “ Leib-olmai ” would seem to be neither
more nor less than the genius or race-soul of the bear.

According to Charuzin the Russian Lapps worship a Forest
spirit which they call Luot-hozjik {hozjik = Russian choz-
yaika , “hostess”). She looks after the reindeer when
they wander in freedom in the forests in the summer, keeping
them together, showing them good pastures, and protecting
them from beasts of prey. From human beings she cannot,
however, protect the flocks. She helps the hunters to catch
the wild reindeer and the Lapps are not afraid of her. When
they drive their reindeer out to pasture in the spring, they
pray to this Forest spirit — “Luot-hozjik, protect our rein-
deer.” And in the autumn, should they recover all their
flock, they say: “We thank thee, Luot-hozjik for protecting
our reindeer.” This Forest spirit, which lives on a mountain
covered with lichen, resembles a human being in having a
human face and walking on human feet, but the body is hairy
all over like a reindeer’s . 3

The same Forest spirit may be the one spoken of by Genetz,
Mintys. In one tale a being named Mientus appears which
at times is like a male reindeer, but by casting off its horns is
turned into a human being . 4 Originally Mientus meant
“ wild reindeer,” and is probably their genius as Leib-olmai
is that of the bear. Their reindeer spirit the Russian Lapps
call Pots-hozjin (“ Reindeer-master ”) and Pots-hozjik
(“ Reindeer-mistress ”), who have the same duties as Luot-
hozjik . 5

The Russian Lapps also speak about the tutelary genius of
the wolf} by treating a wolf very roughly, one could scare
this spirit into keeping its wards in check.

Among the Western Lapps the tutelary genius of the migra-
tory birds is the Barbmo-akka {akka = “ old woman”} cf.
barbmolodde , “ migratory bird”), who brings back the birds
to the northern countries from the warm south. Further, the


FOREST SPIRITS


177

protecting spirit of birds is called “ Loddis-edne (“ Bird-
mother ”). 6

A Forest spirit resembling the Russian Lesiy is the Eastern
Lapps’ Miehts-hozjin (“ the Master of the forest ”) who
according to Genetz is also called Vare-jielle (“Forest-
dweller ”). He is a black being with a tail, and does not do
any harm to human beings unless provoked. When anyone
shouts, sings or makes a noise in the forest, he becomes of-
fended, and bewilders the culprit so that he cannot find his
way out of the forest. The “ Master of the forest ” loves
silence above all . 7

The Western Lapps’ belief in “ Forest people ” has been
influenced by that of the Scandinavians. Leem mentions a
Ganis (according to Friis, Lexicon Lapponica, = “ echo,”
“ daemon montanus ”) which is probably the same being whom
Randulf, in his records, names Gidne (Pite Lapp Kinej Lule
Lapp Kani). This appears in the forest, and seen from the
front resembles a beautiful maiden, but has a long tail behind.
The Forest maiden serves the Lapps, bringing the reindeer
together when they are spread among the hills and assisting
in the milking of reindeer-cows. Sometimes she will even
wish for sexual intercourse with a Lapp . 8 In appearance and
conduct she reminds one of the Scandinavian “ Forest maiden.”

Alien already in name is the Gufittar of the Scandinavian
Lapps, an underground dwarfish being, who lives in the forest
or on the mountains. At times he appears on the earth with
fine herds of cattle. He will at such times hang a bell round
the necks of the cattle, when one can easily hear where he
wanders. One must then go boldly towards him without
glancing to either side and show him a piece of iron, or else
throw the iron over the cattle, when the Forest spirit will at
once disappear under the earth and the cattle become the
property of the enterprising person. The Lapp Gufittar
corresponds to the Norwegian Go (d) vetter (“a good spirit ”). 9

The Uldda of the Scandinavian Lapps is a similar un-


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


178

derground being, which also appears on the earth with its
cattle. It is said to change children left alone and in va-
rious ways to disturb people who have settled on its ter-
ritory. The Lapps generally pour a drink-offering on the
ground for it, either coffee or spirits. The name Uldda shows
it to be identical with the Swedish Huldra . 10

It is uncertain whether the Forest spirits of the Lapps were
the object of a special sacrificial cult. Their custom of pre-
serving the bones of certain kinds of game by burying them
in the earth or hanging them in trees, cannot truly be de-
scribed as being of the nature of an offering. On the other
hand the Lapps made offerings to their Seides to secure good
luck in hunting.

All the Samoyed stocks also know of a Forest spirit, gen-
erally called “ the Master of the forest.” According to Don-
ner the Ostiak Samoyeds sacrifice, among other things,
peculiarly shaped arrows to the Forest spirit. A human-like
image, often carved on an old tree, is made of the “ Master
of the forest.” When an offering of anything eatable is made,
the food is rubbed into the mouth of this image . 11 That there
was some connection between the “ Master of the forest ” and
the spirit of the “ holy places ” appears from the notes made
by Lehtisalo among the .Yuraks. “ The Samoyed may wander
freely in the forest, but when passing a holy place, he must
sacrifice something, as otherwise the ‘ Master of the forest 5
will be offended.”

The Ostiaks call the Forest spirit Unt-tongk (“Wood
spirit ”), which resembles a human being but is said to be
hairy like a wild animal. A spirit of this kind lives in every
forest. He gives game to those who remember him with
offerings. The usual time for these is in the autumn or in
the early spring, at the beginning of the two hunting periods.
At Vasyugan an image of the Wood spirit is made. The
Northern Ostiaks do not seem to have made offerings to him.
In tales the family and daughters of the Forest spirit are


FOREST SPIRITS


179

spoken of, the latter being able to marry human beings . 12 The
Mis-khum ( khum , “man”) of the Voguls can appear as tall
as a tree} he leads wanderers astray in the forest . 13 A more
evil spirit is Mengk, known to both these related stocks. Of
these there are many, both male and female, in the forests.
Their way of living resembles ours, and they are often re-
garded as people from older times, while tales are told of
their strength . 14 Over a wide territory and also among the
Yuraks the evil Parne is known, dwelling deep in the fast-
nesses of the forest, and said to have three fingers on each
hand, and on each foot three toes with sharp nails . 16

[Prometheus]

The Votiaks call the Forest spirit Nules-murt (“ Forest
man ”). In appearance and customs he is like a human being,
but he is often imagined as one-eyed, and is believed to have
the power of lengthening or shortening his body at will.
Generally he holds his head on a level with the highest tree,
and on account of his great height he is called “ Great uncle ”
in the Glazov district. In the forest where he lives he has
his household and family, and many treasures — gold, silver
and cattle. He moves from place to place in the guise of a
whirlwind. Forest spirits also celebrate weddings, which are
held twice a year, in the summer and in the winter, the Forest
spirits moving then as whirlwinds so that great trees are up-
rooted. The Forest spirit entices people, more especially
children, into his power. Sometimes he will also entice cattle
to become lost in the forest, or drag them long distances in
the whirlwinds. He is enormously strong, but being a stupid
spirit, he is neither dangerous nor dreaded. Very often he
is even of great help to people, giving game to hunters and
protecting the cattle in the forest.

The Votiaks make offerings to the Forest spirit in the
forest during the autumn, preferably under a fir-tree. All the
hunters take part in the ceremony. As offerings, brandy,
bread, and a bull or a goat are used. In some districts bread
is placed on the branch of a tree for the “ Forest man.” 18 A


1 80 FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY

prayer to the Forest spirit discovered by Aminoff runs: “Give
me, ‘ Forest man,’ of thy forest-animals, squirrels, wolves,
bears. Give also of thy bees, drive them into my bee-hives.
If thou doest this we shall give thee gifts.” 17

The Votiaks also sacrifice to the Forest spirit in order that
their cattle may thrive and increase. In the spring when the
cattle are driven out to pasture, the head of the family prays
to him: “ Great uncle, Forest uncle, now drive we our cattle
out to pasture and begin our ploughing. Therefore, we sacri-
fice to thee. Accept our offering. Protect the cattle from
beasts of prey and evil people. Our cattle go over twelve
rivers, behind twelve meadows. Save and protect them from
disease and from all evil.” The porridge prepared as an
offering for the Forest spirit is taken to him in the forest in a
basket made of birch-bark. Also in the autumn when the
cattle return home, another offering is prepared, viz., a goose.
The Forest spirit is thanked for having taken such good care
of the cattle in the forest during the summer. 18

Occasional offerings are also made to the Forest spirit,
as when the foresters go out hunting. In the district of Sara-
pul, offerings are sometimes made during stormy weather.
At these times the offering is an animal, generally a duck.
Offerings are further made in cases of sudden illness, accord-
ing to the directions of the magicians. This last reminds one
of the worship of the dead. The number of pancakes, made
specially by the hostess for the occasion, must absolutely be
an odd number, three, five or seven. When going to perform
the offering, it is regarded as a bad omen to meet anyone,
for which reason great care is taken to avoid this. After
the person making the sacrifice has returned from the place
of offering, he must go direct, without speaking, to the fire-
place, where he washes his hands in the ashes, after which
he may approach his family. 19

Besides the above mentioned Forest spirits, which are wor-
shipped by the Votiaks, these have still many others to whom


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181


offerings are not made. One of this latter kind is the Pales-
murt (“ Half-man ”) known to all the Votiaks. It resembles
a human being, but has only half of a human body. Thus,
it has only one eye, one foot, one hand and one breast, which is
so large that it can suffocate people with it by pressing it into
their mouths. In the twilight it frightens the lonely wanderer
in the forest with its shrieks . 20

More evil than the former is a spirit known in the South-
ern Votiak area, called Surali, which is also anthropomorphic,
but naked and hairy. It has only three long fingers on its
hand (cf. Ostiak Parne). It calls all night in the forest,
causes people to lose their way, and entices them to itself.
At times it rushes suddenly upon people, tickles them or dances
with them until they are completely exhausted. Often it will
mount a horse in the meadows and ride it madly round the
fields until the horse nearly falls . 21

The Yskal-pydo-murt (“ Cowfooted man ”) belongs also to
the evil Forest spirits, and from its name one can imagine its
appearance. To the waist from above it is dressed in ordi-
nary peasant costume, but from there downwards the legs,
which are hairy and end in hoofs, are naked . 22

Fully coinciding with the Forest spirit of the Votiaks is
the Vorys-mort (“ Forest man ”) of the Siryans. The Siryans
fear to call him by his correct name, and so all kinds of mys-
terious names are used for him. Generally, like the Russians,
they call him Dyadya (“ Uncle”). Like that of the Votiaks,
the Siryan Forest spirit also resembles a human being, having
his house and family in the forest. He is large in size and
taller than the highest tree, for which reason the Siryans often
call him “ Tall uncle.” He rushes from place to place like a
whirlwind and sometimes carries both people and cattle with
him. Women fear him greatly, as he is believed to seek
amorous adventures with them. The Forest spirits of the
Siryans celebrate weddings, gathering then, as at human wed-
dings, in great companies. On the whole the “ Forest man ”


182


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


is a good spirit, being often of great use. To huntsmen,
especially, who live on good terms with him, he shows the way
through the wilds, sits by their camp-fires to warm himself,
and drives game into their snares. Wherefore the hunters
now and then make small offerings to him; sometimes a little
tobacco, which they place on a stump in the forest, as “ Forest
uncle ” is known to like tobacco. But other offerings are also
made to him, such as squirrel-skins and bread and salt, when
the cattle have happened to go astray in the forest . 23

On making comparisons, one notices that the Siryan and
North Votiak ideas of the Forest spirits have been borrowed
from the Russians to a very great extent, and resemble the
popular beliefs of these down to details, the Russian names
being also the local ones. Similarly, Tatar influence is per-
ceptible in the Southern Votiak area. As appears already
from the name, the evil Surali is a loan from foreign sources.
The “ Half-man,” who seems to have been known also among
the Ostiaks, corresponds to the Chuvash Ar zori, which has
the same meaning, and the “ Cowfooted man ” to the Tatar
Syiyr-ajak (“Cow-foot ”). 24

An anthropomorphic Forest spirit, who can change his height,
so that he can be as tall as a pine, is also the Cheremiss Kozla-ia
(“ Forest spirit ”) or as he is sometimes called Targeldes. In
some districts he is said to have only one eye in the centre
of his forehead. Sometimes he appears as a forest-animal, a
dog, an owl, or also as a hay-stack, a stump, etc. He moves
from place to place as a whirlwind. The usual abode of the
Forest spirit is the forest, but often he visits the fields and
meadows. In the forest he shrieks, or roars with laughter,
so that the cattle become frightened. He can speak human
languages and call the traveller by his name, and by pretend-
ing to be his friend, entice him into his power. People be-
lieve him and follow him until they can no longer find their
way again. Thus the Forest spirit causes people to become lost.
When lost in this way in the forest, one must change the right


FOREST SPIRITS


183

boot on to the left foot, and vice versa , to find one’s way
home. To fall into the power of the Forest spirit is danger-
ous, as he tickles people to death. When in a good mood he
will go to the huntsmen’s log-fires to warm himself, but when
angry he puts the fires out. Often he rides full gallop on
a horse, frightening people who are picking berries or mush-
rooms. In stories we are told that the Forest spirit also goes
to the villages, where he sits down with the people and takes
part in their feasts. He also arranges feasts and weddings
in the forests, where he has a magnificent home and a large
family, servants and cattle. To see the Forest-people is not
a good sign, as very often some accident, sickness, or death
follows . 25

Ovda is another evil Forest spirit who has descended from
the Chuvash to the Volga Finns. Besides living in the forest
it is said to dwell in chasms in the rocks and in the ruins of
old castles. These last named, one often hears called “ Ovda’s
village.” Ovda wanders in the forest in the shape of a hu-
man being, but its feet are turned backwards. It is naked,
with long hair and large breasts which it sometimes throws
over its shoulders, and it is also covered with hair. Sometimes
it appears as a man, sometimes as a woman. It has a home and
property in the forest. In the same way as Targeldes cele-
brates a marriage, Ovda also moves then as a whirlwind, so
that the trees bend to the ground. Often one may hear it
laugh and clap its hands in the forest. Ovda is feared be-
cause it approaches people, enticing them to dance or wrestle
with it, when it tickles or dances them to death. A human
being can overpower the Forest spirit if he knows how to
touch it on the left armpit, where there is a hole, the Forest
spirit becoming powerless immediately when touched there.
Ovda tortures animals out at pasture, as well as people, some-
times mounting a horse and racing it nearly to death. In some
places the people say that Ovda will mount a horse and make
the poor animal run backwards. The Cheremiss call this


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


184

spirit also by the Tatar name Surali. A foreign name for an
evil Forest spirit is Alvasta . 20

When a Cheremiss makes offerings to the Forest spirits he
addresses them mostly by the names Kosla-Kuguza and Kosla-
Kuva (“ Old man ” and “ Old woman of the forest ”). He
asks them for protection in the spring when he sends his cattle
out into the forest. When a hunter goes out hunting he cuts
a little opening in a tree and puts in a piece of bread for the
Forest man, in the hope that the latter will help him by
driving game into his path. The “ Old man and Old woman
of the forest ” are further appealed to when a person is lost
in the forest or wishes to spend the night there, and in the
sacred groves, the people never omit to pour a drink-offering
on the ground for the “ Forest man and Forest woman.” 27

To the Mordvin Vir-ava (“ Forest mother ”) alien features
have also become attached later, which are obviously loans from
the Forest spirits of the Russians. More especially in tales,
the “ Forest mother ” is a humanlike being as high as a tree.
She has a particular habit of sometimes slinging her large
hanging breasts over her shoulders. She has long, freely
flowing hair and her legs are as thick as logs. Besides appear-
ing in human guise the “ Forest mother ” shows herself also
in other forms, e.g., as a flame burning on the ground, as a
whirlwind, or as any of the forest animals. She visits the
villages in the form of a dog, a cat, or a wolf. A general
belief is further that the Forest spirit appears at times as a
horse flying at full speed through the forest. In stories it
is said that the Forest spirit comes to the log fires to warm her
long hands . 28

Among the Baltic Finns also, a Forest spirit resembling a
human being is met with. Usually the Finns call the Forest
spirit Metsanhaltia (“ Forest ruler ”), every forest possess-
ing one of these beings. In some places he is believed to be
an old grey-bearded man with a coat of lichen. Here also
the Forest spirit can lengthen his body so that his head is on


FOREST SPIRITS


185

a level with the highest tree. When seen, he is of the height
of an average human being but on being approached he be-
came longer, so that at a distance of nine paces, he was six
yards in height, and at six paces nine yards in height. Accord-
ing to other reports the Forest spirit grew smaller on approach.

Sometimes the Forest spirit appears as a woman. In West
Finland the Metsanneitsyt (“ Forest virgin ”) is said to look
like a very beautiful, well-dressed woman, but from behind
she is like a stump, a bundle of twigs, a pole or a trough.
Sometimes she is fitted with a tail like an animal. The Forest
virgin is in love with men, and entices them to cohabit with
her . 29

The Finnish Metsanhaltia has its counterpart in the Skogs-
radare of the Swedish Finns, and likewise their Metsanneitsyt
in the Skogsjungfru of the latter. The Mets-haldijas
(“ Forest ruler ”) is known also among the North Esthonians,
his cry in the forest meaning that something special is about
to happen, — a death, — for example . 30

Bishop Agricola mentions two Karelian Forest or Game
spirits — Nyrckes (in folk-poetry, Nyyrikki, “ Tapio’s son”),
who “ gave squirrels from the forest,” and Hittavainen, who
“ brought hares from the bushes.” The latter is even today
known in East Finland ; the people say, for example, of a good
hunter that: “ Hittavainen will bring him game even if he set
his traps in the stable-loft.” Etymologically these names are
not clear.

A peculiar idea of the Finns is that one must make offerings
to the Forest spirit at some ant-hill. Here, however, one can
note traces of the former belief in certain small anthropo-
morphic beings, who were supposed to live under the earth
(Maahiset, Esthonian Maa-alused, Swedish Alva). It is be-
lieved that “ those who live under the earth,” and who can
cause skin-diseases in one who sits down near their abode, are
small ant-like beings. Similar beliefs are also met with in
Sweden, where such ant spirits are called Alv-myror . 31 Un-


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


1 86

derground people and Forest spirits often play similar parts
in folk-belief.

If the forest people were angered, they could keep one in
the forest, so that it became impossible to find one’s way any-
where. Especially if, when wandering in the forest, one hap-
pened to hit on the Forest spirit’s track, one was sure to be-
come lost. Those who had thus been bewildered by the
Forest spirit were called “ forest-bewitched.” To find one’s
way out of the forest the reversing of one’s garments was
employed. Cattle which had become lost in the forest, were
said to be “hidden by the forest” ( metsan peitossa ). The
Swedes in Finland called this skogen halier (“ the forest
keeps ”).

According to the Cheremiss the anthropomorphic Forest
spirits were originally human beings. It is believed that those
who die in the forest become Forest spirits or their assistants.
When anyone dies in the forest, he becomes a Forest spirit,
who on the site of his death frightens people and causes
them to lose their way so that they too may die . 32 Even a
horse that dies in the forest is believed to move in the night
and to attack wanderers. The Cheremiss call it “ horse-
Targeldes.” 33

The ceremonies attached to the making of offerings to the
Forest spirit by the Votiaks also bring into mind the cult of
the dead. In certain districts it is an old custom at the worship
of the Forest spirit to remember the dead. Aminoff relates
that in the District Vjatka, where hunting still plays an im-
portant part in the nourishing of the tribe, offerings are made
at the beginning of the autumn hunt to the dead, coincidentally
with those to the Forest spirits . 34 It is hardly to be wondered
at that the dead should gradually have changed into Forest
spirits, when one remembers that burials took place in the
forest at an earlier time. A relic of this old custom can still
be traced among the Votiaks, who believe the dead to in-
habit willingly the depths of the forest. And further, it is


FOREST SPIRITS


187

only natural that those who have found an unknown grave
in the forest should remain there as feared, ghostly beings.

One must, however, also recollect that the ceremonies in
honour of the fallen bear and other more remarkable forest
animals are of a similar character. That among the Forest
spirits there should actually be found the race-souls of tutelary
genii of animals appears, e.g., from the beliefs of the Lapps.
Originally these animal spirits moved in the material shape
of the animal they represented 5 little by little they became,
in the imagination of these people, more humanlike. But
even thus changed, they cannot hide their origin — they are
hairy, like animals, they have the feet or tails of beasts, etc.
The Ingrian wolf-spirit is described in the following tale:
“ To a village tavern in Sombra there once came a being, who
was in all else like a man except that he had a wolf’s head,
and asked for spirits to drink. He was offered a small bottle
which, in the host’s opinion, was quite enough for a man.
The guest was, however, unsatisfied, and drank first a whole
can, and then several small bottles in addition. When he was
about to leave, the host, wondering greatly, asked him who
he was. The guest answered that he was one. who would lead
all the wolves out of their country.” 36

But the forest itself and the separate trees contained therein
were also regarded as animated among the Finno-Ugric
peoples. Charuzin relates that when the Lapp goes to the
forest to fell trees, he strikes the trunks first with the back
of the axe before beginning to chop them down, or, as the
Lapps themselves say, “ kills the tree first.” Should they
omit to do this, they believe that the wood from these trees
will crackle and throw out sparks when burning. 36 Mrs. De-
mant-Hatt, during her travels among the Lapps, observed
that the Lapp girls, when returning from the heights to the
forest districts, hurried to embrace and greet the trees. Ac-
cording to the missionary Lundius, the Lapps also worshipped
trees, as when they had shot down game from a tree, they


1 88 FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY

laid the feet of the animal in the tree, smearing it also with
the blood. 37

In the same way the Cheremiss also regard the forest in
animistic fashion. When they go into it, they greet the trees,
ask them the way, and pray to them for a peaceful resting-
place for the night. In the morning they give thanks and
offer their hands to the tree under which they have spent
the night. “ The tree understands what men say, and the
forest listens to the song of the hunter.” The trees are afraid
of the lumbermen and tremble when one of these goes by with
his axe on his shoulder. When felled, the tree attempts to
kill its murderer by falling on him. It is even believed that
trees can change their sites. As elsewhere in nature, one may
not use ugly or rough words in the forest. The Cheremiss
speak also of the tree’s “soul ” ( ort ). While the soul is in
the tree, it is glad and prospers, but when the “ soul ” moves
away, the tree withers. At festivals for the furthering of
bee cultivation, an offering of a duck is even made to the
“ tree-soul.” When hanging up a bee-hive in a tree, they
say: “ Tree-soul (Pu-ort), give luck to the bees,” or: “ Gather
the bees around thee.” 38

[Prometheus]

Whether the Finno-Ugric peoples worshipped special kinds
of trees as such is uncertain. The Baltic Finns, however, seem
to have known tutelary genii for the different trees. The
Esthonians believe that the spirit of the birchwood never goes
into a forest of alder or oak. 39 Milkovic relates of the Erza
Mordvins that when they prayed for rain, they turned towards
an oak, saying: “ Oak god (Tumo-pas), give rain.” While
doing so, a man would conceal himself in the foliage, whence
he would sprinkle those praying with a drink made from
honey. The food-offering was hung in a vessel of bark on a
branch of the sacred oak. 40 It is possible, however, that not
the oak itself, but the Thunder god in the shape of the oak
was the object of worship at these ceremonies. The rowan also
played a prominent part in the beliefs of the people. Both


FOREST SPIRITS


189

the Baltic and the Volga Finns believed in its protective
powers, though offerings were not made to this tree. Accord-
ing to the Flill Cheremiss evil spirits could not approach the
rowan, and for this reason, when anyone was obliged to spend
the night in the forest, branches of rowan were placed under
the head, and if one were even then afraid of ghosts, one
could run to the shelter of a rowan. 41 The same idea is met
with also among the Russians, etc.

The common representative of all the trees is the forest
itself j when worshipping it the Mordvins call it Vir-ava
(“ Forest mother ” or “ Mother forest ”). The Tapio of the
Finns, of whom Agricola says: “ he gave game from the
forest,” and who in folk-poetry appears in anthropomorphic
guise, meant originally merely “ forest,” as may be seen even
today from countless expressions in folk-songs, e.g., “ the
twig-filled Tapio,” or “ oak Tapio.” This would seem to have
been taken over by the Russian Lapps, whose Tava or Tava-ajk
(“ Tava mother ”) is a Forest spirit. 42 Originally, the Hiisi
of the Finns, who, according to Agricola, “ gave victory over
the forest dwellers,” meant also “ forest ” 3 but, in a more
restricted sense, hiisi also signified a sacred grove. Often in
magic prayers and songs, the forest itself is appealed to:

“ Good forest, pure forest,

Watch over my herds of cattle.”

Like the animal spirits dwelling in the forests, the animated
forest itself aspires to anthropomorphic features. In attempt-
ing to simulate a human being, however, it cannot hide its
original self. Standing among tall pines, the Forest spirit
is as long as these, and moving in the underbrush it again
shrinks to the height of this. The Mordvin Forest mother,
when in the shape of a human being, has still feet as clumsy
and thick as logs, and the Forest virgin of the Finns, beautiful
from a front view, appears from behind as a rotted stump or
a bushy tree. In the folk-poetry of the Finns, “ the King


190 FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY

or Lord or Mistress of the forest ” has “ a hat of pine-
needles,” a “ blue mantle,” and a “ beard of leaves.”

An extremely wide-spread belief is that the Forest spirit,
having bewildered human beings and enticed them into its
power, tickles, dances, or smothers them to death. The ex-
planation of this curious idea is to be found in the psychic
state that overwhelms the individual, when lost in the forest,
and, in desperation, he sees no chance of ever finding his way


CHAPTER XII
WATER SPIRITS


C OMPARATIVE research shows that the ideas of the
Finno-Ugric peoples regarding Water spirits have to a
large extent been influenced by impressions from other sources.

In remote times, the Lapps, for success in fishing, seem to
have offered chiefly to their gods of stone or Seides, which
the Fisher Lapps always put up on the coasts of rivers and
seas. Such a Seide stone was called also a “ Fish-god.” The
spirits living in the water itself have never had sacrifices
offered up to them to the same degree.

A god, known only at the coasts, is Akkruva, the upper part
of whose body the Lapps imagine to be human, the head
covered with long hair, the lower part of the body that of a
fish. She rises at times from the sea and, sitting upon the
water, rinses and combs her hair. Sometimes Akkruva walks
up to the mouths of the rivers taking fishes with her, and at
such times the catch is excellent. What this sea-spirit, called
by Friis Avfruvva, really is, is shown above all by her name
— a distortion of the “ Havfru ” of the Scandinavians, which,
like the above mentioned being, had a human upper body
whilst the lower body was fishlike . 1

Limited also to Scandinavian Lapland is the Ravgga,
which lives in the water mostly in human shape, its appearance
or voice predicting misfortune, tempest or shipwreck. Meri-
lainen, who calls it in Finnish, Meriraukka, tells that it ap-
pears on the shore examining the accessories of a boat, from
which, later, somebody will be drowned. When it is seen
walking on the shore, the duty of the beholder is to walk
round it with a firesteel, when it will stop, or, if it disappears


192


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


on approach, to wait for its reappearance. It should then
be asked why it has appeared, who will be drowned and when.
That the Meriraukka is the spirit of a drowned person, is
shown by the fact that it keeps in the neighbourhood of the
body, the boat, the clothes, etc., of the drowned . 2

As already pointed out by Fritzner the Ravgga of the Lapps
is the same being as the Old Norse draugr , 3

As will be seen from the name, the Lapps have also re-
ceived from the Scandinavians the evil Nekke or Nik (Swedish
Nacken), which is known also in Finnish Lapland, and is fur-
ther met with among the Finns and the Esthonians . 4

A Water spirit with a Lapp name, to whom offerings are
sometimes made, is the Cacce-olmai (“ the Water man ”).
He is the god of fishing, who brings fish to the hooks or in
the nets and lines. In the notes made by S. Kildal we read
that at sacrifices men made an image of the Water man and
put it into a crevice so that he might give them more luck.
On the other hand they sacrificed to the “ Water man ” so
that he should not do them any harm on the water . 5

The Cacce-olmai of the Scandinavian Lapps corresponds
to the Cacce-jielle (“ Water dweller ”) of the Russian Lapps.
This is a dangerous spirit who calls upon and then tries to
drag people into the water. The sight of it predicts disaster.
A woman who saw this spirit while fetching water from the
sea asked him whether his appearance predicted good or bad.
She was told that her son would die, which happened also
within three days.

Cacce-jielle presents itself to people in different shapes j
as an old man, a pretty woman, a naked child, or often also
as a fish, which somehow differs from other fishes. It is
considered dangerous to kill such a fish. When seeing it
one has to sacrifice something, a piece of bread, a coin or
brandy. Strange fish are said to be the children of the water
spirit . 8

The “ Water dweller ” of the Russian Lapps corresponds



PLATE XX


The Aino Episode in Kalevala (V. 45-133)
(See page 210.)

Illustrated by Akseli Gallen-Kallela.





WATER SPIRITS


193

completely to the Vodyanoy of the Russians, whose Water-
Nymph, the Rusalka, is called by the Kola-Lapps Cacce-
jienne (“Water mother”). In the shape of a naked woman
she emerges from the water at dawn to comb her long black
hair. When frightened, she throws herself into the water
so quickly, that she leaves her comb on the shore in the
place where she was sitting. She loves men and entices them
to her. The Saiva-neida (“ Sea maid ”) of the Western Lapps
is a loan from Scandinavia . 7

A Water spirit is also found amongst the Samoyeds, who
call it the “ Master of the water.” Generally he is looked
upon as a dangerous spirit, sometimes bringing disease. Ac-
cording to Donner they sacrifice money, etc., to him, espe-
cially at the mouths of rivers. In cases of illness they hang
clothes on bushes near the water for him. During certain
seasons the “ Master of the water ” is offered sacrifices that
he may give fish . 8 As a rule, images are not made of him,
only the Yuraks worshipping him in the form of a fishlike
image of wood, or choosing a specially shaped dried fish to
represent him . 9

The Ostiaks call the Water spirit Jengk-tongk (“ Water
spirit ”). Patkanov tells that sacrificial feasts are held on the
shore, before the beginning of the fishing, to honour the
Water spirit and to influence him in the fishermen’s favour.
Although their Water spirit has no image, almost all the
usual sacrificial ceremonies are gone through. For the spirit
itself the blood of bigger animals and of cocks is poured into
the water. Polyakov says that the spirit was offered brandy
and a cock, a lamb or a calf, and that only some drops of the
blood of the victim were poured into the water. Also in the
autumn, as soon as the rivers are frozen, the Ostiaks sacrifice
to the Jengk-tongk on the ice . 10

Like the Lapps, the Ostiaks sacrificed in older times for
luck in fishing chiefly to the spirits of the dead, which are
believed to live in certain holy places. Karjalainen points


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


194

out that the Forest spirit as well as the Water spirit is sacri-
ficed to chiefly in such districts where foreign influences may
be noticed. Except in tales, where the Water spirit has been
given special features, the idea entertained regarding it, espe-
cially in more remote territories, is very vague . 11 At Vasyugan
they sacrifice to a certain Fish spirit, Kul jungk (“ Fish
spirit ”), that lives in the water and is said to give fish to its
favourites. When the ice has broken up, a fish-like image
is made of wood or birch-bark and taken along to the fishing
place. Especially of the first catch is the Fish spirit given
its share . 12

The Water spirit of the Voguls, Vit-khan (“ Water Khan ”),
appears to be still less than that of the Ostiaks an object of
sacrificial worship, although it is mentioned in folk-lore, e.g.,
that the spirit or his daughter may marry human beings . 13

A loan from the Siryans is the Water spirit Kul, an evil
being living in deep waters and known both in the western
districts of the Ostiaks and in the northern part of the Vogul
territory. It has a human shape . 14

In leaving the Lapps and Ugrians and turning to the other
tribes, we pass at the same time from hunting and fishing
peoples to agricultural ones. Fishing is no longer of the same
importance, although it is in places pursued next to the chief
occupation as a good second industry. The importance of the
water is nevertheless not diminished by the development of
agriculture. The villages are still, as far as possible, situated
near to the waters, which besides ways of communication are
used also to afford power for mills. Agriculture, moreover,
has drawn the attention of man to an important feature of
water, namely its secret power of fertilization, without which
no vegetation can exist. Man being thus in many respects
dependent upon this important element of nature, the result
is that the water itself becomes an object of sacrificial cult.

Before considering the animated water itself, we will first
glance at those Water spirits, found amongst other Finno-


WATER SPIRITS


195

Ugrian tribes, to which the imagination of the people has
given distinct features.

The Votiaks call their Water spirit Vu-murt (“ Water
man”). In some places he is also called Vu-kuzo (“Water
master ”). He is a human-like, often naked being, with very
big eyes and long black hair. They speak also of the fingers
of the “ Water man ” ; these are stones resembling thunder-
bolts which they believe to be found on the shores of rivers.
Usually, the “ Water man ” lives in deep waters, such as the
big rivers and seas, but he also likes to dwell in little brooks
and especially in mill ponds. The “ Water man ” has a house
and a family in the water. According to folk-tales he may
also seek the company of people, especially at the time of the
great fairs. The “ Water man ” then appears dressed as a
peasant, but is easily recognized by the left side of his coat
being always damp. Often the “ Water man ” is an invisible
being, and woe to the unfortunate person to whom he then
appears, as this is a foreboding of death or other misfortune.

Like the male Water spirit, the female has also features
which betray her foreign origin. She is beautiful and her
naked body is glistening white. Sometimes in the twilight
the wife or daughter of the “ Water man ” will emerge on
the shore to comb her long black hair. In some places she is
said to have breasts as big as buckets. The male spirit, like
the female one, is a shy being, who immediately throws him-
self into the water on being observed by a human eye.

Besides appearing generally in human form, the “ Water
man ” may sometimes become visible in the shape of a fish.
Fishermen have seen him as a pike, differing from other
pikes by his enormous size and by his sleeping with his head
in the opposite direction to that of other pikes.

Twice a year, in the spring and in the autumn, the Water
spirits have weddings, during which they move in the water
merrily and noisily, causing inundations, so that the mill
sluices break. The Northern Votiaks have, further, the idea


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


196

that they come during the winter before Christmas to the vil-
lages and occupy the bath-houses ; one may sometimes meet
them in the twilight on the village street. For this reason
the Votiaks are afraid to go out alone without a light. It is
also dangerous at these times to make a noise near the water,
to rinse dirty clothes, or to ferry singing people over any
river. While they are thus on the move they are called the
“ evil spirits.” When Twelfth Day is over, the Votiaks
accompany the Water spirits back to the water where they
live. On account of this the feast of Epiphany is also called
“ the following of the Water spirit.” During Twelfth Night
the young people wander with torches from bath-house to bath-
house, to hear their fate and to call to the “ Water man ” — •
“Leave us! ” The following morning men supplied with
axes, sticks, or branches go down to the river, where they knock
on the ice saying: “ Go away from us.” On this occasion they
turn to the river itself with offerings: “Preserve us. from all
disease and accidents.” A piece of bread, a spoonful of por-
ridge and a piece of meat are thrown into the water. In some
districts it was the custom to sacrifice a duck to the “ Water
man ” through an ice-hole.

The Votiaks’ impression of the “ Water man ” is more that
of an evil than a good spirit. He brings ruin to both people
and animals, and is dangerous in the winter, because he breaks
the ice under the feet of the wanderers so that these sink
helplessly into the depths. The “ Water man ” can also send
sickness. If appeased he can, however, be of very great use.
For example, he helps the miller in his work, and fishermen
by driving fish into their nets. He is also believed to protect
and increase the water birds.

Sacrifices are made to the “ Water man ” for accidental
reasons, but also at fixed times. In the autumn the Votiaks
sacrifice a duck or a goose in the river, so that no one will
drown or be taken ill with ague. At the same time the “ Water
man ” is prayed to, to protect the geese and ducks, and to


WATER SPIRITS


197


increase their number. The blood of the bird, its bones and
a piece of the meat are thrown into the water, along with
bread. Sacrifices are made in addition when sickness occurs,
a bird often sufficing for this offering. If the mill sluice is
out of order, or if there is fear of a flood, offerings are made
to the “ Water man.” 15

Among the Siryans the usual name of the Water spirit is
Kul, but it is also called Vasa (“Water dweller”). As
among the Votiaks the Water spirit possesses here distinct
features that hint at a longer period of development. This
is true of both the male and the female spirit. The male one
is a black, hairy and wet being, who at times sits on the shore
shaking himself and sometimes seizing the mill-wheel. Some-
times the people imagine him to be a being with a big head
and big round eyes, who at times emerges from the water and
comes ashore to comb his dark green hair. He is dressed in a
green robe or his body is naked. When he throws himself
from the shore into the water a tempest arises and the waves
rise high. He swims thus, especially in bad weather, in the
water, but at other moments he has been seen rocking on the
water or on fishing nets or standing on some pier. Sometimes
the water spirit haunts the night, slapping the washing hung
out to dry, or crying loudly on the river-bank. He has also
been seen at the fish-spearing and recognised by the sudden
disappearance of his boat and torch.

As with the male Water spirit, the characteristics of the
female one differ in different districts. She is also a long-
haired being, who combs her hair with her big paws. There
is a tale about a peasant, who found a Water maid sitting
naked on a hill, combing her hair, and frightened her so that
she threw herself into the water, leaving her comb on the hill.
The peasant took the comb to his house, but in the night the
Water maid came to claim it back.

The Water spirit may also appear in the shape of a small
child, according to the Siryans. The children of the Water


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


198

spirit are, while young, hairy and of a peculiar appearance,
often like fishes, but become later more human in shape.
Now and then a child of the Water spirit may stray into the
net of a fisherman.

Like the Votiaks the Siryans also know the stony fingers of
the Water spirit. These are belemnites, found near the beaches
in the land of the Siryans.

At times the Water spirit takes another shape than that of
a human being. Thus it may appear, as among the Votiaks,
in the shape of a big pike. In the collected works of Nalimov
the Water spirit is mentioned as a pike that could speak and
had long white hair on its head. By mistake it had gone into
the net of a fisherman.

The Siryans also believe the Water spirits to have weddings,
when they make much noise and break down the sluices of mills,
and that they go and dwell amongst human beings at Epiphany.

The Water spirit of the Siryans is a being much feared.
The mere sight of him means tempest, death or other dis-
aster. He entices both mankind and animals to his home.

[Prometheus]

From the notes of Wichmann it appears that the Siryans
offered the “ Sea spirit ” butter and bread in order that he
might give them fish. When fishing one had to be careful
not to use bad words, as this incensed the Water spirit, who
in his anger would seize the net so firmly, that the fisherman
could not move it. Like the fisherman, the miller also has
to keep on good terms with the Water spirit. For other pur-
poses also, the Water spirit is sometimes given small offerings.
No Siryan will go over water without giving the Water
spirit a gift: if nothing else he throws at least a thread from
his belt into the water . 10

According to the Siryans the Water spirits have their origin
in the spirits of the drowned, which continue living in the
water, where they have entered the service of the Water spirit.
Even the name Kul is, as is proved by Setala, the old name of
a Finno-Ugric god who lived under the earth, the cult of


WATER SPIRITS


199

which was obviously connected with the cult of the dead . 17
When comparing the present highly developed characteris-
tics of the spirit Kul, which the similarly-named spirit of the
Ob peoples, borrowed from the Siryans, does not possess, with
the corresponding features of the Water spirit of the Great
Russians, it is evident that the first mentioned, even to its de-
tails, is a copy of the latter. The name Vasa seems to be only
a translation of the Russian Vodyanoy.

A fully corresponding Water spirit of the Cheremiss is their
“Water master” (Vut-oza). He is said to dwell in such
waters as do not dry up during the hot season. Usually the
Water spirit is here also an evil and feared being. Especially
is it dangerous to swim at midday. Where he does not
succeed in kidnapping a man, he will take cattle. The male
Water spirit appears usually as an old man who is often seen
before dawn on the surface of the water near the shore. He
is dressed sometimes in rags, and sometimes in splendid
clothes ; his chest being, for example, sometimes covered with
silver coins, but at times he is also naked. The Cheremiss
say that the greater a river is in which a Water spirit lives,
the richer it is. Should a human being cast his eye on him,
he throws himself immediately into the water. Besides his
human form, the Water spirit can also show himself in the
form of a horse or a bullock. The Water spirits living in the
sea show themselves mainly as bulls, and the bellowing of
the “ water bull ” has often been heard from the sea. But
the Water spirit can also take the form of a fish, or of other
miscellaneous objects. But in whatever form he shows him-
self, the sight denotes disaster — often death — to the one
who has seen him, or to some one belonging to him.

The female Water spirit, “ Water master’s daughter,” has
been seen on the shore combing her long hair with a gold
or silver comb. Sometimes she becomes entangled in a fisher-
man’s fishing-tackle. Once some fishers found a great being
in their net, which dragged it here and there. With great


200


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


labour they managed to keep hold of their net, and when they
finally succeeded in dragging it nearer to the boat, they saw
a pretty dark maid, who, however, disappeared immediately
from sight. The net became at once lighter and was found
to contain no fish at all. Sometimes people are fortunate
enough to get a “ Water master’s daughter ” into their power.
This happens only when they throw a piece of iron at her or
touch her with their hands, as then the water-maid cannot
move an inch.

In prayers, the Water spirit is often referred to as “ Water
old man ” (Vut-kuguza) and “ Water old woman ” (Vut-
kuva). The Cheremiss worship the “Old man” and the
“ Old woman ” of the water when they go swimming or fish-
ing. The fishermen offer up to these spirits bread or brandy,
sometimes even a duck, a goose, or a hen, as they are supposed
to drive fish into the fishermen’s tackle. In the spring, when
the first fish has been caught, the Eastern Cheremiss generally
boil it immediately, and eat it without breaking the bones,
the latter being thrown back into the water with the following
words: “‘Water man,’ come and eat fish; I have tasted it
already, give us still more fresh fish.” 18

Similar beliefs in human-like Water spirits are met with
among the Mordvins. The spirits living in the water are
here called Ved-eraj (“ Water dweller ”) or Vetsa-eraj (“ He
who inhabits the water”). There are many such spirits, and
they are malignant beings, who, like Vampire spirits, lie in
wait for newly born children, and devour grain that has been
cursed by an enemy . 19

The Baltic Finns have been under Germanic influence.
The Nacken of the Swedes is called Nakk by the Esthonians,
and they believe it to live in all deeper waters, such as the
sea, rivers, lakes and wells. The deepest spot in the water
is particularly its dwelling-place, and also any whirlpool.

The Nakk presents itself in different shapes, as a human
being, an animal, or even some inanimate object. Neverthe-





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r t; - • jq :<<; :..<•? . )

.giadrnf-iH .U '{d rlq^oloiiq -utfik







PLATE XXI


Votiak sacrifice to the River Buj after the break-
ing-up of the ice. (See pages 214—15.)

(Government permission.)

After photograph by U. Holmberg.




WATER SPIRITS


201


less, it lives in the imagination of the people mostly as a
human being. In this shape, according to the idea of the
Esthonians, it is both male and female, and may appear full
grown or as a child. The people believe the male spirit to be
a grey old man, who at times swims in the water with his
enormous, widely opened maw, swallowing everybody who
comes in his path, sometimes lifting his head above the water,
sometimes seating himself on the shore of a river, lake or
sea, or on the cover of a well to watch for people. When ap-
pearing in human shape he executes human work. Now and
then he is found by night at the fish-spearing places and is
recognized by having his torch not in a boat but on a stone
slab. One of the most remarkable features of the Nakk is
his song, by which he bewitches his hearers, who in this way
become his prisoners. In the neighbourhood of Hapsal the
belief prevails that when the Nakk sings or plays, men and
animals begin to dance in gradually increasing tempo until
they at last fall into the sea. Although the Nakk appears in
human shape, he has, in the tales of the people, fish teeth.

Like the male spirit, the female human-like Water spirit
has also the pronounced character that proves development.
To distinguish her from the male, the Esthonians call her
Nakineiu or Nakineitsi (“ Nakk’s maid ”), Veeneiu (“ Water
maid”) or Mereneiu (“Sea maid”). Usually, Nakineitsi
is a pretty young girl, who sits on the surface of the water,
or on a stone on the shore, or in the shadow of a tree growing
near to the water, combing her long hair with a golden comb.
Her hair is wonderfully pretty, now golden yellow, now
grass-green. Occasionally she appears naked, at other times
dressed. In some districts the Nakineitsi has a human body
and a fish tail.

As with the Nakk, one of the most important features of
the Nakineitsi is her song and her music. On the coasts they
speak also of the cattle of the water-maid, which are beautiful
and fat. The colour of the animals is usually grey, like the


202


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


sea. Suddenly emerging from the sea, the cattle come ashore,
where they are tended by the Nakineitsi until she again dis-
appears with them after awhile. The Livonians tell of blue
sea-cows j some of these sometimes go astray from the other
cattle and remain on the shore, falling thus into the hands of
men.

Besides his human form, the Nakk of the Esthonians also
appears in the shape of a young, usually grey horse, sometimes
also as a white foal. This emerges from the water, runs all
round the shore, approaches children and entices them to sit
on its back, whereupon it immediately rushes back into the sea at
a gallop. At times it can also appear as an ox, now black, now
brown or grey, or as a white calf. The Nakk that has changed
himself into an animal, is recognized by his coming from the
sea and disappearing into the water. Sometimes he even
changes himself into a startled hare, which by running to
and fro on a pier tries to entice its pursuer so far, that the
latter is in danger of falling into the water. He may also
appear as a waterbird, a swan, a goose or a duck. Further,
the Nakk is seen in the shape of a fish, which at times comes
ashore, winds its tail round a fisherman, and drags him into
the water. Often the Water spirit appears also as a big
strange-looking or one-eyed fish. Two fisherman had once
fished a long time without catching anything when one of
them saw two strangely shaped gold-glittering fishes in the
water. Neglecting the warning of his comrade he set about
catching these fish and got one in his net, but as he was about
to lift it from the water there suddenly arose a strong tempest
and snowstorm, and at the same moment the fish disappeared
from the net. The Nakk can also take the shape of a lifeless
object.

In whatever shape the Nakk appears, he is always a danger-
ous and feared being, whose mere appearance predicts drown-
ing or other disaster. Even if the one who sees him is not
himself doomed, one of his relatives will perish in the water.


WATER SPIRITS


203

Some people believe that in all waters where a Nakk dwells,
a man will be drowned every summer. When the time for
this approaches, a voice is heard from the water: “The hour
has struck, a man is wanted.” Against his will somebody
will then go and bathe and lose his life in the water. Be-
fore he drowns, the water becomes agitated, boils and seethes,
but calms down as soon as it has got its victim. The Nakk
can drown people not only in deep but in shallow places, where
the water is only a foot deep.

The Nakk takes his victim either by enticement, by be-
witching songs, or by appearing in the shape of the animals
or object that a man desires. At times he bewitches the eyes
of people so that they no longer recognize their surroundings,
but lose themselves and at last are at his mercy. The cattle
he entices by changing himself into an animal, mingling with
them on their pasture ground, and, on his return into the
water, enticing the other animals to follow him.

One who notices the danger in time, may protect himself
against the menace of the Nakk. An effective remedy is to
mention his name, as on hearing this he flees at once and throws
himself into the water. To protect themselves, the inhabitants
of the island Mohn, before going into the sea, take a stone
from the beach, spit on it and throw it into the sea, saying:
“ A cake to the Nakk.” Women also do this when they go
to the sea-shore to watch the sheep, as they believe that the
Nakk will not touch them or their cattle if they throw him a
cake into the water . 20

The Nakki of the Finns closely resembles the Nakk of the
Esthonians, only a few new features being met with in the
former. In West Finland the Water spirit is represented as
a man of unusual size. He has been seen in the shape of an
immense, long and stout old man standing over the water,
so that one foot was on the one shore and the other foot on
the other shore of the sea. A miller saw him thus standing
over a waterfall, like an unusually big, grey man. Probably


204


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


this latter type of the Water spirit has been influenced by the
traits of the Forest spirit, which appears in mythology more
regularly than the Water spirit as a lone being. At times the
Water spirit also appears as a dwarf. So he was once seen
by fishermen: “ in the bag of the net was a small human-like
old man, not longer than two spans, with long hair reaching
to his throat.”

Sometimes he is half-man, half-animal: the upper part
human, with horse-feet. He does not seem to appear in com-
plete horse form in the imagination of the Finns. On the
other hand he has been seen as a dog with a long beard; some-
times as an enormous buck, which wears net-pouches on its
horns. Often Nakki appears also in the shape of an object,
at times as a big balk or log, which differs from an ordinary
one by. having an eye as big as a plate and a mane on its back, or
as a tree, fallen into the water, which sinks when one tries to
sit on it.

The female Nakki has also many other names such as
Nakinneito, Nakinpiika (“ Nakki maid ”), Vedenneito (“ Water
maid”), Merenneito (“Sea maid”), Vedenemanta (“Water
mistress”). According to the ideas of the people this Water
spirit is a pretty being. In Osterbotten they believe that the
female Nakki is a beautiful woman with glittering white body
and very long curly hair. On the coast of Osterbotten and in
Nyland the Water maid is further known by her breasts as big
as buckets, which are thrown over the shoulder when bathing.

When the Water maid appears, she is always busy in some
way. Now she washes her face or her breasts, now she combs
her hair, splashes gaily in the water, washes her clothes on
a stone on the shore or on a rock in the sea, or goes sometimes
on land to watch the water cattle in the grass on the beach.

The idea that the Water spirit possesses magnificent cattle
in the water is very general in Finland. Often it has been
noticed how stately cows emerge from the sea, which on the
approach of a man go back into the water and dive down.



PLATE XXII

The Sacrificing “Upward”

The Eastern Votiaks sacrifice a white goose to the
Ilcaven god. (See page 220.)

Water-colour by U. Soldan-Brofeldt.







WATER SPIRITS


20 5


When the Water spirit disappears with his cattle at sun-
rise, it may happen that an animal is left on the shore. Ac-
cording to the general belief of the people, this can be seized
by walking round it once or thrice with a piece of iron in the
hand, as then it can return no more to the water, but belongs
to man. In vain the spirit cries from the water for his lost
animal. It is very advantageous to possess a cow of the Water
spirit, not only because it is pretty, but also because it gives
much milk ; it is however to be noted, that it always gives
only the same quantity that was milked the first time.

At times the cow of the Water maid is like a fish. Once in
Karelia a fish with horns and feet was caught in the net of a
fisherman, who, after some wondering at its appearance, threw
it ashore, with the result that in the night the plaintive cries
of the Water woman were heard.

According to the Scandinavian Finns, besides the Water
spirits, the Maahiset (“ those living under the earth ”) also
possess big cattle that man may seize, if he throws something
made of steel upon them. As the Water spirits rise from the
water, so the “ Undergrounders ” emerge from the earth and
disappear therein. In North Finland and in Russian Karelia
the same power is given to the cows of the Manalaiset (“ the
deceased ”).

Now and then the Water spirit also appears in the shape of
a big fish of unusual species or strange shape. Once some
boys caught a big salmon-trout, which had lost itself on a low
river-bank. At home they were told, however, that the fish
was a Marras, and they were instructed to take it back to the
water, because they would otherwise drown on the same spot
where they had caught the trout. Lencqvist already mentions
the Marta as an omen of death.

The Finnish Nakki is, like the Esthonian Nakk and the
Swedish Nacken, always an evil and feared being. That
children may take care when near the water, they are fright-
ened by words such as “ Nakki comes.” A usual means of


20 6


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


protection against Nakki when bathing is a form of witch-
craft in connection with certain words. On stepping into the
water the bather once, thrice, or even nine times, scoops water
on to the beach with his hand or throws a stone, taken from
the water, or earth from the sea-bottom, on the shore, saying:
“ Nakki ashore, I into the water.” After bathing the pro-
ceeding is reversed, the water or the object used previously
is now thrown back in the river or the sea, with the saying:
“ Nakki into the water, I on land.” Another means of pro-
tection against Nakki is to put into the water a piece of metal
or a metal object while one is bathing. Similarly, animals
also have to be protected against the evil caused by Nakki.
When bathing a horse they used to put into the water some
one of the above-mentioned metal objects or bind a fire-steel
to the tail, or hang a bell on the neck of the horse. More
particularly had this to be done with an unshod horse, be-
cause Nakki is believed not to seize a shod horse.

Similar ideas and means of protection are general also
amongst the Swedes.

Of foreign origin is also an idea of the Finns, that the
Water spirit is a musician, whose wonderful music anybody
can learn. The proper moment to approach it for this purpose
is Midsummer Night, or before the Eves of Lent and Easter.
The spirit may be seen on a rock in a waterfall, on one that
has never been under water, or on one that is always sur-
rounded by water. The person wishing to learn has to take
a violin with him. When the Water spirit has emerged from
the waterfall, he will seat himself on the same stone as the
man, turning his back to him, and start to teach him. As a
reward the man has to promise himself to the Water spirit
and during the lesson bind himself fast to the master, but with
caution, so that the ties break or become undone when the
spirit suddenly precipitates himself into the water. Should
the fetters not loosen, the pupil falls into the power of the
Water spirit. The one who succeeds in passing through the


WATER SPIRITS


207


trial becomes a great player, who can make people dance even
against their will. Sometimes his violin develops the wonder-
ful quality of playing by itself and even its pieces will play
when the violin is at last broken.

The wonderful music to be learnt from the Water spirit is
known round all the Scandinavian countries.

[Prometheus]

Corresponding to Nakki is the Vetehinen (“ Water
dweller”), known originally only in Russian Karelia, Ingria,
and East Finland, who in the imagination of the people ap-
pears as a human-like being with marked characteristics.
Vetehinen is also regarded as a malignant being. He causes
a disease (eruption) and, like Nakki, seizes people and
animals as sacrifices. Protection against him, as against Nakki,
is found in metal objects. The idea of Vetehinen does not
however completely cover that of Nakki, which latter is ex-
clusively the cause of drowning, because the Karelians worship
the former also as the giver of luck in fishing. 21 Foreign in-
fluence is to be noted already in the name of Vetehinen, of
which Castren says that both in idea and etymologically there
is a correspondence to the Water spirit, which the Russians call
Vodyanoy. 22

The Mordvinian Ved- or Vetsa-eraj corresponds in name to
the Water spirit of the Votes, the Jarv-elaj (“ Sea dweller ”). 23
Only through their literature do the Finns know anything now
of the old Water spirit of the Tavastlanders, Ahti, about
whom Agricola says, that he “ brought fishes from the water.”
In the old popular poetry he appears as a water dweller, and
in a song about the origin of frost, the following description
occurs: “ then thou caused a strong frost, when thou made Ahti
freeze in the sea.” 24 The etymology of the name is not
clear. According to Daniel Juslenius (1745) Wainamoinen
was also a Water spirit ; Agricola does not, however, mention
him thus, but says only that he “ composed songs.” Both Ahti
and Wainamoinen appear in folk-poetry as mighty heroes.

Over all Finland and also amongst the Finnish Lapps and


208


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


Northern Esthonians the dark Vedenhaltija (“ Water ruler”)
is known. He is supposed to appear before a disaster in hu-
man shape, and he corresponds completely to the Swedish
Sjora, Sjoradare, etc.

The belief that the drowned are transformed into Water
spirits is general among most of the Finno-Ugric peoples.
The Esthonians, for instance, believe that the size and shape
of a Nakk depend upon the person drowned. If an adult
had fallen victim to the water, his Nakk would appear as a
full-grown person 5 if a child, the spirit would appear as a
child. When swimming in places where people had been
drowned, one might easily get cramp, because the spirits of
the dead seized the living by their feet and dragged them
down. Like the Siryans, the Esthonians sometimes call the
water spirit by a name that originally meant the spirit of the
dead: Kull or Koll (cf. the Lapp Ravgga). The spirit living
in a river is called Joe Kull (“ River Kull ”). 25

A similar being, although not originally of Cheremiss origin,
is their Pele kolese (“ Half-dead ”), which floats on the sur-
face of the water with its face turned upwards like someone
drowned. A person w r ho tries to save it falls a victim himself
to the water. The Cheremiss have a general idea that where
a corpse lies, there its “ soul ” (ort) remains. The fishermen
at Belaya told me how a young Cheremiss mother, who, on
her way back from a feast, had been drowned by falling
through thin ice, rises early in the morning on the beach to
express her sorrow for the babe she had left. The fishermen
had heard her plaints: “ My breasts are filled with milk, my
little child cries at home! ” 28

Further evidence of the transformation of drowned people
into Water spirits, to whom one sacrifices for luck in fishing,
are the Soiem tongk (“ River spirits ”) of the Konda Ostiaks,
“ which are drowned people.” According to Paasonen, every
family has a common idol-house for its members lost thus,
where they are given offerings twice a year, in spring and in


















.n'jrJsIsini^ .'•I ,>i yd liqmiioJodq tort/.

































PLATE XXIII


Ostiak sacrifice of a white animal, or of one cov-
ered with a white cloth, to the Heaven-god. (See
page 220.)

After photograph by K. F. Karjalainen.





WATER SPIRITS


209

autumn, before the beginning of the fishing season 5 the latest
of the deceased receiving a cock, while to those transformed
earlier, clothes are given. The drowned appear during the
course of the year following their death to the priest and
are then escorted to the god-house, receiving at the same time
a shirt or a kerchief as an offering. 2 ' But from the examples
given it becomes evident that the “ souls ” of the different
species of fish, or their tutelary genii are also contained in the
Finno-Ugric Water spirits. The Yurak Samoyeds make an
image of a fish-like “ Water master ” or they choose as such a
dried fish of peculiar appearance. The Ostiaks make an image
of a fish when they worship their “ Fish spirit,” and with other
peoples also the Water spirit often appears in the form of a
rare fish. The Pite Lapps speak of a Water spirit with horns. 28
Sometimes these “ spirit-fish ” can be detected only by their
position. The Water spirit of the Permian tribes appears as
a large pike which is recognised by the fact that it is larger
than others, and that when sleeping it holds its head against
the current of the water, or towards the shore, or contrary
to the other fish. The “ Water dweller ” of the Russian
Lapps often appears as a turbot or a flounder, which contrary
to the habit of these fish comes inshore. Sometimes the Fish
spirit strives after more human-like features.

The Siryans say that the “ Water dweller ” when young
resembles a fish, but as it grows begins to resemble a human
being. A “ spirit-pike ” could speak and had long light hair
on its head. 29 In Pite Lapland a white fish was caught that
had scales all over its body, except on its breast, which re-
minded one of a woman’s breast. 30 In a tale from the Finnish
coast, a Water spirit was found by the people, which from the
front was like a most beautiful young maiden, but on its back
was covered with scales and had also fins. It is believed in ad-
dition that in the Baltic there are water-dwellers with a human
body and a fish-tail. Even when a spirit appears altogether
as a human being, it has generally some fish-like feature,


210


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


such as the large maw of a fish, fish-teeth and round eyes.
Another significant fact is that it moves with the other fish,
taking them with it from the sea to the rivers, and also that it
wanders into the fishers’ traps. There is a story of such a half-
fish, half-female being in the Karelian folk-songs which Lonn-
rot uses in the Aino episode in Kalevala (viii. 45—133).

The Finno-Ugric peoples also envisage the water itself
animistically. The Cheremiss say that the “ water lives,” it
moves from one place to another, serves people and carries
their boats. Donner relates, that the Samoyeds, when they
are out in their boats and come to a new river, wash their
heads with its water. A large river they call “ Mother.” 31
This custom is met with also among the Siryans, who, when
they go out fishing, sacrifice bread to the Vorikva River say-
ing: “ Vorikva-mother, carry us without danger, protect us,
and give us a whole boatful of fish.” 32 The Votiaks and
Mordvins, when praying, use also the name “ Mother ” to
their rivers and brooks as the Russians speak of the “ Volga-
mother,” etc.

The Volga and Baltic Finns have the same belief, i.e.,
that lakes can move from one place to another. This may
happen as a consequence of someone offending the water by
polluting it. They say that when the sea wanders, a black
bull goes bellowing before it, so that people may know to
get out of its way. 33

In a little village in the District of Birsk there is a lake

that has the same name as the village, Cherlak. The people

%

say it has two sisters, Azelekel and Kandralekel, which are
also two lakes in the District of Belebey. Cherlak Lake is
the youngest sister and is called the “ Cherlak girl.” Some-
times it is asked to visit the older sisters, and to take with it
water, fish and sea birds. Some time ago it paid a visit to
them, the lake being in the meanwhile so dry that cattle we’re
able to pasture on its bed, the only water being in a hole.
The village was quite unhappy over the shortage of water and


WATER SPIRITS


21 1


decided to offer up a sacrifice to the “ Cherlak girl.” They
thought first of offering her a black bull, but this did not
please the lake as the animal did not shudder when water
was poured over it. In the end they offered a black heifer,
which she accepted with pleasure. Clad in clean clothes,
the people around sprinkled water on one another from the
water that was left in the hole, praying to the “ Cherlak girl ”
to return to its old place. The heifer’s bones and pieces of
its flesh were wrapped in its hide and hidden in the water
hole. On this occasion the following prayer was read: “ Water-
mother, protect the water, give the Cherlak girl good
health, bring her and all kinds of fish back to her place,
bring her with all kinds of sea-birds, give the water good
health. Make Azelekel and Kandralekel return her former
riches to the Cherlak girl! ” When it had received the sacri-
fice, the water began to return, but in the beginning it was
muddy and foul. The village sacrificed a black lamb for the
health of the water, and then “ the water became clean and
even fish and sea-birds began to appear.” Sometimes, the
elder sisters also come from Belebey to visit the “ Cherlak
girl,” when it becomes flooded. An old Cheremiss related that
during his lifetime it has happened twice that a strange lake
has visited another.

The Cheremiss and Mordvins generally call the animated
water “ Water mother.” Probably the Esthonians’ Vete-ema
(“ Water mother ”) and Mere-ema (“ Sea mother ”) have the
same origin, although the ideas connected with them are now
in close relation to the Wasser-mutter of the Teutons. The
Livonians’ Mier-iema (“ Sea mother ”) is a similar goddess . 34
Agricola says that the Karelians worshipped Veden ema, who
“ drove fish into their nets.”

In the magic prayers of the Mordvins the “ Water mother ”
has already certain anthropomorphic features: silky hair, and
a plait decorated with silver wire, at times also her children
and family are mentioned. One finds, however, in some


212


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


prayers words like these: “ Water mother, Boyar mistress, thou
comest from the sea and spreadest thyself over the whole
country, thou wanderest over thine own land, thou floatest
over thine own ways, thou doest much good, thou receivest
many genuflexions, thou flowest glowing like gold, shining
like silver.” 35

It is quite evident that the “ Water mother ” in the votive
prayers is the animated water itself. As an example one might
give the following prayer written down by Melnikov among
the Christian Mordvins. “ Water mother, give all Christian
people good health. Give health to those who eat thee and
those who drink thee, to those who bathe in thee a light and
merry heart ; give the cattle also who drink thee good
health.” 36

Smaller offerings are also made to the water when going
out to fish, or in sickness, i.e., ordinary skin diseases which are
believed to come from the offended water. The real water-
cult is, however, connected with agriculture. Mutual sacri-
fices have been made to the Water mother, chiefly to obtain
fruitful rains. Like the earth, the water is given a black
sacrificial animal, generally a bull or a sheep. The Cheremiss
have a custom of sprinkling water on one another at such
ceremonies. Black sheep, or hens that happen to be near the
water, are also sprinkled with it. A part of all the sacrificial
food is thrown into the water, in addition to the bones and a
portion of each part of the carcase, which, wrapped in the
hide, are also thrown in. At the close everything used at the
sacrifice is rinsed in the water. If a sacrifice should bring too
much rain, the offerings that have been thrown into the water
must be taken up again, and buried in the earth to make the
rain cease. 37

A water cult of this description was known among the Vo-
tiaks, Mordvins and Baltic Finns. J. Gutslaff (1644) relates
about the Esthonians that they worshipped a brook (Woh-
handa), which they believed could produce a fertilising rain,



PLATE XXIV


The “ World-pillar ” of the Lapps, consisting of
two high stones and a squared log of wood. (See
page 222.)

According to Leenis.






WATER SPIRITS


213

or when the brook so desired, torrential rains, hail, or frost.
An old man said that the weather could be arranged with the
brook’s help. If one wished for rain and stormy weather,
one threw something into the water, but if one wished for fine
weather, one cleaned out the brook. An example was given of
a pair of oxen which, while out at pasture, fell into the water
and were drowned, with the result that a terrible rainstorm
arose and only ceased when the carcases were dragged out of
the water . 38 Often, “ rain is made ” without sacrifice, by
wetting people, the walls of houses, cattle, and the fields.
Among the Votiaks, the “ Thunder mother ” has in many
districts usurped the place of “ the Water ” at the large com-
mon sacrifices. Among the Mordvins it has been noted that
in some places they had a custom, when sacrificing for rain,
of going round a little lake three times, carrying a duck, which
was afterwards cooked and eaten in honour of the water.
Sometimes the finding of rain-giving springs is difficult. But
if rain comes soon after a sacrifice to a spring or brook, one
can be certain of having found a good sacrificing-place.
Droughts are often caused by rain-giving springs becoming
choked. These have then to be cleaned out in order to obtain

* 39

rain.

When the fructifying powers of rain were noticed, the
belief arose that rain could also fructify human beings and
animals. To the general custom of taking a newly married
woman to the brook near her husband’s home, in order to
conciliate the strange water, the rite of sprinkling her with
water has been added. This custom can be explained partly
by the belief that one must come into contact with the new
water oneself in order to become acquainted with it. The
Siryans have a custom according to which a newly married
pair should go to the nearest stream three days after their
wedding, when the wife sacrifices money and pieces of cloth
and thread, or bread and cheese to the “ mother ” river, after
which she washes her hands and face in the water. With


214 -


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


most of the agricultural Finnish races it is regarded as neces-
sary to drench the bride completely with water. If weddings
are celebrated in the winter, when it is of course too cold to
do this, the Votiaks and Ingrians consider it their duty to
drench all the winter’s brides together in the spring. It is
not quite clear why this wetting is done, but some light may
perhaps be thrown on the matter by a Mordvinian custom.
According to this the bride goes the day after the wedding to
the stream or well, not only to pour water over herself, but
to beg the “ Water mother ” to give her children. Bishop
Makariy says that when the bride sacrifices money, linseed,
bread and salt to the water, she begs it to wash her clothes
and give her children. The same author says that barren
Mordvin women also pray to the “ Water mother ” for her
assistance. Usually such sacrifices were made at midnight,
when both husband and wife went together in secret to the
shore. According to Butuzov the Erza woman also prayed
in the following words: “ Water mother, pardon me, if I have
offended thee and therefore cannot give birth to children.”
The German belief that children come from the water
(“ Kinder-brunnen ”) is also explained by the above. 40

Rivers and seas were also prayed to for an increase of water-
birds. Aminoff says that the Votiaks sacrificed a duck to the
water, so that it might richly increase their geese and ducks. 41
Wichmann has discovered the following prayer: “To Mother
Ybyt (a river) I give a goose. Produce many geese when
their time comes.” 42 The Mordvins also pray to the “ Water
mother ” to increase their cattle.

The Votiaks and Mordvins, like the Russians earlier, each
spring when the ice begins to break up, celebrate great festi-
vals with sacrifices of horses in honour of the water. Among
the Votiaks this feast is called “to follow the ice.” In 1911
the author had the opportunity of being present at one of these
feasts at the river Buy, one of the tributaries of the Kama.
After a young foal had been killed and cooked on the shore


WATER SPIRITS


21 5

of the stream, the people knelt down with their faces towards
the water, while the officiating priest read out a long prayer,
begging prosperity from the river. During the prayer the
bones, hide, and small pieces of the different parts of the
carcase were thrown into the water, together with the animal’s
new halter, the blood having been already drained there by
means of a channel dug into the bank. The animal sacrificed
is changed each year, being one year a brown foal, the next
year a black bull. The people believe firmly that if they do
not sacrifice to the river, it will flood their corn-fields, or make
great gaps in the banks, or cause fogs, storms and disastrous
hail-storms. In one village this same spring, the sacrifice
had been neglected, and in punishment hail had ruined the
corn-fields.

The Cheremiss believe that the water has also a “ soul ”
(ort) that can depart to other places. They say that when
the water’s “ soul ” disappears, the water becomes muddy and
foul. Illness follows from drinking such water. The close
relation between the Water spirit and the water itself with its
“ soul,” is shown by the belief that if the “ Water master ”
leaves, the water dries up, and that a spirit can rule over two
different waters, causing each to fill or dry up as it removes
from one to the other. The undefined Pamas-oza (“ the
Spring’s master”) of the District Ursum is also apparently
a nature-soul. It becomes angry if anyone comes to take
water from the spring with unclean vessels, or if any one
shouts, quarrels, speaks indecently or spills water over his
clothes. It punishes such people by giving them boils or
some other skin disease} and they must then cook porridge
at the edge of the spring and ask for pardon . 43

Doubtless the undefined Veden Haltia (“ Water ruler ”) of
the Finns is of the same origin. An indication of this is the
strange magic custom, that when the water in a well is spoilt
or run dry, fresh water is brought from another well, in the
belief that by thus renewing the water in the well, a new


ii6


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY

[Prometheus]

Haltia is secured. To lakes also in which the fishing water
is spoilt or where the Haltia is not good, “ new water ” and a
“ new Haltia ” are brought. Considering that in the above-
mentioned proceeding, which is also known among other tribes,
e.g., among the Chuvashes, the water, by the addition of new
and better water, is provided with new soul-power, we may
assume that the Haltia here is to be understood in the sense
of the nature-soul. It is further to be observed that origi-
nally each sea, lake or river had only one Haltia.

These examples should show, that besides the spirits of
those drowned and the tutelary genii of the fish, the water
itself, furnished with a soul, is included among the Water
gods of the Finno-Ugric stocks.





; ('?: /i. l it : \ j 'h r ir -f :>,

.sifal •••? '(d




















PLATE XXV

Sacrificial Meal Among the Russian
Karelians

(See page 229.)

After photograph by I. K. Inha.





CHAPTER XIII


GODS OF SKY AND AIR

T HE SUPREME deity among the Finno-Ugric stocks
is the Heaven god, who is called by different names,
the original signification of which is the same among all the
peoples.

In the Finnish language there are two words, Jumala and
Ilmarinen, both of which were originally names for the god of
the sky. The former, which is found in Icelandic literature
as early as 1026 (Jomali), has in our time come to denote
“god” in general ( deus ), like the loan-word Jubmel or Ibmel
in the Lapp tongue, except among the Cheremiss, where in
its present form of Jumo it has preserved its original meaning.
In this last language the word has also a third meaning which
may be taken to be the very oldest, i.e., the “ sky ” or the
“ air.” A similar example of a word meaning “ heaven ” or
“ the Heaven god ” gradually coming to denote generally
“ god,” is provided by the Turco-Tatar Tangere. The second
Finnish word also, Ilmarinen (diminutive of ilmari ), which
later became the name of a hero in the Kalevala , comes from
a word originally meaning “sky” or “air” ( ilma ). The
word Ilmari formed by adding a suffix, is met with also among
the Votiaks, Inmar (the god of the sky), and originates there-
fore from the Finno-Permian period, over a thousand years
before the birth of Christ. Contemporaneously, and with the
same meaning as the word Inmar, there is another word in the
Votiak, In(m) (= Finnish lima); the same word being also
found among the Siryans, Jen (now meaning the Christian
God), and among the Ostiaks, Ilem or Item. These last-named


218


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


have also other names for this god, such as Num-Turem
(Turem = “ sky,” “air,” “world,” etc.), which has its
counterpart in the Vogul Numi-Torem. The word Turem
has been compared by Castren with the Lapp Tiermes (the
god of thunder). Both the sky and the Heaven god are called
Num by the Samoyeds.

Knowing that the highest god, as appears already from his
names, was at one time merely the animated sky, it is not sur-
prising that, especially in earlier times, the people’s ideas of
him were dim and uncertain. The most usual qualities at-
tributed to him are “ great,” “ high,” “ good ” } in the south-
ern districts the Ostiaks call him Sangke (“ light ”), prob-
ably a shortening of Sangke-Turem. As there was no actual
conception of his being, there were no attempts to materialise
him. Characteristic for all the above-mentioned peoples is
the following description of the Samoyeds: “They never
make images of Num, therefore they do not know how to
sculpture him.” 1

Only in folk-poetry do we find the Sky god anthropo-
morphised. Here, we find the Cheremiss relating that he is
a man-like being, living in the sky. Like the people down
below, he practises agriculture, he has green pastures and much
excellent cattle. As befits a good Cheremiss farmer, he even
keeps bees. In the sacrificial prayers he appears as a worldly
ruler with a large train of lesser deities, to whom at times
sacrifices are also made. Like a rich and powerful ruler, the
god of the Ostiaks and Voguls dwells in the highest story of
heaven in a house glittering with gold and silver} he is said
to have seven sons and many assistant spirits, some of which
have wings. The idea of a heavenly suite is, however, of
later origin, a fact that appears also from the names borrowed
from the Turco-Tatar . 2

It is quite natural that the sky with its light and rains, and
other wondrous forces and phenomena affecting so closely
the whole of our earthly existence, should have early become


GODS OF SKY AND AIR


219

the object of the curiosity of primitive peoples. It would
seem, nevertheless, that however animated the sky was re-
garded as being, no sacrifices were originally offered up to it.
This is witnessed to by the fact that even today, sacrifices to the
Heaven god are extremely rare among the more northern
peoples, e.g., the Eastern Samoyeds and the Northern Ostiaks,
for whom the god himself is too far away to be at all interested
in human life . 3

The worship of the Heaven god is more closely connected
with agriculture, which, more often than any other occupation,
raises its glance to the sky. That he is a god of agriculture,
is shown plainly by the fact that sacrifices are made to him
chiefly that the fields may become fruitful. According to cer-
tain peoples, his period of worship is the summer months
only; as the Votiaks, for example, believe that Inmar may be
sacrificed to, like the “ Earth mother,” only up to the begin-
ning of winter, after which it is regarded as unsuitable to do
so . 4 Quite apparent is the opinion that the sky is a pro-
creative power. In their prayers, the Votiaks call Inmar,
“ the procreator and nourisher,” the Mordvins address their
“god dwelling on high” (Erza: Vere-pas) generally by the
name “procreator,” Moksha: Shkaj or Shka(j)-bavas, Erza:
Shki-pas (from ska-ms , “to procreate,” “to give birth to,”
words to be found now only in folklore ; bavas or pas , “ god,”
an Indo-Iranian loan-word). The word skaj may at times
denote only and solely “ the sky,” as in the phrase, skajs
mazems (“the sky reddens ”). 5 The Voguls believed that
the Heaven god “sends down” even animals ; in a prayer
to Numi-Torem occur the words: “ Send down, our father,
the fishes of the sea, let down the game of the forest! ” 6

In later times the Heaven god among the Volga Finns has,
under the influence of Christianity and Islam, become a much
more powerful god, to be worshipped in all the necessities
imposed by life. Even now, however, he is turned to solely
in the case of material needs. Extremely characteristic is the


220 FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY

belief of the Votiaks as described by an unknown author:
“ Inmar is, according to them, only a good spirit, who pro-
tects their lives and gives them food and clothing, having
nothing whatever to do with the mutual relations between
mankind.” 7 Thus, the Heaven god did not originally, in the
view of the Finno-Ugric stocks, watch over the morality
of the people, as the spirits of the dead were supposed
to do.

By* the side of the male Heaven god, generally termed the
“ Father,” the peoples by the Volga and the Ob speak in their
sacrificial prayers of a female deity, the “ Mother of heaven,”
regarded as the guardian-spirit of child-birth and as such
later merged into the Virgin Mary. This “ Mother of heaven,”
pictured in folk-tales at times as the wife of the Heaven god,
and met with also among the Turco-Tatars, originates from
pagan times . 8

In sacrificing to the Heaven god, the peoples by the Volga
and the Ob follow similar customs, previously common also to
the surrounding peoples, of keeping the faces, both of the
sacrificing priests and the sacrificial animal, turned in the direc-
tion of the rising sun, contrary to the custom in the worship of
the dead of turning in the opposite direction j the Cheremiss
and the Votiaks having also different expressions for the two
ceremonies, i.e., “ sacrificing upward ” and “ sacrificing down-
ward.” The sacrifice to the Heaven god must, as far as possi-
ble, consist of a white animal. Where this is not possible, the
Ostiaks place a white cloth over the animal’s back. A feature
of note is also that the sacrificial-tree of the Heaven god,
must, as with other Nature gods, be a leaf or “ white ” tree,
those of the dead being invariably coniferous, or “ dark ”
trees . 9 Most often burnt offerings are offered up to the
Heaven god, but there are traces of other methods having been
used. As the smoke from the sacrifice could not reach the
sky from the plains, the sacrifice was performed on a hill or
other high place. In the oldest accounts of the Samoyed re-



PLATE XXVI

Old Sacrificial Grotto of the Thunder-
God Among the Finnish Lapps

(See pages 230—1.)

After photograph by T. I. Itkonen.








GODS OF SKY AND AIR


221


ligion it is stated that the Yuraks offered up white reindeer
to Num on the highest mountains. When the animal was
slaughtered, it was held, as during the rest of the ceremony,
with its head turned to the east. The flesh was eaten uncooked.
The skull, together with all other bones, was left on the place
of sacrifice} the first-named being generally stuck on a pole
with its nose towards the east . 10

In looking at the night sky, the attention of people was
drawn to a certain fixed point, round which the heavens, as
seen from the earth, seemed to revolve. This regular motion
of the sky, which we know to be due to the movement of the
earth round its axis in the opposite direction, awakened among
primitive peoples the idea that the sky at this point, i.e., at the
North Star, is affixed to some object bearing or supporting the
heavens. For this reason, the Samoyeds (Turuhansk District)
call the North Star the “ nail of the sky,” “ round which the
heavens revolve.” 11 The ancient Finns had also a correspond-
ing but now forgotten term, as proved by the name of the
North Star, borrowed by the Lapps from the Finns, Bohi-
navlle (“ the nail of the north ”) } its counterpart among the
Esthonians being the Pohjanael. The connection of these
beliefs with the sky is described by Holzmayer in the follow-
ing words: “ In the middle of the sky, or in the north, the
heavens are affixed to a nail in such a manner that they are
able to revolve round the nail, the revolving causing the
movement of the stars. As the North Star is situated in the
very centre, it is called the £ nail of the north.’ ” 12 This nail
is, at the same time, regarded as supporting the sky. Turi
relates that the Lapps believe the Boahje-naste (“ north
nail,” “ north star ”) to support the sky, and that when Arc-
turus, supposed to be an archer, shoots down the Boahje-naste
with his arrow on the last day, the heavens will fall, crushing
the earth and setting fire to everything . 13

The Lapps believed also, however, in a more reliable sup-
port for the sky than a nail. Missionaries relate that the


222


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


Lapps sacrificed to their highest god Veralden rade (“ Ruler
of the world ”) so that “ he should not let fall the sky,”
erecting at the altars a tree either split in two or forked nat-
urally, or also, at times, a high pillar, called the “ pillar of
the world” (Veralden tshuold) for the god to “support the
world with, and keep it in its present form and condition,
that it might not grow old and fall from its former nature.”
The tree was besmeared with blood from the sacrifice . 14 A
“pillar of the world” of this description was seen by Leem
in the vicinity of the Porsanger Fjord at an old site of sacri-
fice, where there were two great stones and, on their eastern
side, a very high square log with its lower end stuck in the
ground. In the top of the log there was an iron nail . 15 That
these pillars of the Lapps had a heavenly counterpart is
shown by the fact that in some places, the name of the North
Star is “pillar of the world” (Veralden tshuold ). 16 It is
probable that the Lapps obtained both their ideas and their
sacrificial customs from the Scandinavians (Cf. Teutonic Ir-
minsul, “ world-pillar ”); the “ nail ” may be compared with
the Scandinavian Veraldar nagli, the “ world-nail.” 17 The
corresponding belief of the ancient Finns is found nowadays
only in the phrase, known also to the Esthonians, and used
of people living to a very old age, that these live “ to be a
pillar of the world ” (Finnish Maailmanpatsas or Maasampa,
Esthonian Ilmasamba). The Ostiaks, amongst whom this
“ pillar ” was also known, and who even worshipped it as a
deity, have, as we shall see, in this respect been under Turco-
Tatar influence . 18

Like the sky itself, the heavenly bodies and certain
phenomena in the air were regarded as animated beings, al-
though not all of them were the objects of worship. In Ostiak
poetry “ the Sun mother ” and the “ Moon old man ” are
often mentioned, but sacrifices to them are rare; only at
Vasyugan was a piece of cloth with a ring attached offered up
to the sun, when the latter had caused a sudden fainting fit . 19


GODS OF SKY AND AIR


223

Among the Samoyeds, only the Y uraks, according to Lehtisalo,
worship the sun, “ the kindly eye of the heavens,” and the
moon, “ the evil eye of the heavens,” to which they even
sacrifice at the New Year’s Festival in July, “ when the
wild geese arrive again.” A “ shadow ” (image) is made of
them, similar in form to these bodies. Besmeared with
the blood of the sacrifice, these images are set up on long
poles . 20

Much more general is the worship of the sun and the
moon amongst the agricultural peoples. The Cheremiss and
the Votiaks sacrifice white animals to the sun (“ the Sun
mother ”), both at annually recurring ceremonies, and also for
occasional reasons, e.g., when a long drought dries up the
grass and ruins the harvest, or for certain sicknesses. During
the prayers, the priest keeps his face towards the sun . 21 Why
the Eastern Cheremiss should sacrifice animals to the moon
(“ the Moon mother ”) is uncertain . 22 A very important part
is also played by “ the rising and setting Sun god ” and “ the
wandering Moon god ” in the religion of the Mordvins. In
honour of the former, public sacrificial festivals were held,
but the Mordvins worshipped it at other times also, bowing
whenever a ray of sunlight fell on the window. Sacrifices to
the sun were set up in high places, so that the sun on rising
could take possession of them. The Mordvins also took oath
before the sun . 23 Of sun-worship by the Finns, there are no
reliable accounts. The custom of the East Karelians of going
at dawn to the eastward slopes of their fields, to a “ purified
place,” where they bowed three times, saying: “ My dear sun,
my provider, give peace, health, look over everything, watch
over everything,” may, however, be mentioned . 24 The new
moon was also accorded a welcome by many Finno-Ugric
peoples. The Mordvins say, like the Russians: “Be greeted,
new moon; to me health, to thee a whole loaf.” The silver
and golden horns of the Moon god are also spoken of . 25 Ac-
cording to Agricola, the Finns believed that at eclipses, the


224


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


“ animals ” ( kafeet ) “ ate up the moon,” and lunar markings
were explained by saying that Rahkoi “ makes the moon black
in parts.” In Northern Finland “ the man in the moon ” is
called Rahkonen.

More apparent is the worship of sun and moon among the
Scandinavian Lapps, on whose magic drums they are often
pictured. When the Lapps sacrificed to the sun they made a
wooden image, one end of which they formed like a globe
and furnished with thorns, or they used only a large, wooden
ring decorated with figures} these objects were besmeared
with the blood of the sacrifice. The animals offered up to the
“ Sun virgin,” were always female, and where possible, white.
At the very least, a white thread had to be sewn through the
right ear of the sacrificial reindeer. When the sacrifice had
been killed, the Lapps cut a piece from all its quarters, thread-
ing them on to a switch bent into a ring. This object they then
hung up on a high sacrificial-board behind the tent. The
Lapps also sacrificed to the sun by taking three switches of
birch, plaiting them together up to about half-way, where
they bound a tape. These switches they besmeared with blood
from the sacrifice. Afterwards a ring was made of a birch-
bough and laid in the middle of the board as an image of the
sun, and inside this a small piece of the lungs, heart, tongue
and lips of the sacrifice. On the ring they set up the blood-
smeared switches. The bones of the sacrifice were also often
placed within a ring on the offering-board . 26

Like the Norwegian peasants, the Lapps living in Norway
had a custom of besmearing their doors with butter when the
sun, after the darkness of winter, first threw its rays on them
from the horizon . 27 Another annual sacrifice was performed
at the lightest period of the summer. On Midsummer’s Eve
the Norwegian Lapps hung up a ring of leaves or grass,
called the “ sun-ring,” in honour of the “ Sun virgin.” A
porridge of meal, mixed with butter, “ sun-porridge,” was
also cooked and eaten. On beginning this sacrificial meal,

[Prometheus]

PLATE XXVII


Drawings on a Lapp Drum According to
Randulf’s Description

i. The Thunder-god, Hora-galles. 2. “Man of
the world.” 3. Wind-old-man. 4. The shaman
of the heaven. 5. Rutu, disease-god. 6—7. Sac-
rificial animals. 8. The bear of the heaven. 9.
Two lines separating heaven from earth. 10—12.
The festival men. 13. The sun. 14. The Chris-
tian’s road with church, house, cow and goat. 15.
Sacrificial horse. 16. The shaman of the under-
world. 17. Underworld with a church and a house.
18. Juksakka. 19. Sarakka. 20. Madderakka. 21.
Sea with fish. 22. Lapp village. 23. Leibolmai. 24.
The bear. (See page 230.)




GODS OF SKY AND AIR


225


eaten by the men together with their wives, the Lapps bowed
their knees and prayed the sun to “ pour its merciful rays
over the reindeer, and everything else they needed to live on.”
After the meal, they did the same, praying for “ a merry
milking-summer and good luck for the reindeer herds .” 28
Besides reindeer, sheep and goats could be used for sun-
sacrifices. At times even a spinning-wheel and flax were set
up on the altar to the Sun goddess . 29

Magic acts were also at times connected with the prayers.
Missionaries relate that Lapps who had gone astray during the
day among the mountains, would go on their
knees and call to the sun not to set, using at the
same time a wooden object with a handle, in
which a round hole had been cut. This object
they held up in their hands against the sun, so
that it might shine through it . 30

Without doubt, much in the sun-worship of
the Lapps may be referred to the corresponding
customs of their Scandinavian neighbours. Thus,
for example, the “ sun-porridge ” and the spinning-wheel
and the flax are certain proofs of foreign influence.

The Lapps turned to the moon as well as to the sun with
worship. The Christmas new moon, in especial, called “ the
holy moon,” was worshipped with separate ceremonies. Im-
mediately the new moon had risen, complete silence was ob-
served in the Lapp home, the women being forbidden to spin,
the men to perform any noisy labour. As an offering to the
moon a ring of copper was placed in the roof-hole of the tent
so that the moon could shine through this into the tent. If
for any reason this old custom was broken, it was believed that
the moon became angry, and had then to be placated by sacri-
fices . 31 In some districts it was the custom to sacrifice a half-
year-old reindeer calf, the hide of which was hung up in the
tent in honour of the moon. Of the reasons for this worship,
an unknown author writes the following: “ The Lapps hang



Fig. 6.


Sun Ring


226


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


up a ring of copper tied to a copper chain in the roofs of their
tents before the door, in such a manner that the rays of the
moon can fall on the ring of copper; believing, i.e., that the
moon can help the reindeer-cows to give birth easily to calves
and also protect them from all injuries during the time they
are with calf.” 32

Besides the Christmas new moon, the Scandinavian Lapps
formerly worshipped with special ceremonies the February-
moon also, which they called Kuova-manno. Hogstrom re-
lates how he heard from an old Lapp woman in Swedish
Lapmark that in earlier days it had been the custom at a
certain time in February (probably the time of the new moon)
to bind hay, used by the Lapps in their foot-wear and mittens,
to the horns of the reindeer. The Kuova-manno was then
adjured with alarm and din to eat . 33 Certain marks of honour
have also in other districts in the northern lands fallen to the
first two months in the year, e.g., in Iceland the first ( thorn )
and the second (goa, Lapp kuova) new moons were wor-
shipped . 34

These, the coldest months of the year, are also mentioned
in a Finnish tale, in which January is called Iso tammi (“the
great oak”) and February Pikku tammi (“the little oak”),
the latter saying to the former: “ If I were in thy place I
would freeze the foal in its mother’s womb, the hands of
the housewife to the dough, and the feet of the swine to the
ground, but though I freeze in the night, water runs from my
eye during the day.” A similar myth seems to have existed
among the Teutons. In one of their proverbs “ the little
Horn” (das kleine Horn = February) says to the “great”
(das grosse Horn == January) : “ hatt ich die Macht wie du,
liess ich erfrieren das Kalb in der Kuh.” ' iJ

When the Scandinavian Lapps sacrificed to the moon, they
acted in the same manner as when sacrificing to the sun; the
sacrificial animals were also similar, never black and never
males. The magic act mentioned earlier, appeared also in


GODS OF SKY AND AIR


227



Fig. 7.
Moon Ring


their moon-cult, the wooden object, however, being furnished
with a smaller hole for the moon to shine through, for the
purpose of preventing the moon from withdrawing
its light during the long, dark winter-time. 36

Among the Baltic Finns and the Lapps, the
Thunder god had waxed more and more power-
ful, until at the close of the pagan period in Fin-
land he had pushed aside even the Heaven god 5
this development has, however, in the light of
comparative research, taken place under foreign
influences.

Like the North Siberian peoples in general, the Samoyeds
regard the Thunderer as a great bird, in the company of which
the soul of the shaman can travel over sea and water. Sacri-
fices to this Thunder bird have not been noted, excepting
among the Yuraks, who sacrifice to it during the before-men-
tioned New Year’s Festival at about the time of the first
thunderstorms, making then out of birch-wood, a goose-like im-
age of the Thunder god. 37 In some districts the Ostiaks also
believe the Thunderer to be a “ black, loudly-screaming bird,”
but call it also “ the winged old man,” to the honour of whom,
in the more southern districts, they devour “ thunder-por-
ridge,” when the first thunder is heard, bowing in the direction
in which the thunder travelled. 38 We know also the Siryans
to have greeted the first thunder of the Spring. 39 The Vo-
tiaks call thunder “ the Thunder mother,” but have no definite
idea of its form. In their sacred groves, they sacrifice horses,
as the Cheremiss do, in order that the Thunderer may spare
their fields from hail and give fruitful rains. The last-named
speak of two separate beings: the “Lightning god” and the
“Thunder god ”j a common sacrifice is, however, made to
them. The so-called “ summer lightning ” they believe to
ripen the crops. A magic means of stilling a thunderstorm is
used by the Eastern Cheremiss, who, during the storm, throw
an axe into the yard, sacrificing at the same time the wool of


228 FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY

a white sheep in the fire, and praying that the thunder should
pass by. 40

The Mordvins have a Thunder god with anthropomorphic
characteristics. The Moksha call him, like the phenomenon
itself, At'am (a derivative of at' a, “ grandfather,” “ old
man”), the rainbow At'amjonks ( jonks , “bow,” “cross-
bow ”). The Erza, who worshipped thunder in the communal
sacrificial feasts, and at oaks or other trees struck by lightning,
call the Thunderer Pur'gine, a word derived from the Lithu-
anian Perkunas. 41 Probably through the Letts this word has
travelled also to the Esthonians, who called the thunderbolt,
according to an old lexicon of the year 1660, perckun nohl.
Together with the old name of the Scandinavian Thunder god
Fjorgynn, the Finnish Perkele (“ devil ”) comes from the
same root. The Esthonians’ kou> kouk (“ thunder ”) must be
regarded as cognate with the Lithuanian kaukas (“ ghost ”)
and kauk-spennis (“thunderbolt”). The Norse Thor has
been recognized in the battle-cry of the Esthonians about
1200 a.d.: “Tar abitha! ” (“Tar help! ”) and in the name
Tuuri, which appears in a Karelian magic song. It is uncertain
whether Turisas (? “father Tur”), who, according to
Agricola, “ conferred victory in war,” is also the same god.

Like all the other peoples dwelling around, the Esthonians
(Ai, “old man”; Aia-hoog, “ thunder-shower ”j Aikene,
“the little old man,” “thunder”) and the Finns (Isanen,
“ the little father ”; Ukko, Ukkonen, “ grandfather,” “ thun-
der ”) have regarded the Thunderer as an old man. Descrip-
tive names are the Finnish Pitkainen, Pitkamoinen (from
puka, “ long ”), the Esthonian Pitkne, Piker, etc. 42

The cult of the Thunder god played so important a part
in the life of the Finns, that we find Agricola describing it as
follows: “ Ukko’s goblet was drunk at the sowing of the spring
seed; Ukko’s chest was also brought, and then maid and wife
drank to excess, and, moreover, many shameful things were
done there, as was both heard and seen.” This god was wor-

[Prometheus]

PLATE XXVIII


Drawings on a Torne-Lapp Drum

I. Ilmaris. 2. Diermes. 3. Reindeer. 4. The
sun. 5. The son of God. 6. God-Father. 7. The
cathedral. 8. The angel. 9. St. Anne. 10. St.
Mary. 1 1 — 13. The lords of Christmas. 14. The
moon. 15—17. Peasants go to church. 18. The
church. 19. The wife of devil. 20. Disease-devil.
21. The loose-going devil. 22. The fire of hell.
23. The tar-kettle of hell. 24. The grave. 25.
The devil in chains. (See page 232.)







GODS OF SKY AND AIR


229

shipped because it “ brought thunder showers and the year’s
harvest.” Dating from Agricola’s time (c. 1550) is a petition
still preserved, written in Swedish by peasants from the east
of Finland, in which the fine for drinking “ Thordns gilde ”
is described. “ Ukko’s chests ” (Ukon vakat) are also men-
tioned in the report of an ecclesiastical inspection held in
1670. Vestiges of the sacrificial feast connected with the
same, described by Agricola, have been noted in quite recent
times. The “ chests ” were made of birch-bark, and sacrifices
of food intended for Ukko were placed in them and carried
to “ Ukko’s mountain.” For the sacrifice itself the best sheep
in the flock was taken and slaughtered on a given day. Its
flesh was boiled and portions of the meat, together with other
victuals, were put into the chests, and along with a large quan-
tity of beer and spirits, taken to the holy mountain, where they
were left untouched until the next day. Ukko was supposed
to eat his share during the night, and in the morning what
remained of the victuals was eaten by the worshippers, part
of the liquors, however, being poured on to the ground to
ensure a summer free from drought. 43 These festivals have
been held in Finland very nearly to our time. The most
detailed accounts come from Ingria, where the Ukko festival
was held on the days of St. Peter and St. Elias (twenty-ninth
June, twentieth July, old style). Sacrificial beer was poured
on to the ground to Ukko to invoke fruit-giving rains, or the
ground was sprinkled with water with magic ceremonies. 44
Sacrifices of bulls are reported from Esthonia in an account
of the year 1644, which contains the following prayer: “ Piker,
we, praying, give a bull, two-horned, four-footed, for the
sake of the ploughing and the sowing: stalks of brass, ears
of gold. Push elsewhere the black clouds, over the great
swamp, the high forest, the wide plain ; air of mead, rains of
honey to our ploughmen, sowers! Holy Piker, look after
our fields: fine straw beneath, fine ears above, fine grain
within! ” 46


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


230

Agricola mentions also the wife of the Thunder god,
Rauni, whose name occurs in a song as Roonikka, and was also
known to the Finnish Lapps as Ravdna. In the same manner
as to the Thunder god himself, the Lapps sacrificed reindeer
to Ravdna, most often in grottoes in the mountain consecrated
to her. Just as, among many peoples, the oak was the favour-
ite tree of the Thunder god, the rowan was Ravdna’s
favourite, growing in her grottoes . 46 In Finnish folk-poetry
also the rowan and its berries are described as being “ holy.”
The name of the Thunder goddess seems originally to have
applied to the tree, being, as such, a loan-word, from the
Scandinavian (Icelandic reynir , Swedish rdnn ). i7



Fig. 8. Lapp Sacrificial Board of the Thunder-God
According to Rheen


In the Finnish magic songs the Thunder god, like the
Scandinavian Thor, is given a hammer as a weapon. Armed
in the same manner was the Tora-galles or Hora-galles
(“ Thor-man ”) of the Scandinavian Lapps, who was pic-
tured on the magic drums with one or two hammers in his
hand. In their own language, the Lapps called the Thunder
god Tiermes, who had a “ bow ” ( tiermaz-juks , “ rainbow ”)


GODS OF SKY AND AIR


231


and an “ arrow ” as arms. With either his hammer, or with
his bow and arrow, the Thunder god was regarded as driving
away evil spirits who everywhere hide themselves at his ap-
proach. When the Lapps, to frighten away these beings, in-
voked thunder, they beat on their drums and shouted. At
times, Hora-galles had as assistant a man-servant . 48

The missionary Rheen describes how the Swedish Lapps
sacrificed to the Thunder god: “When the magic drum has
indicated that a sacrifice to Thor must be made, the reindeer-
bull chosen as a sacrifice is bound fast behind the tent, where
the women are not allowed to go. The animal is killed by
being stabbed with a knife in its heart. The blood is pre-
served to be smeared on the image of Thor. As many rein-
deer as the Lapp sacrifices, so many images of Thor does he set
up. The images are prepared out of the stumps of birch trees,
the root being made into the head, the trunk into the rest of the
body; a hammer is placed in its hand. After the slaughtering
of the votive reindeer, the Lapps build up behind their tents
an offering-board, about three yards high, setting pretty birch
branches around it. These are also strewn on the ground from
the tent to the board. On this board the blood-besmeared
images of Thor are set up, certain marks resembling crosses
being also made on the latter. Behind the images, the horns
and skull and the feet are set up. At the same time a small
piece of flesh is cut from each quarter and placed in a little
wooden case, into which also a little fat is poured, on the dais
before the image. In the right ear of the reindeer chosen for
sacrifice to Thor, a grey woollen thread must be sewn as a
mark.” 49

At times the Lapps offered up, besides reindeer, large
wooden hammers to the Thunder god. Forbus says that a
hammer, two fathoms long and beautifully carved, was made
in his honour and smeared with blood from the sacrifice; 50
S. Kildal relates that such hammers were laid in mountain
grottoes . 51 The Finnish Lapps regarded clefts in the moun-


232 FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY

tains as suitable places in which to sacrifice to the Thun-
derer. 52

The Wind god is called by the Votiaks in their prayers,
simply “ the Wind.” A goose is sacrificed to it in the sown
fields at the time of the general field-sacrifices, and it is ap-
pealed to not to blow overmuch, spoiling in that way the
seed, but to blow mildly over the sown fields. The colour of
the votive goose is not particularized, but it is not seemly to
sacrifice to the wind anything black or white. In some places
it is the practice to sprinkle blood in the air. Occasional sacri-
fices are also made to the wind, particularly during storms.
Besides this cult in the fields for the sake of the seed, it is
worshipped at times in the stock-yards, to the intent that the
violent autumn storms of the steppes should not destroy
the straw-roofed cattle-sheds or do injury to the cattle. 53
For similar purposes, the Cheremiss and the Mordvins sacri-
fice to the “ Mother wind ” or “ Wind mother.” The last-
mentioned say: “ When the children of Wind mother are
noisy, the storm begins.” 54

The Esthonians say that the Wind god dwells in the forest
on a shaded branch, whence it sets the wind blowing ; accord-
ing to its dwelling-place, it is called Metsmees (“ Forest
man ”). A more general name is, however, “ Wind mother,”
who “ weeps ” when the rain falls during a storm, and
“ dances ” in whirlwinds. 55 At the sowing of flax, doves or
a cock are sacrificed to the “Wind mother.” 50 In Finnish
magic prayers the appeal is to the wind itself, though, some-
times, also to the “ Wind woman,” etc. According to Agri-
cola, Ilmarinen was, later, worshipped as the Wind god,
“ giving calm and bad weather, and furthering travellers.”
A figure of Ilmaris, “ the ruler of the storm, and of bad
weather,” has been found also on the magic drum of a Finnish
Lapp. 57 Usually, the Lapps called the Wind god the “ Wind
man,” in the cult of whom one can discern Scandinavian in-
fluence. The missionary Randulf describes the Wind god
























PLATE XXIX


Ostiak Sacrifice
(See page 233.)

After photograph by K. F. Karjalainen.




2 33


GODS OF SKY AND AIR

of the Lapps as follows: “ Their third great god the Lapps
call the ‘ Wind man,’ who is identical with Aeolus. They
picture him (on their magic drums) with a spade in his right
hand, with which spade he shovels back the wind to blow.
This god they call on both when out with their reindeer on
the mountains for the stilling of a wind harmful to their herds,
and when, while fishing out at sea, a storm arises that places
them in danger of their lives. They promise then to lay
sacrifices on his altar.” 58

At the sacrifices to the Wind god, a peculiar bundle of
twigs, sometimes formed of birch (Finnish timlenpes'd , “ the
nest of wind”), had to be set up at the sacrificial altar, and
smeared with blood from the sacrifice. Boats and spades were
also offered up to him. 59

Randulf speaks of a kind of wind-magic, formerly invoked
very often by the Lapps: “ When they are angered with any-
one, they call to the Wind god to blow, binding this appeal
by incantations into three bundles. On opening the first of
these, a moderate storm arises ; with the second, a storm strong
enough to make sailing dangerous even for a vessel with a
main-sail reefed half-way 5 but when they open the third, a
shipwreck is the inevitable result.” This magic means of in-
voking wind, reports of which are found as early as the thir-
teenth century, and which was used both by the Finns and the
Esthonians, is obviously adopted from the Scandinavians. 60

The wind is personified also among the Ugrians, the Ostiaks
calling it the “ Wind old man,” to whom huntsmen sacrifice
at Vasyugan a small piece of white cloth at a birch-tree, to
secure good luck for themselves in hunting. 61

The agricultural peoples sacrifice also to the Frost god.
The Votiaks sacrifice a grey lamb or a duck to the “ rime-
frost,” when during the cold spring nights the rime appears
on the fields. In some districts, an annual sacrifice is even
made at Easter-time. 62 In their prayers, the Cheremiss speak
of the “ Frost man ” and the “ Frost woman.” But despite


234


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


these names, they are not regarded as anthropomorphic beings.
Some districts call the morning-frost the “ Frost man,” and
the evening-frost the “ Frost woman.” They sacrifice a grey
ram to the “ man,” and a grey sheep to the “ woman.” Sacri-
fices are made to them both annually and also at other times
for accidental reasons. The appeal in the prayers is for the
frost to refrain from spoiling the seed . 03

The Mordvins had a custom of placing porridge for the
“ Frost man ” in the smoke-outlet on the Thursday before
Easter. The prayer recited on this occasion runs: “ For thee
have we prepared porridge, protect our spring-sowings! ”
The Russians had an absolutely identical custom . 64

There are no reliable accounts of sacrifices to the Frost god
among the Baltic Finns, although the frost is personified in
the Finnish magic songs. But the most Southern Lapps in
Scandinavia worshipped the “ Frost man,” who is said to be
a the god of weather, snow and ice,” and to whom they sacri-
ficed, so that “ the ice should not harm the reindeer and that
the blizzard should cease.” 65 The word, recurring in the
name, which means “ rime-frost in the grass ” and is found
only in the more southern dialects, points to a connection with
the customs of the agricultural peoples.

With the gods of the air, the “ Cloud mother ” of the
Cheremiss should also be reckoned, being remembered at the
great sacrificial feasts with a drink-offering, which is poured
into the fire. The clouds are living beings, according to the
Cheremiss. “ If they were not alive, how could they move
about and wander whither they will? ” they say. “ One can
call them towards oneself, or beg them to travel away to
other neighbourhoods.” 60 The “ twilight ” they worshipped
only by not performing any work, or at least any work that
causes a din, after sunset, lest the “ twilight ” should punish
them. A similar belief exists among the Volga Tatars . 07


CHAPTER XIV


FIRE

F IRE is the friend of man,” say the Cheremiss, “ it warms
the house and cooks the food, but if it has reason to be
angered, it jumps from the fireplace and burns up the house
and the village.” One cause for the fire’s anger, is the spitting
into it by any person, another the “ wounding ” of it by any
sharp instrument, another the stirring of it with an u unclean ”
stick. Further, if one throws the wood on to the hearth, or
addresses the fire with evil words, it may become vexed.
Probably, from the very earliest times, fire was regarded as
something pure that cannot endure defilement. The most
common punishment to befall the culprit is a kind of skin-
disease. The fire must then be appeased by small sacrifices.
The Cheremiss use the following words: “ Forgive me, £ Fire
mother,’ perhaps I have spat in thee or wounded or defiled
thee. Make me well again.” The worst punishment the fire
is capable of is the breaking loose of fire. At such times,
the Cheremiss go round the fire, sacrificing to the “ Fire
mother ” a black hen, or milk from a black cow. During this,
the “ Fire mother ” is prayed to not to destroy the village, and
also in the future to protect the people from loss through its
agency . 1

The Ostiaks call the fire <c Fire girl ” or “ Fire woman ”
in their prayers, this deity being as easily wounded as the
Fire god of the Cheremiss and the other Volga peoples. To
appease it, the Ostiaks sacrifice to the fire victuals, cloths of
red or a fire-like colour, and pieces of stuff. Despite these
sacrifices, intended as clothing for the “ Fire girl ” or the
“ Fire mother,” it is merely the animated fire itself that is


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


236

the object of worship. 2 The Mordvins say: “ the Fire mother
‘ flames/ ” the Ostiaks speak of “ the many-tongued Fire
mother,” and in a Cheremiss prayer the passage occurs: “Fire
mother, thou whose smoke is long and whose tongue is sharp.” 3

The Cheremiss speak also, at times, of the soul ( ort ) of
the fire, which disappears if water is poured over the fire, a
method of putting it out which is regarded as unseemly,
among them the wood being merely drawn to one side so
that the fire goes out of its own accord. 4 This “ soul ” of the
fire can appear to men in some shape or other. According to
the Finns, the “ Ruler ” of the fire appeared in the night as
glittering sparks before some accident. The Esthonians be-
lieve that the “ Fire mother ” appears in the shape of an
animal as a warning of a coming fire 5 a “ Fire cock ” or “ Fire
cat ” has been seen to move over the roof of a house shortly
before a destructive fire. 5

In the tales of the Ostiaks, the “ Fire spirit ” can even take
on human form. A man who had used the fire badly, saw
the “ Fire girl ” sitting naked and covered with wounds on a
stone. According to another tale, every hearth has its own
“ Fire maiden ”; these can visit one another, tell each other
their experiences and ask advice of one another. 6 Similar
tales are met with among the Turco-Tatars.

The holiness of the domestic hearth is seen from the custom
of bearing fire, burning brands, or ashes from the old home to
the new. According to an earlier view, the fire should never
be allowed to go out, and even today the Cheremiss light
their sacrificial fires with brands from the hearth. Were the
fire to go out of its own accord, it was deemed an omen of
misfortune. The people seem, however, to have believed
that the power of the fire diminishes, if it is allowed to burn
too long. The Volga Finns had therefore a habit of renewing
their fires once a year by lighting a “ new fire,” or a “ wood
fire,” by rubbing two dry sticks against one another. The
“ new fire ” is supposed to contain a specially purifying magic


FIRE


237


power. For this reason, the Cheremiss extinguish all their
village hearth fires on an agreed date in the hottest part of the
summer, at the close of the u evil time,” draw forth a “ new
fire,” and make a fire of logs somewhere on the edge of the
village, over which the people have to jump; the cattle, even,
are driven through it. To render this last more easy, the site
for the fire is chosen at the gateway to some meadow, the
gate itself, having for reasons of magic, branches of rowan
bound to it. From this log-fire, which generally burns for
two or three days, every householder carries home “ new
fire ” to his hearth, smoking out his stockyard at the same
time . 7

For occasional reasons also a similar fire may be made.
The Mordvins sometimes lit such fires even at the forty days’
feast for the dead, at which those present cleansed themselves
by jumping over the fire . 8 A more widespread custom is to
use this method of purification during the course of some
epidemic in the neighbourhood. At such times a furrow is
also ploughed round the village, or a plough carried round
it. That also the Spring and Midsummer-Eve bonfires of
the Finns originally possessed a prophylactic significance ap-
pears from an account from Ingria, according to which the bon-
fires were intended to be made on the pasture land visited by
the cows . 9

The stocks living along the Volga have further a custom
of worshipping fire as an intermediary between the gods
and men. Sacrifices thrown into the fire are not always in-
tended for the “ Fire mother,” but it is intended that she
should hand on these offerings to their true recipients. In the
sacred groves of the Cheremiss one can hear the priests say to
the fire: “ Bear with thy smoke our sacrifices to God, and re-
cite to him our prayers! ” As a reward, a sacrifice is then
given to the fire also . 10 These beliefs and customs are un-
doubtedly, however, like so much else in the fire cult of the
Finno-Ugric peoples, of foreign origin, probably Iranian. A


238


FINNO-UGRIC MYTHOLOGY


more original custom is that of the Lapps, as described by
Randulf: “To none of their idols do the Lapps offer up
burnt sacrifices, i.e., they do not destroy their sacrifices by fire,
excepting those to the sun, which are burnt up to show the
heat and fire of the sun, and are made on a particular stone,
consecrated for the purpose.” 11

In their magic songs the Finns describe how mankind came
to obtain fire. In some, the origin of fire is said to be from
heaven, as appears from the following words: “Where has
fire been cradled, where rocked the flame? — Over there on
the navel of the sky, on the peak of the famous mountain.”
Its birth there is also pictured in the following: “ Fire struck
Ismaroinen (Ilmarinen), fire flashed Vainamoinen, he struck
fire without a flint, tinderlesss he secured it, struck it with a
black snake, with a mottled serpent, on the open plain of
water, on the wide-spread waves.” In a variation the Thun-
derer appears as the giver of fire: “ Pitkamoinen struck fire,
among the rocks of the sea, from a many coloured serpent.” 12
That the serpent here is the lightning is obvious.