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« on: February 21, 2018, 04:59:59 PM »
But there was an age when certain men, in the wildest corner of the universe, founded, in poems, dis- courses, and frightful imprecations, something new, something unknown to either Greek or Roman civilisa- tion, something that will in turn be called Judaism, then Christianity, then, in a general word, Religion, and that will, in the days when evolution reaches its limit, become Socialism. Whether we bless or curse that age, let us recognise its greatness; it is the age of the prophets.
Judaism may now spread throughout the world. We have seen it radiate from Jerusalem across Judaea, then through the whole of Palestine; from there it has infiltrated into cognate and neighbouring lands, Moab, Edom, Ammon, and Syria; then colonies have gone out and settled in Asia Minor: in Egypt, in the islands of the Mediterranean, even on Greek soil. The Jews take with them everywhere the words of their prophets, consoling them in their weakness, their humiliations, promising them the victory in an assured time. They can bear distress and oppression, mockery and insults; they have with them this viaticum of enduring hopes and intimate certainties that Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and the two Isaiahs have given them. The survival of Judaism amid so many causes of ruin could not be explained without the work of these writers of genius.
In the west, meantime, the power of Rome is growing; Carthage, its great enemy, is vanquished. Presently 206 TWO ISAIAHS, AND IMPERIALIST REVIVAL
Greece will become a Roman province; for the moment she wears herself out in intestine war. Her political agony will not, indeed, lessen her intellectual domination; intellectual Greece will triumph, in proportion as the policy of Rome triumphs. The third century is the time of the great philosophic schools that take their rise in Plato, Aristotle, and the time of the first Scipios. But amid these mountains of Judaea, of which the scholars of Greece and the Senate of Rome hardly know the name, there are men who have prepared the revolution that will one day destroy the Graeco-Roman world. PART THIRD
THE APOCALYPSES
Chapter I.
HYMNS IN THE SYNAGOGUES
The prophecies of the Second Isaiah date from about the year 200; the apocalypse of Daniel from about the year 164. The Second Isaiah closes the century of the prophets; Daniel inaugurates the era of the apocalypses. There is no breach of continuity between them. The apocalypse follows the prophets logically no less than historically. The last of the minor prophets, especially Zechariah, the most significant of them, are witnesses of the filiation. Before passing from one period to the other, from the prophets to the apocalypses, we must consider the psalms. A vast collection of short national poems, beginning in the third century and continuing during half of the second, the psalms will enable us to characterise the state of soul of the Jewish people at the time when, the voices of the prophets having ceased, the apocalypses appear.
Beuss, the great Biblical scholar, has called the psalms the hymn-book of the Synagogue.
In point of fact, the synagogue had arisen, and was developing in Judaea and in the Jewish colonies. Judaism had only one temple, that of Jerusalem; so the Mosaic law had enjoined. But the one temple that had sufficed during the fifth and fourth centuries, when the Jewish State comprised only Jerusalem and its outskirts, and even sufficed when Judaism had spread about Jerusalem
207 208
HYMNS IN THE SYNAGOGUES
over the territory of Palestine, could not suffice now that Israel had settlements in the whole of Palestine, in Syria, Egypt, Asia Minor, the islands, and in Greece itself. On the other hand, it was impossible to infringe the pri- mordial law of Judaism; and the sacerdotal aristocracy at Jerusalem would not have tolerated rivals.
The Jerusalem temple remained the one temple of Jahveh. There only could holocausts be offered to him; there only did the series of official rites proceed. Offerings and tithes continued to flow to the Jerusalem temple; and, from all the Jewries of the world, it was to that alone that the pilgrimages brought the tribute of the piety of the faithful. The Jerusalem temple remained the centre of the Jewish fatherland. But there arose houses of prayer, preaching, and patriotic gatherings; even in Jerusalem there were, round the temple, pious shelters for the pilgrims of various nationalities; and these were called synagogues.
No cult was practised in the synagogues; no sacrifices were offered in them; they were meeting-places. There one listened to the reading of the Law and, later, of the prophets; men were strengthened in the love of their country ; and, with the reading of the national books, the commentaries, and the exhortations of those who speak, they loved to sing in common, in long-drawn sombre melody, hymns in which their souls found expression.
The psalms were the hymns they sang in the synagogues.
Who composed these hymns ?
The old ecclesiastical exegesis did. not hesitate to declare that the psalms were the work written in the tenth century by the pious King David and other venerable characters of antiquity. We cannot take a single step in Jewish literature without finding pseude- pigraphy. The psalms were composed by the poets of the third and second centuries. The form, which is HYMNS IN THE SYNAGOGUES
209
suggested by various passages in the prophets, was probably borrowed from ancient Babylonian poetry; here again, however, the Jews, in appropriating a foreign thing, succeeded in making it eminently Jewish.
Just as the authors of the prophetic books had sought in ancient Israelitic history the situations in relation to which they had created the discourses they wished to address to their contemporaries, so the authors of the psalms took their situations from ancient history, especially from the legends of King David; and, by a similar artifice, they represented the songs which they would have sung to their contemporaries to be the antique work of certain heroes of their national history. Most of the psalms thus composed remained discon- nected and independent of each other, and formed the collection known as the book of psalms; others, how- ever, were inserted in the historical books, and even in the prophetical books, purporting to be lyrical fragments uttered on special occasions by Moses or his sister Mary, by David, or by Hezekiah.
As an outcome of the misfortunes of the end of the third and beginning of the second centuries, the hymns of the synagogue have a certain prayer as their constant refrain:—
“ Jahveh, save us from our enemies; avenge us on our enemies ; annihilate our enemies.”
The celebrated psalm cxxxvii., Super jiumina Baby- toms, must be quoted in full:—
By the rivers of Babylon, there we sat down, yea, we wept, when we remembered Zion.
We hanged our harps upon the willows of the land.
For there they that carried us away captive required of us a song ; and they that wasted us required of us mirth, saying, Sing us one of the songs of Zion.
How should we sing the songs of Jahveh in a strange land?
If I forget thee, Jerusalem, let my right hand forget her cunning.
If I do not remember thee, let my tongue cleave to the
P 210
HYMNS IN THE SYNAGOGUES
root of my mouth; if I prefer not Jerusalem above my chief joy.
Remember, Jahveh, the children of Edom, who said, in the day of Jerusalem: Rase it, rase it, even the founda- tion thereof.
O daughter of Babylon, who art to be destroyed, happy shall he be that rewardeth thee as thou hast served us.
Happy shall he be that taketh and dasheth thy little ones against the stones.
Psalm xxi. 8-10 :—
Thine hand shall find out all thine enemies ; thy right hand shall find out those that hate thee.
Thou shalt make them as a fiery oven in the time of thine anger; Jahveh, thy wrath shall swallow them up, and the fire shall devour them.
Their fruit shalt thou destroy from the earth, and their seed from among the children of men.
Psalm xxxv. 26 :—
Let them be clothed with shame and dishonour.
Psalm lv. 15 and 23 :—
Let death seize upon them, and let them go down quick into the home of the dead.
But thou, 0 god, shalt bring them down into the bottom of the pit, and they shall not live out half their days.
Psalm lviii. 6-10 :—
Break their teeth, O god, in their mouth; break the jaw of the young lions, 0 Jahveh.
Let them melt away as waters which run continually ; let the arrows they put to the bow be as if broken.
As a snail which melteth, let every one of them pass away; let them be like the untimely birth of a woman, which hath not seen the sun.
Before your pots can feel the thorns, let the whirlwind take them away, both green and aflame.
Let me rejoice in seeing my vengeance; let me bathe my feet in their blood.
Psalm lxviii. 23 :—
Let the tongue of thy dogs have its share of the enemy, saith Jahveh.
Psalm lxxix. 6, 10, and 12:—
Pour out thy wrath upon the heathen that have known HYMNS IN THE SYNAGOGUES
211
not thee, and upon the kingdoms that have not called upon thy name.
Let it be known among the heathen in our sight that there is vengeance for the blood which is shed.
Render unto our neighbours sevenfold into their bosom their reproach.
Psalm lxxxiii. 9-17 :—
Do unto them as unto the Midianites, as to Sisera, as to Jabin, at the brook of Kison ;
Which perisheth at Endor, and were as dung for the earth.
Make their nobles like Oreb, and like Zeeb, and their kings as Zebah, and as Zalmunna;
My god, make them like a whirlwind, as the stubble before the wind, as the fire that burneth the forest, and as the flame that setteth the mountains on fire.
So persecute them with thy tempest, and make them afraid with thy storm.
Fill their faces with shame, and they will seek thy name, O Jahveh.
Let them be confounded and troubled for ever; yea, let them be put to shame and perish.
Psalm xciv. 1-3 :—
God of vengeance, Jahveh, god of vengeance, show thyself.
Lift up thyself, thou Judge of the earth ; render them their reward.
How long shall they be glad ?
At times the Jew of the psalms boasts of loving his
enemies......We find, again, in psalm cix. 6-15, how he
loves them:—
Set thou a wicked man over him ; and let Satan stand at his right hand.
When he shall be judged, let him be condemned; and let his prayer become sin.
Let his days be few; and let another take his office.
Let his children be fatherless, and his wife a widow.
Let his children be vagabonds, and beg; let them seek their bread far from their ruined homes.
Let the extortioner cast his net on all that he hath, and let the strangers spoil the fruit of his labour.
Let there be none to extend mercy unto him, neither let there be any to favour his fatherless children. 212
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military people, and therefore subject to a hierarchy and a discipline, and a political people, and therefore careful to establish their domination on unshakable bases. The Jews, a people of exalted fanatics, impassioned by unin- terrupted humiliations, were eternally incapable of that effort of serene moderation which justice implies.
The prophets are the spokesmen of a people and a party; they demand every advantage for this people and party. The idea of rendering to the goim what belongs to the goim, or to the aristocrats what belongs to the aristocrats, is at the very antipodes of the thought of the prophets. Suiim cuique, say the Latins; everything for us, say the prophets. Is there a single passage in which the prophets do not demand the condemnation of their opponents ?
Justice renders even to the enemy that to which he has a right. The prophets are impassioned tribunes who devote the goim and the aristocrats to extermination, unless they come to their knees. As patriots and dema- gogues they were true to their parts. But what common measure is there between the demands of a people and a party and the serene concession of his right to every man ?
The very idea did not enter their heads. The transla- tions, which always have a pious bias, render as “ justice ” a certain number of Hebrew words, not one of which has that meaning.
Mishpat properly means judgment, sentence; when the prophets invoke mishpat, they purely and simply call upon their opponents the sentence of Jahveh—in other words, chastisement.
Let judgment, says Amos, roll on like the waves of a river, and justice flow like an unceasing torrent.1 He means the judgment that will condemn our opponents— the justice that will grant us all our claims.
Sadiq, the just, means the man who lives honestly or
1 Amos v. 24. NTERNATIONALISATION OE PROPHETIC BOOKS 199
piously; it has nothing in common with the meaning of justus.
Mishar and nakohah, straightness, are much the same as honesty and piety; here, again, there is nothing of justitia.
The goim and the aristocrats who oppress and despoil the Jewish people stand for the rich man oppressing and despoiling the poor. The prophets who dream of exter- minating or bringing to their knees the aristocrats and the goim are the poor man oppressing and despoiling the rich. Behind neither the one nor the other do I perceive the august shade of justice.
It may be objected that justice is employed in protecting the weak. But is it also employed in exterminating the powerful, in making outlaws of those who dissent ? Serenity, disinterestedness, gravity, the stifling of hatred, the overcoming of anger, the abandonment of vengeance, a generous concession of rights in correspondence with duties—not one of these characters of justice is found in the prophetic books. Everything in them is national and democratic ; it is the glory and the inspiration of the books.
At the root of the Jewish books is the eminently nationalist idea of the choice of Israel. Jahveh, the most unjust of gods, has chosen the Jewish people, not on account of their merits, as the Bible says unceasingly, but by his own free choice; he has chosen the Jewish people, and rejected the others. Christian theology will convert this iniquity into the dogma of predestination and grace. The eminently democratic idea that the popular party alone represents Israel is not less fundamental in the prophets. Among the Jews the prophets separate the men of their party from the men of the opposite party; the choice of Israel becomes in the prophets the choice of the democratic party of Jerusalem; Israel represents, in the prophets, merely the Jews of the prophetic party.
We must not read it “justice”; we must read it 200 TWO ISAIAHS, AND IMPERIALIST REVIVAL
“ claims ”—claims that are more or less authorised; claims of a people, the Jewish people; of a party, the democracy.
Internationalisation is, as we said, the art of appro- priating words that had a concrete meaning in their time and place, and investing these words with a general, and purely moral, signification.
The history of ancient Judaism and primitive Chris- tianity may be summed up thus : a national and nationalist fact which becomes an international fact. The task of the historian of Judaism is to detect the ancient national and nationalist fact under the modern international fact. The evolution of the Jewish people should be studied just as coldly as the evolution of any other people of ancient Asia.
On whatever side we look, we cannot find in the prophets, any more than in the rest of the Bible, anything else but national works, the outcome of the need of a definite period. At the root of the prophetic books there is the covenant agreed upon between Jahveh and Israel. The obligation of Israel is that it be faithful to Jahveh; the obligation of Jahveh is, on account of this fidelity, to give the world to Israel.
But in what does this fidelity to Jahveh, which is demanded of Israel, consist ?
If we are to believe the majority of commentators and historians, Jahveh asks of Israel, before he will give it the kingdom of the world, the practice of the whole of what are called the Christian virtues.
Nothing of the kind. Jahveh merely demands that his people shall form an absolute nationalism in opposition to foreigners. The laws relating to the social order and fraternal life are only promulgated from Jew to Jew, not from Jew to foreigner. We have seen that the “ neigh- bour ” of a Jew is another Jew; a pagan is not the neigh- bour of a Jew. We have seen that the “ foreigner ” who NTERNATIONALISATION OF PROPHETIC BOOKS 201
is protected by law is the mercenary or the proselyte who lives on Jewish soil under the law of Jahveh. The Jewish law is only for the Jews and the Jndaisers.
Even when Jahveh becomes a universal god he is the prototype of a national god; the Jewish law, even if it become universal law (by conquest), will remain Jewish law. An absolute nationalism—that is the gist of the prophets; and it is the gist, too, of the psalms and apocalypses.
A statistic will show this.
The covenant concluded between Jahveh and Israel is set forth or recalled in about five hundred passages of the prophetic books. About two hundred of these passages do not give the conditions with any exactness; they merely recall the covenant. But the conditions are stated in about three hundred passages. We may distribute these three hundred passages in groups.
In four cases out of ten the condition is that they shall not worship foreign gods;
In one case out of ten, that they shall not represent Jahveh in a material form;
In one case out of ten, that they shall not practise his cult anywhere but in the temple at Jerusalem;
In a little less than one case in ten, that they shall observe the Sabbath—a supreme commandment;
In a little more than one case in ten, that they shall not kill or steal; these are precepts of ordinary law; fornication and adultery are almost always, in the pro- phets, symbolical expressions for the worship of foreign gods;
Lastly, in two cases out of ten, it is enjoined that they do not violate justice, despoil the weak, or oppress the orphan, the widow, and the mercenary stranger residing in Judaea and observing the Jewish law; but it is quite understood that there is question only of justice due to the Jew, of protection due to the Jewish or Judaising weak, widow, or orphan, 202 TWO ISAIAHS, AND IMPERIALIST REVIVAL
Hence, in only one case in ten is there question of the rules of ordinary morality; these, moreover, either im- plicitly or explicitly, apply only between Jew and Jew; twice the covenant imposes a law of democratic equality and protection of the lowly in Israel; in seven cases out of ten it aims merely at concentrating Jewish nationalism round Jahveh.
The same statistical procedure would yield analogous results from the Mosaic books.
Seven-tenths of the prophetic prescriptions and three- fourths of the Decalogue and the Mosaic law are devoted to religious questions; this frightful preponderance of the cult over civil, political, and moral law means simply that the Jewish soul, in order to live and last, has concentrated in a fanatical nationalism, and given to its country the name of Jahveh, god of Israel.
The men of Jerusalem had not to formulate the principles of a subjective religion for future ages; and the historian, in removing from the Jewish writers the false appearance of an impossible spirituality, instead of lowering their grandeur really restores to them their native truth.
What is there left when we have studied the develop- ment of Jewish nationalism in the prophetic books and the Mosaic law, pointed out the democratic tendency, and noted certain principles of right and morals that are common to all peoples ? Nothing.
Nothing, unless it be this:—
The malediction of politics; to make alliances and organise armies is a mockery of Jahveh.
The malediction of luxury; luxury is an outrage on Jahveh.
The malediction of commerce ; agriculture and pastoral work alone are permitted to the children of Jahveh; commerce is for the goim.
Reprobation of the joy of life and of pleasure; chastity NTERNATIONALISATION OE PROPHETIC BOOKS 203
is erected to the level of a virtue for the first time in history; love becomes a shameful necessity, of which one is ashamed.
And then the malediction of the great, the noble, and the strong. Greatness, strength, and nobility are so many outrages on Jahveh. Jahveh, it is said a hundred times, has no deeper joy than in humbling the powerful, felling the strong, and flouting the noble.
And then the irrevocable condemnation of all that is intellectual, of art and science; never were the “intel- lectuals ” so much hated as they were by Jewish nation- alism.
There will be a day of Jahveh on every one that is proud and every one that is lifted up;
And upon all the cedars of Lebanon, and upon all the oaks of Bashan ;
And upon all the high mountains, and upon all the hills that are lifted up ;
And upon every high tower, and upon every fenced wall;
And upon all the ships of Tarshish, and upon all that charms the eye.1
There will be a day of Jahveh upon all that charms the eye ! Jahveh, the national god, was the sublime creation that gives rise to an imperialism that would conquer the world. What an admirable reward the god has given to the people who invented him ! But this god, who in ancient times bore, among other names, the name of Moloch, remains the terrible god to whom children are sacrificed. If he has given the world as a reward to his people, he has exacted in return the first born of the human sentiments.
Such is the meaning of the covenant, the basis of Judaism.
It is a commonplace to say that the legendary books and the prophetic books are resplendent with literary beauty. If Genesis, and the romances of the two Isaiahs,
1 Isaiah ii. 12-16, 204 TWO ISAIAHS, AND IMPERIALIST REVIVAL
Jeremiah, and Ezekiel, had not been full of pages that attract our admiration even in an irreligious age, they would never have accomplished the work that they have done. They would have put no enthusiasm into the men of Judaea; they would not have overthrown the pagan world; they would not agitate souls to-day. We find in them nothing of the perfectly harmonious beauty which Greece created; what we find are strong souls, that see strongly, and, to express their vision, use strong words.
Jerusalem has, by a piece of fortune that I had almost called miraculous, given birth to a moral dynasty of men of genius, men of iron, men of dreams, men of fire, who have made it live for ages—in scecula sceculorum, as the pride of triumphant Judaism will afterwards sing. But men of genius are not merely the summary of a period or a tradition; the sight of the things around them awakes in them an understanding, a divination, an idea, that it does not awaken in the men about them. They flare up, like torches, in the sombre night. A great shadow, undefined, mortally vague, spreads on every side; and suddenly the lightning comes, and they appear, they blaze, they are lighthouses, they are the star over a sea where all was chaos, and which becomes in their light a broad road towards the future.
The anonymous writers who, in idealising the figure of the ancient dervishes of Palestine, created the characters of Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Isaiah, to meet the most pressing needs of their country and their time, stand out in the history of the world. And the century, the third century, which witnessed their appearance, should be known as the century of the prophets.
Two hundred years earlier there had been, across the sea, a prodigious outpouring of disinterested splendour. The Greek genius gave birth to art and science. The brains of men learned at Athens to be in harmony, and humanity may develop on the education created by the age of Pericles. NTERNATIONALISATION OF PROPHETIC BOOKS 205
Later there will be the age of Augustus, and its successor, the age of the Antonines. It will be the Roman epoch. And humanity will learn from Rome law, the art of living in society, of commanding and obeying, of being peoples.
The moment when humanity will awake at the light of Greek culture, after a thousand years of stumbling in the dark, will be the age of Leo X.; it will assuredly be the Renascence, for the world will be born again to thought and to joy.
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Later :—
Behold, I have taken out of thine hand the cup of dizziness, the cup of my fury; thou shalt no more drink it again, but I will put it into the hand of them that afflict thee.3
Jahveh hath put on the garment of vengeance, and hath clad himself with jealousy as a cloke.
According to their deeds, accordingly he will repay; to the islands he will repay recompense.
So they shall fear the name of Jahveh from the west, and his glory from the east; when the enemy shall come in like a flood, the spirit of Jahveh shall put him to flight.4
I have trodden the peoples in my anger, and trampled them in my fury, and their blood hath been sprinkled upon my garments, and I have stained all my raiment.
For the day of vengeance is in mine heart.5
And the Jews enfevered, with anger and despair, repeated with their prophet, as they saw pass the proud aristocrats whom they accused of denying their god and their country:—
I number you to the sword, saith Jahveh, and ye shall all bow down to the slaughter; because when I called, ye did not answer; when I spake, ye did not hear; but did evil before mine eyes, and did choose that wherein I delighted not.
Therefore thus saith the lord Jahveh:—Behold, my servants shall eat, but ye shall be hungry; behold, my servants shall drink, but ye shall be thirsty; behold, my servants shall rejoice, but ye shall be ashamed; behold, my servants shall sing for joy of heart, but ye shall cry for sorrow of heart, and shall howl for vexation of spirit.6
1 Isaiah xlvii. 1-14. 2 Isaiah xlix. 26. 3 Isaiah li. 22.
4 Isaiahlix. 17-19. 6 Isaiah lxiii. 3-4. 6 Isaiah lxv. 12-14. 192 TWO ISAIAHS, AND IMPERIALIST REVIVAL
The hero of the Second Isaiah (who will also be the hero of the psalms) is designated by the words ebed Jahveh, which the Christian translations have rendered the “ Servant of God ”—that is to say, the servant of Jahveh. It is important to determine the precise meaning. The Hebrew word ebed has, in the Bible, a meaning which varies between slave, serf, servant, and domestic. The Mosaic law distinguishes between the Hebrew ebed, who is a kind of half-serf and half-servant, and the Canaanite ebed, who is a pagan slave; but Moses is at the same time said to be the ebed of Jahveh. In the Second Isaiah ebed of Jahveh evidently means the Jewish people. Jahveh is the sovereign, the supreme king, of the Jewish people, and the expression, ebed of Jahveh, means simply subject of Jahveh; the Jewish people is the subject of Jahveh, as all peoples of the East are the subjects—that is to say, the slaves—of their monarch. The subject of Jahveh is the slave of Jahveh. The ebed Jahveh is the sombre group of the men of Jerusalem who wander about the temple, poor, downcast, and proud. The Second Isaiah means that the Jewish people, the slave of its king Jahveh, will become master of the world.
Even more precisely than the First, the Second Isaiah predicts, to the audience which he fills with his halluci- nation, the submission of the world to the Jews. He admits no escape from the dilemma: to submit or perish. It is a pacific ideal, on condition that the world comes to its knees. And to his unhappy fellows, oppressed and humbled a dozen times, the poet repeats mercilessly these maddening promises:—
The sons of strangers shall build up thy walls, and their kings shall minister unto thee..
The nation and kingdom that will not serve thee shall perish, yea, those nations shall be utterly wasted.
The glory of Lebanon shall come unto thee, the fir tree, the pine tree, and the box together, to beautify the place of my sanctuary; and I will make the place of my feet glorious... THE SECOND ISAIAH
m
The sons of them that afflicted thee shall come bending unto thee ; and all they that despised thee shall bow themselves down at the soles of thy feet...
Thy people shall inherit the land for ever......I am
Jahveh, and I will hasten these things in their time.1
Indefatigable, the fierce tribune lashes his miserable audience into fanaticism:—
And strangers shall stand and feed your flocks, and the sons of the alien shall be your plowmen and your vine- dressers.
But ye shall be named the Priests of Jahveh; men shall call you the servants of your god; ye shall eat the riches of the nations, and in their glory shall ye boast yourselves.
For your shame ye shall have double, and for confusion ye shall rejoice in your portion.2
You ask how all that will come about ?
Behold, Jahveh will come with fire, and with his chariots like a whirlwind ; he maketh a fire of his anger, and of his threat a flame.
For Jahveh will render his judgment with fire; he will smite all flesh with his sword; and the slain of Jahveh shall be without number.3
In that day all the Jews, scattered in the humiliation of the colonies amid the goim, will be brought back in triumph to Zion. It is expressed in the figure of the return from the Deportation; but the Second Isaiah is so far from thinking of the Babylonian captivity that he summons the exiles, not merely from the banks of the Euphrates, but from the west and the south4—that is to say, from Phoenicia and Egypt, and from the midst of all nations.5 The imperialist promises are for the Jews of the Dispersion just as much as for those of Judaea.
The world will be subject to the Jews, and the nations will pay tribute.
They shall bring gold and incense........the ships of
Tarshish shall come with their silver and their gold.6
1 Isaiah lx. 10-22. 2 Isaiah lxi. 5-7. 3 Isaiah lxvi. 15-16.
4 Isaiah xliii. 5-6. 5 Isaiah lxvi. 20. G Isaiah lx. 6-9.
O 194 TWO ISAIAHS, AND IMPERIALIST REVIVAL
The Jews shall be masters of the earth.
The time is come to gather all nations and tongues, that they may come, and see my glory.
And I will set a sign among you, and I will send those that escape of you unto the nations, to Tarshish, Pul, and Lud, that draw the bow, to Tubal, and Javan, to the isles afar off, that have not heard my fame, neither have seen my glory ; and they shall declare my glory among the nations.
And they shall bring all your brethren, for an offering unto Jahveh, out of all nations upon horses, and in chariots, and in litters, and upon mules, and upon dromedaries, to my holy mountain, to Jerusalem, saith Jahveh.1
And the last touch is:—
They shall look upon the carcases of the men that have rebelled against me; for their worm shall not die, neither shall their fire be quenched, and they shall be an abhorring unto all flesh.2
§ 4. The Internationalisation of the Prophetic Books.
The Age of the Prophets.
We now know the work of the writers whose voice was to sound in the ears of humanity for so many ages, and we see that all they did was to reconstitute, democratising it, the Jewish nationalism, or imperialism, that had been created before them by Esdras and the Mosaic books.
As we have said, we attack no religion, and we defend none. The aim of the historian is to discover why and how certain books arose, which afterwards became sacred books. We have explained how the books of Moses, which were national and nationalist works, became international books; we have now to explain how the books of the writers called prophets—democratic as well as national and nationalist books—were internationalised in their turn.
1 Isaiah lxvi. 18-20.
2 Isaiah lxvi. 24. NTERNATIONALISATION OF PROPHETIC BOOKS 195
Twenty-four centuries ago there arose, in one of the smallest States of Western Asia, certain men, an outcome of the most pressing need of the circumstances, who preached to their contemporaries the cult of their country and hatred of their aristocracy.
Internationalism has converted these men into:—
1. The apostles of the conversion of the world to monotheism ;
2. The protagonists of justice.
History, however, shows that:—
1. The Jewish prophets preached, not the conversion of the world, but its conquest and submission;
2. The Jewish prophets were the protagonists, not of justice, but of the claims of their people and their political party.
The work of the Jewish people, say the Jewish and Christian orthodoxies, was to teach true religion to the world.1 Recently Isidore Loeb, in a work published after his death,1 2 and M. Maurice Yernes, in most of his later works, have revived the theory of the “ proselytism of the prophets.” According to them, the Jews dreamed, not of conquest and submission, but of the conversion of foreign nations.
The analysis of the prophecies of the two Isaiahs has fully shown, and the analysis of the psalms and apocalypses will constantly show, what kind of “ conversion ” there was in the minds of the Jews.
In what did the “ conversion ” of foreign nations consist ? First, to obey the Jews; secondly, to pay tribute to them. One must not be deceived by the religious form that the Jewish claims took. The Jewish State is a State ruled by priests, in which the prophets aspire to replace the old clerical aristocracy by a clerical democracy. Though framed by the priests, the Jewish
1 See Munk, La Palestine, commencement of Book III.
2 La literature despauvres dans la Bible ; Paris, 1892. 196 TWO ISAIAHS, AND IMPERIALIST REVIVAL
law is a national law; the taxes paid to the Jewish clergy are taxes paid to the Jewish Government. A purely religious law, in the sense that we give to the expression—that is to say, a purely moral law—is an impossible idea in Judaea. So monstrous an anachronism robs Jewish history of its real features; the glory of the Jewish people is that it, the lowest people of the East, came to dream, like the Roman people, of material conquest, of the political submission of the world.
The Romans sent legions and administrators to conquer the world. The Jews relied on Jahveh and the hosts of heaven, Jahveh Sebaot. Jewish “ proselytism ” differs from Roman “proselytism” only in the choice of means. On both sides the design is to conquer foreign nations; and the same dilemma is proposed to the world —submission (conversion, if one insists on the word) or extermination. There is no ambiguity; the two Isaiahs and, later, the psalms and apocalypses repeat it invariably; if the nations be not “ converted,” they shall be exter- minated.
In the period of the Isaiahs, as in the time of Deutero- nomy, Jewish nationalism, surrounded by the most formidable dangers, drew itself up ferociously to face other peoples. In the latter case the horizon is limited, in the former case it is broad; but in the third century just as much as in the fourth the idea is to reduce foreign nations, or to perish. Nothing is more human; nothing is simpler. Internationalism, reading “ conver- sion” where it finds “conquest,” puts a dogma in the place of history.
That the prophets were the protagonists of justice in the world is another error that we have exposed. Even the most independent commentators of to-day praise the prophets for having claimed justice; some for having created justice. Did not James Darmesteter, in 1891, propose to France and the world a return to the Jewish prophets? History should expose this effect of inter- NTERNATIONALISATION OF PROPHETIC BOOKS 197
nationalisation, for the idea of justice was never more cruelly denied than by the men of the Jerusalem democracy.
In what does justice consist ?
In this: to render to every man what belongs to him.
Suum cuique.
Justice has been represented with scales in her hands. She is devoid of passion, and disinterested; without passion, that is to say, she obeys neither hatred, nor love, nor anger, nor fear, nor vengeance, nor envy; dis- interested, that is to say, the thought of his own advantage never whispers in the ear of the judge.
Whence comes the sentiment of justice? From an equal consciousness of rights and duties; of duties that come of rights, and rights that impose duties.
A human, contingent thing, depending on place and time, differing in different places, overturned by circum- stances, speaking one language one side of the Pyrenees and another language the other, justice has nothing but the name in common with the metaphysical idol imagined by certain philosophers, and especially worshipped since the days of Kant. Justice, a quality of an essentially practical order, a purely political virtue, an empirical and relative fact, is a Roman conception ; the allegory of the scales is Roman; suum cuique is a Roman device; “ Justitia est constans ac perpetua voluntas jus suum cuique tribuendi.”
The Romans found the sentiment of justice in the consciousness of their rights and their duties. Masters of the world (that is their right), they owe justice to the world (that is their duty). The ideal Roman is the judge without hatred and without love, without anger or fear, without vengeance or envy. The ideal Roman, did we say? More correctly, the ideal of the Roman. The definition of justice remains, after two thousand years, the definition of the word justitia.
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Behold, the day of Jahveh cometh, cruel both with wrath and fierce anger, to lay the land desolate and destroy the enemies.
The stars of heaven, even the Orions, shall not give their light; the sun shall be darkened in his going forth, and the moon shall not cause her light to shine..
Therefore I will shake the heavens, and the earth shall remove out of her place, in the wrath of Jahveh of the Hosts, and in the day of his fierce anger.
And it shall be as the chased gazelle and as a sheep that no man taketh up: they shall every man turn to his own people, and flee every one into his own land.
Every one that is found shall be thrust through, and every one that is seized shall fall by the sword.
Their children also shall be dashed to pieces before their eyes ; their houses shall be spoiled, and their wives ravished....
For Jahveh will have mercy on Jacob, and will yet choose Israel...
And the house of Israel shall possess the peoples for servants and handmaids; and they shall take them captives whose captives they were, and they shall rule over their oppressors.1
1 Isaiah xiii. 9-16 and xiv. 1-2. THE SECOND ISAIAH
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And it shall come to pass in that day that Jahveh shall punish the host of the high ones that are on high, and the kings of the earth upon the earth.
And they shall be gathered together as prisoners are gathered in the pit, and shall be shut up in the prison, and after many days shall they be punished.1
And the multitude of thy foes shall be like small dust, and the multitude of the terrible ones shall be as the chaff that passeth away; yea, it shall be at an instant suddenly.
Thou slialt be visited of Jahveh of the Hosts with thunder, and with earthquake, and with great noise, with storm and tempest, and the flame of devouring fire.
And the multitude of all the nations that march against thee, and all they that fight against thee, shall be as a dream, a vision of the night.
And it shall even be as when an hungry man dreameth, and, behold, he eateth; but he awaketh, and his soul is empty : or as when a thirsty man dreameth, and, behold, he drinketh; but he awaketh, and, behold, he is faint, and his soul is athirst: so shall the multitude of all the nations be that march against mount Zion.2
When such a hope becomes, not the theme of rhetorical effusions, not the outworn phrase of a materialistic clergy, but the flesh and blood of a people, however lowly it be in the heart of the hills, it is a formidable people.
§ 3. The Second Isaiah.
The work of the prophets, however, was not yet complete. Another voice was to be heard, introducing a new aspect of the evolution of Judaism. This is the Second Isaiah, the best known, the most Christian, of the prophets.
A connecting link between the prophets and the psalms, the Second Isaiah is already the consoler of the downcast. The imperialism of the Second Isaiah is an imperialism of the downcast.
The book of the Second Isaiah is a collection of odes.
1 Isaiah xxiv. 21-22.
2 Isaiah xxix. 5-8. 166 TWO ISAIAHS, AND IMPERIALIST REVIVAL
The writer, however, was unable to speak in his own name; pseudonymity is the invariable condition of Hebrew literature. He presented his work as a continu- ation of the work of the old prophet Isaiah. A book that had not the paternity of some ancient name would not have been received at Jerusalem. The literary artifice he used was this : the aged prophet Isaiah, in the time of Hezekiah, king of Judah, is represented as consoling the Jewish people in its misfortunes, and prophesying the end of the Babylonian captivity and the restoration of Jerusalem by Cyrus, in the time of Zorobabel. In reality, however, it is not to the misfortunes of the days of Hezekiah or of the Deportation that the writer offers his consolation, but to the evils of the present time. It is not the end of the Babylonian captivity that the writer announces, but the return of the exiles from all parts of the Dispersion; it is not the throwing off of the yoke of the king of Babylon, but the end of the Egyptian and Syrian servitude; it is not the restoration of Jerusalem in the days of Zorobabel, but its future glorification, when the day of Jahveh shall come.
Like all the prophets and all the Jewish writers, the Second Isaiah develops in an almost unique way the classic theme of the evils which are the chastisement inflicted by Jahveh on the guilty Jews, and the rewards which the god promises to his people when it returns to fidelity. But the evils deplored by the Second Isaiah are no longer the same as those that the early prophets lamented, and of which they held the threat over the head of their contemporaries. Formerly they spoke of invasion, burning, and deportation: now the theme is that Jerusalem, with all its pride, is a slave, that the Jewish colonies are humbled in the midst of the goim, and that the heads of the Jerusalem aristocracy are bad shepherds who betray the flock.
To whom, indeed, is the Second Isaiah speaking ? To “him whom man despiseth, to him whom the nation THE SECOND ISAIAH
18?
abhorreth, to the servant of rulers,” to “the prisoners,” to “ them that are in darkness,” to those that hunger and thirst, to those whom the mirage and the sun cause to suffer.1
What does he say to them ?
Fear ye not the reproach of men, neither be ye afraid of their revilings : for [he adds] the moth shall eat them up like a garment, and the worm shall eat them like wool.2
Elsewhere there is question of the oppressors of Israel, who said to it:—
Bow down, that we may go over; and Israel made of its back as the ground, and as the street to them that went over.8
This people is robbed and spoiled, he says again.4
Later he speaks to those “ that thirst ” and to those “ that have no money.”6
The Second Isaiah belongs to the end of the third century, and is contemporary with the king of Syria Antiochus the Great. The abominable Joseph, son of Tobias, is dead, but his sons amply fill his place; one of them, Hyrcanus, commits the scandals of his father tenfold worse. One of the odes of the Second Isaiah6 is evidently a diatribe, with transparent allusions, against the new farmer of the taxes, the “ son of the sorceress, the seed of the adulterer and the whore,” who enriches himself “at the cost of Israel,” which has “rebelled”; who builds himself “ a strong place on the mountain,” offers “ presents to the king [of Egypt] and sends messengers,” and angers Jahveh by “the iniquity of his covetousness.”7
The prophet returns unwearyingly to the exactions of the aristocracy.
But the Second Isaiah addresses himself to the exiles as much as to the Jews who remain in Jerusalem. The
1 Isaiah xlix. 7, 9, and 10. 2 Isaiah li. 7-8. 8 Isaiah li. 23.
4 Isaiah sin. 22. 5 Isaiah lv. 1. 6 Isaiah lvii.
7 Isaiah lvii. 3-5,7, 9, 17. 188 TWO ISAIAHS, AND IMPERIALIST REVIVAL
third century is the period of the great departure of the Jews for the towns of the Mediterranean, and the thought of the poet goes out unceasingly to the miserable emigrants who languish, in the depths of the ghettos, as they turn towards the city of their god. The originality of the Second Isaiah is that he is a consoler of the afflicted even more than a judge threatening the guilty.
Comfort, comfort my people, saith your god.1 Thus does he open the series of his poems.
The famous poem of the “ Man of Sorrows ” is a summary of the lamentable picture, on which the Second Isaiah chiefly dwells, of the humiliations of the Jewish people; the passage is one of the best known in the Bible, yet it is still one of the least understood.
We must imagine the men of Jerusalem gathering round the temple, swathed in their loose mantles, during long days that are filled only with meditations in common, prayer, political agitation, anger against the oppressors, and dreams of the future. What do the great odes of the prophetic writers do, in this gloomy Asiatic forum, but legitimise with the authority of the national god their anger and their desires ? -
One day the poem of the “ Man of Sorrows ” spreads among this crowd, already become fanatical. It is, it seems, the work of the old prophet Isaiah. They do not think of disputing it; the brain of the ancient Jews was not open to critical questions. And this old poem— several centuries old, they say—seems to harmonise marvellously with all the restlessness of their souls..
He hath grown up as a shoot, as a tender plant out of a dry ground ; he hath no form, nor comeliness ; he hath no beauty that we should desire him.
Despised and the least of men, a man of sorrows and acquainted with grief, like unto him from whom we turn our faces, he was despised, and we esteemed him not.
Surely he hath borne our maladies, and carried our
1 Isaiah xl. 1. THE SECOND ISAIAH
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sorrows; yet we did esteem him stricken, smitten of god, and afflicted.
But he was wounded for our rebellions, he was bruised for our iniquities; the chastisement, the price of our peace, was upon him ; and with his stripes we are healed.
And we like sheep have gone astray; we have turned every one to his own way; and Jahveh hath laid on him the iniquity of us all.
He is maltreated, and he humbles himself; he opens not his mouth; as a lamb that is brought to the slaughter, and as a dumb sheep before her shearers, he openeth not his mouth.
He is delivered to captivity and judgment, and, of his generation, who understandeth that he is cut off out of the land of the living, and stricken for the rebellions of my people.1
This poem has been the successive theme of all theologies. Traditional theology has seen in it a predic- tion of the Messiah, Jesus; liberal Protestant interpreters have read in it the doctrine of „ redemption; even the most independent of the critics have agreed to recognise in it Israel atoning for the sins of the world. The Hebrew text, however, does not say that Israel was smitten for the iniquities of other peoples, but for its own iniquities. We will give an example of the incredible errors into which the best commentators may be led by preconceived ideas. The Man of Sorrows is smitten, says Isaiah, “ for our iniquities,” and the critic explains:
“ Yes, our iniquities......but it is the goim who are
speaking; only the prophet has forgotten to tell us.”
The iniquities expiated by the Man of Sorrows are the iniquities of Israel; the Man of Sorrows, that is to say, Israel itself, atones for its own faults. The idea of Israel atoning for the sins of the world will occur to no one before St. Paul; it is impossible before the Christian era. Israel is humbled because it has sinned against Jahveh ; if the Man of Sorrows, if Israel, is a redeemer, he is a
1 Isaiah liii. 2-8. 190 TWO ISAIAHS, AND IMPERIALIST REVIVAL
redeemer only of himself; we return once more to the old familiar idea of the covenant.
But Jahveh now smites his people with a new humilia- tion. The evils with which the early prophets threatened Israel were those of a vanquished people ; those deplored by the prophet of the end of the third century are the ignominies of oppression. In Jeremiah the sword was held over the head of Israel: now it is the stick.
Such is the meaning of the “ Man of Sorrows.”
Bound the humiliation of the Jews the prophet brings again the series of ancient ideas. He enumerates the faults, the desertions, the apostasies of Israel. Then, to the men of Jerusalem who are listening to him, he promises, if Israel returns and keeps faithful, the same rewards that the First Isaiah has already conjured up like a mirage before their eyes, and he opens out the perspective of the glories to come.
Some have seen in the Second Isaiah a tender soul who dreams of pacific conquest, and summons all peoples to share the delight of the kingdom of Jahveh. Alas! this is how the tender soul of the Second Isaiah invited the Jews gathered in the precincts of the temple to fraternise with the goim :—
Come down, and sit in the dust, 0 virgin, daughter of Babylon! Sit on the ground; there is no throne, 0 daughter of the Chaldseans ; for thou shalt no more be called tender and delicate.
Take the millstones and grind flour ; uncover thy locks, and make bare the leg, uncover the thigh, pass over the rivers.
Thy nakedness shall be uncovered, yea, thy shame shall be seen. I will take vengeance, and I shall spare none.
These two things shall come to thee in a moment, in one day: the loss of children, and widowhood; they shall come upon thee, in spite of the multitude of thy sorceries....
There shall come an evil upon thee of which thou shalt not know the rising; and mischief shall fall upon thee that thou shalt not be able to put off; and desolation THE SECOND ISAIAH
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shall come upon thee suddenly which thou shalt not foresee....
Behold, they are as stubble, the fire burns them : they shall not deliver themselves from the power of the flame.1
Elsewhere:
And I will feed them that oppress thee with their own flesh, and they shall be drunken with their own blood as with the juice of the grape.2
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And as, at this time, the Jerusalem aristocracy had just put forth the name and theory of the people of Israel, gathering together under the name the whole of the populations which it meditated ruling and assimilating, the famous programme “ Israel in the Promised Land ” represented the whole imperialism of the time.
Confronted with the irruption and the menace of Hellenism, Hosea and Amos strive to recall the people to their duties; and, like Deuteronomy, they merely offer their contemporaries the promise of happiness at home.
Jeremiah, in the dread of the danger that nearly wrecks Judaism in the days of the successors of Alexander, is a mild soul, haunted only by the threat of the catastrophes that are about to fall again upon Jerusalem, if Jerusalem is unfaithful. After the threat, however, Jeremiah does not fail to tell and to repeat the promise. But it suffices for him to tell of the flourishing of the Jewish State, the replanting of their vines and fig-trees, the dancing of the daughters of Jerusalem, on peaceful evenings, to the sound of zithers and tam- bourines. Jeremiah often addresses foreign nations; though by foreign nations, in Jeremiah, we must under- stand the States which surround Judaea. Never (except, perhaps, once) does Jeremiah turn to the Islands; in the Bible the Islands are the Greek world, and Jeremiah does not look so far.
Ezekiel, in his sombre visions of the future, was hardly attentive to anything but his country. He had put his particular formula on the ancient promises; but had he enlarged it ?
Isaiah is the first to turn to the Islands.
The dream of a universal conquest is the stroke of genius of the First Isaiah, though it is foreshadowed in the authors of the last Mosaic narratives.
We know what the situation of the Jewish people is at the time. In Judaea it is subject to foreigners ; a corrupt THE FIRST ISAIAH
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aristocracy oppresses it; constant wars burden the land of Israel. In the colonies it vegetates miserably ; the son dies after the father without having seen once more the sky of his country. They are far from counting on the old hopes of peace, glory, and happiness; faithfulness has not had its reward. And it seems to the most optimistic that the fulfilment of the divine promises is very far off, very difficult, if not quite chimerical. The free and peaceful possession of Palestine ; Israel prospering in the promised land! The reality was very far removed from the dream.
What could be said to the Jewish people to restore its confidence and courage ?
In a sublime invention the First Isaiah, refusing to preach a perilous defensive, suddenly turns round, and, taking the offensive against the enemies of his country and his party, he teaches the Jews that they have nothing to fear, and that not only will every promise be fulfilled, but Jahveh will give his people, at one stroke, a hundred times more than he promised.
Of the increase of his government and peace there shall be no end, about the throne of David, and about his kingdom, to order it, and to establish it with judgment and with justice from henceforth even for ever. The zeal of Jahveh of the Hosts will perform this.1
The golden age that other poets had put at the begin- ning of time is foreseen in the future by the First Isaiah.
And on that day the shoot of David shall be an ensign for the nations; to it shall the nations turn ; and his rest shall be glory.2
On that day Philistia will be conquered, Edom and Moab will be the prey of the children of Israel, and the sons of Ammon will be subject to them.3 To Dumah (probably Edom) it shall be said:—Submit.4 Tyre will be destroyed, but it will rise again after seventy years in
1 Isaiah ix. 7. 2 Isaiah xi. 10. 8 Isaiah xi. 14. * Isaiah xxi. 12. 180 TWO ISAIAHS, AND IMPERIALIST REVIVAL
order that its wealth may be offered to the temple at Jerusalem.
And it shall come to pass in that day, that Tyre shall be forgotten seventy years, according to the days of one King; after the end of seventy years shall Tyre sing as an harlot:—
Take thy guitar,
Run through the town,
Eorgotten courtesan;
Dance thou for ever,
Sing without end,
That men recall thee!
And it shall come to pass, after the end of seventy years, that Jahveh will visit Tyre, and she shall return to her hire, and shall commit fornication with all the kingdoms of the world upon the face of the earth.
And her merchandise and her hire shall be consecrated to Jahveh; it shall not be treasured, nor laid up; for her merchandise shall be for them that dwell before the face of Jahveh, to eat sufficiently and for magnificent clothing.1
The Ethiopians shall be conquered, but they will submit and will bring offerings to the temple of Jahveh;2 the Egyptians shall be chastised, but they will turn to Jahveh, and he will hear them;3 Syria will accept the god of Jerusalem; there will be a road from Egypt to Syria, and Jahveh will bless the submission of the Syrians and the Egyptians.4 What is the meaning of the con- version of the Syria of the Seleucids, and the Egypt of the Ptolemies, if not the submission of all that the Jews of the third century know of Hellenism ? And all these victories will have for prelude the reconciliation; that is to say, the definitive union of Judah and Ephraim;6 that is to say, of Jerusalem and all the ancient Palestinian towns—in other words, the final constitution of the Israel which symbolises the Jewish ideal.
And it shall come to pass in the last days that the mountain of Jahveh’s house shall be established in the
1 Isaiah xxiii. 15-18. 2 Isaiah xviii. 7. 3 Isaiah xix. 21-22.
4 Isaiah xix. 23. s Isaiah xi. 13. THE FIRST ISAIAH
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top of the mountains, and shall be exalted above the hills ; and all nations shall flow unto it.
And many peoples shall come and say: Come ye, and let us go up to the mountain of Jahveh, to the house of the god of Jacob ; and he will teach us of his ways, and we will walk in his paths.
For out of Zion shall go forth the law, and the word of Jahveh from Jerusalem.
And he shall judge among the nations, and shall rebuke many peoples.1
The submission of the world is the necessary and logical consequence of the covenant. Provided Israel observes the conditions, Jahveh will observe them on his side; and the work of Jahveh will be, not only to make Israel powerful and prosperous, but to bring the whole world to kneel before it. For the first time in the story of Judaism, the First Isaiah says it explicitly. It is a momentous event. Until that time they thought only of obtaining from Jahveh the peaceful enjoyment of Palestine; now they dream of becoming masters of the world. The history of the Jews will be nothing else but the conflict of this ambition with the reality.
The whole is interconnected as cause and effect. The grandeur of the future held out to the Jews has magnified beyond measure the god who is capable of making such promises; while, by a reaction of the effect on its cause, the greatness of the god enlarges the splendour of his promise. To the First Isaiah belongs the glory of first magnifying Jahveh, the god of Israel, to the proportions of the god of the universe.
We know the Jahveh of the early nomads settled in Palestine, a tribal god, becoming later the patron-god of the ancient kingdoms of Judah and Ephraim, entirely similar to Camos, the patron-god of Moab, or Milkom, the patron-god of Ammon. In the days of Esdras the Jewish soul had needed, if it were to rise again and endure, to hold itself aloof in a proud patriotism. At
1 Isaiah ii. 2-4. 182 TWO ISAIAHS, AND IMPERIALIST REVIVAL
the same time it necessarily isolated Jakveh amid the congenital and neighbouring gods; and from that time Jahveh had begun to play a separate part, with a pride equal to the pride of his people, in the crowd of Pales- tinian gods.
Then, persevering in a pretension that gave it greater strength, the Jewish soul had come to regard itself as chosen for an extraordinary destiny among other peoples. And at the same time Jahveh became, for the Jews, a higher god among the other gods. That is the period of Deuteronomy. There are plenty of texts showing Jahveh as a god above the other gods. Does not Moses sing, after the crossing of the Eed Sea:—
“ Who is like unto thee among the gods, O Jahveh ? ” 1
For the First Isaiah Jahveh becomes the supreme god; beside him there are but demons and angels. The demons are the strange gods, the hostile gods, the gods of foreigners and foes, who will all disappear on the day of the victory of Jahveh; the angels are the servants of Jahveh, encircling his throne in the heavens. Jahveh is the one god, the true god. Deuteronomy and Jeremiah himself proclaimed that the worship of other gods was the greatest of crimes. The First Isaiah is not more indulgent, but he recognises a new sentiment; he feels that the strange gods are inferior gods, that they are doomed to perish, and will perish.
In that day man shall cast their idols of silver, and their idols of gold, which they made each one for himself to worship, to the moles and to the bats.2
The moment will come presently when the Second Isaiah will add irony to malediction, and, railing at these idols of wood or gold, made by the hand of man, will make it plain that Jahveh alone is god, and that the other gods are nothing.
With the history of Jahveh corresponds the history of
1 Exodus xv. 11.
2 Isaiah ii. 20. THE EIEST ISAIAH
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the old word elohim. It is the Hebrew word which we translate “ god.” What precisely is the elohim ? A fetish that becomes an idol, an idol that becomes a national god, a national god that becomes the god of the universe, awaiting the time when the god of the universe becomes a metaphysical god. The First Isaiah is at the stage of the god of the universe.
But the history of the word elohim and the history of the god Jahveh are, at the same time, the history of the Jewish soul that is faithfully reflected therein. A Syrian tribe that becomes a small people; a small people that holds aloof in an extreme and fierce patriotism, finding in it the strength to live and endure; and now a handful of men, a brotherhood almost, hardly a nation, rather a church, that thinks itself destined to rule the world, and believes so strongly in its destiny that it will eventually accomplish it.
That again is in the First Isaiah.
Until then the Jewish soul is in a state of preparation ; it exists only potentially. Even in Jeremiah it is as yet only concentrating, or forming. Jeremiah had been only a strenuous return to the policy of Esdras and Deuteronomy, become democratic as it confronted the Hellenisation of the aristocracy. With the First Isaiah Judaism opens out towards the world. The prophecy of Jeremiah had been the cry of alarm of a man who saw the foundations of the Judaic edifice give way. Now the Jewish soul revives; Hellenisation has not disappeared from the aristocracy, but the Jewish people have renewed their tradition. Now, for the first time in the Bible and in Jewish history, the eyes of the men of Jerusalem are about to turn beyond Palestine. For the first time the Jewish soul appears, in the First Isaiah, of the character in which it will, under a Christian form, conquer the world, by faith in its election.
And already the First Isaiah tells, without ambiguity, how this extraordinary conquest will be accomplished. 184 TWO ISAIAHS, AND IMPERIALIST REVIVAL
Before him Deuteronomy, the early prophets, and Jeremiah have, one after the other, developed the formula of the famous covenant. The First Isaiah deduces its full consequences; he expounds it in its full amplitude. There is a synallagmatic bargain between Jahveh and Israel; if Israel is faithful to Jahveh, Jahveh will give it the world. But Israel is only a small people amid the great peoples of the earth. Syria and Egypt crush it with their formidable power. What armies will Israel lead out to conquer such foes ? What general will lead them to the battle ? The armies will be the hosts of heaven, and Jahveh will be their general. Edom, Moab, and Ammon in subjection, Tyre giving up its gold like an aged prostitute, the Ethiopians bringing their tribute, Egypt and Syria on their knees, the peoples of the earth crowding to the mountain of Jerusalem— all that will be the personal task of Jahveh.
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“Forgive him,” said Joseph, “on account of his age; for thou knowest assuredly that old men have often but the intelligence of children. But we, the young, will give thee full satisfaction, and thou shalt have no fault to find with us.”
The king, delighted with the charm and sprightliness of the young man, conceived such an affection for him as if he had long known him ; he invited him to stay in his palace, and share his meals every day. When the king had returned to Alexandria, the leading men of Syria, seeing Joseph sitting beside him, were very envious.
When the day had come on which the taxes of the cities were to be put up at auction, those whose dignity gave them the first rank in their country came to buy them. The offers rose to eight thousand talents for the taxes of Coele-Syria, Phoenicia, Judaea, and Samaria. Then Joseph approached, and accused the buyers of having come to an arrangement to offer the king so poor a price for the taxes. He declared that he was prepared to give double, and deliver up to the king, in addition, the goods of those who had failed in their duty to his house; these goods were, in fact, assigned with the taxes. The king heard him with pleasure, and said he was ready to award him the farming of the taxes, because he would thereby have an increased revenue; but ho asked JEWISH PEOPLE IN DAYS OF TWO ISAIAHS 173
if Joseph had security to offer. Joseph replied very cleverly:—
“ I will find you excellent people whom you cannot distrust.”
The king asking who they were:—
“ I give you as security, O king, thyself and thy wife, each for the portion that is due to the other.”
Ptolemy laughed, and allowed him to have the taxes without security. This favour greatly angered those who had come from the cities of Egypt, as they felt themselves relegated to the second rank. And each returned to his country with his little disgrace.
Joseph obtained of the king two thousand foot-soldiers, for he had asked troops in order to bring to reason those who might despise his authority in the cities; and, after borrowing five hundred talents from the friends of the king in Alexandria, he set out for Syria. When he reached Ascalon, he demanded that the inhabitants should pay the tax. They refused to pay anything, and even insulted him ; then he seized the chief among them, slew a score of them, seized their goods—about a thousand talents—and sent them to the king, informing him of what had happened. Ptolemy admired his decision, praised his conduct, and gave him a free hand. The Syrians were terrified at this news, and, having under their eyes, as an example well calculated to discourage disobedience, the fate of the victims at Ascalon, they opened their gates, received Joseph with every attention and paid the tribute. The inhabitants of Scythopolis however, attempted to insult him and refuse him the tax, which they had hitherto paid without difficulty; there also he had the chief men put to death, and sent their goods to the king. When he had collected a great deal of money, and made a large profit on the farming of the taxes, he made use of it to strengthen the power he had, thinking it wise to use the goods he had acquired in preserving what had been the source of his present fortune. He therefore sent many presents to the king, to Cleopatra, to their friends, and to all who had power at Court, thus purchasing their good will.
He enjoyed this prosperity for twenty-two years, and became the father of seven sons by his first wife, and, by the daughter of his brother Solymios, of a son named Hyrcan.1
1 Jewish Antiquities, xii. 4, from the translation of Theodore Reinach. 174 TWO ISAIAHS, AND IMPEKIALIST KEVIVAL
It is between this Hyrcan and his brothers that the dissensions and intestine wars arose which were to desolate Judoea at the beginning of the second century.
In the Colonies.—But in the third century the Jewish people is not confined to Judsea; it is found wherever Jewish colonies have been established; and in the colonies the secular hopes of the Jews are no more realised than in Judsea.
We shall close this volume with a comprehensive study of the expansion of the Jews in the Mediterranean basin.1 We have already seen the Jews spread, first in Palestine, then in Syria, Phoenicia, and Egypt; soon we shall see them penetrate into Asia Minor, the Greek islands, and Greece itself.
Deportation and emigration have done their work. Violence and misery alone have driven the Jews from their country, and these colonists are, in the main, merely exiles whose misfortunes are incessantly deplored by the prophets, and whose triumphant return they are ever predicting.
However widely they have spread, the Jewish colonies are nevertheless, in the third century, lamentable settle- ments in which misery reigns and men are but pariahs. Already the Jewish quarter is a thing of contempt and detestation among the nations. How could these folk, who mingle not with the people among whom they live, preserve their own clothing and usages, isolate themselves in their sectarian pride, think themselves better than others in spite of their sordid poverty, and cannot conceal their envy, if not their hopes, expect from other men anything but hatred in return for their hostility, and disdain for their weakness ?
After so many promises of a glorious return to the mother country, the Jews of the colonies will be still in
1 Part III., ch. iv. THE FIKST ISAIAH
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the second century what they were in the third : unhappy exiles, dying, one after another, in a surfeit of humilia- tion, under the enmity of a foreign sky.
Thus did the reality belie the old Jewish hopes, from the third century onward, in the colonies and in Judasa. The situation was this: in Judsea were foreign domina- tion, oppression, internal divisions, and exactions on the part of the clerical aristocracy; beyond the Jewish frontiers was the vast field of misery in which the exiles shuddered, hated by, and hating, other men.
The most adventurous optimism could with difficulty cast a few rays of light on this sombre picture. Jeru- salem was still the most important town, its temple the most celebrated sanctuary, and Judaea the leading State of Palestine; beyond Palestine, the Jewish colonies spread the name of Jahveh in the great cities of the eastern Mediterranean. To maintain and renew this confidence, to sustain their courage, to rekindle the fire of the imperialism of Jerusalem, there was need of the work of the men of genius who wrote under the name of the prophet Isaiah.
§ 2. The First Isaiah.
The collection of prophecies which, in our Bible, bears the name of Isaiah, is divided into two quite distinct parts. Critics of the slightest shade of independence have long since unanimously agreed in recognising them as two different works, which it is customary to call the First and the Second Isaiah. The one comprises chapters i.-xxxix. of the collection, the other chapters xl.-lxvi. It is further possible, and even probable, that the chapters ascribed to each of the two Isaiahs come from a number of different writers.
The author—let us say the principal author—of the prophecies of the First Isaiah followed the tradition of his forerunners. For his fabulous material he, like they, 176 TWO ISAIAHS, AND IMPERIALIST REVIVAL
took a situation and the name of a prophet in the ancient history of Judaea, and he represented as spoken to this prophet, in the circumstances of the situation he had chosen, the words which he himself, a man of the third century, wanted to impress upon his contemporaries. The authors of the books of Jeremiah and Ezekiel had chosen the last years of the former kingdom of Judah; the author of the hook of Isaiah went farther back into the past, and chose the period of Hezekiah and the last kings of Ephraim. The book of Isaiah, however, is not so much a political romance as a collection of anecdotes and fine odes. The anecdotes are episodes of ancient Jewish history, in which the author introduces his prophet with an action or a discourse; the odes are invectives against the Jewish aristocrats who indulge in Hellenic ways, or oracular utterances on neighbouring peoples, Tyre, Egypt, Syria, and Babylon.
On the doctrinal side the First Isaiah continues the work of prophetism. He resumes the invective of Jeremiah against the clergy and the Levitic legislation in the famous apostrophe: “ To what purpose is the multitude of your sacrifices unto me ? saith Jahveh: I am full of the burnt-offerings of rams, and the fat of fed beasts.” 1 It is not a question, as so many writers have said, of a profession of spiritual faith, but of attack- ing the corruption of an aristocracy that lives on the temple and oppresses the people. There is nothing new in it. The originality of the First Isaiah consists in responding to the misery and despair of his compatriots with the imperialist dream of a conquest of the world.
Esdras and his successors had, after the Restoration, created Jewish nationalism. In the midst of the small States of Palestine they had, in concentrating the State of Jerusalem round the name of Jahveh, created a Jewish soul. Reduced to a few thousand men, vanquished,
1 Isaiah i. 11, and following. THE FIRST ISAIAH
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oppressed, enslaved for a century, the little people had not returned to life with the spirit of some great con- quered nation that is suddenly saved by a brilliant victory. Defeat, oppression, slavery, and weakness had taught it patience. Stubborn, but humble, concealing behind their half-closed eyes their unconquerable ambition, the companions of Esdras had undertaken, noiselessly, with bent backs, to build the house of Jahveh.
We have seen how they taught the men of Jerusalem that the misfortunes of their fathers had been a punish- ment for their unfaithfulness to Jahveh, and that Jahveh had promised to reward them, if they were faithful to him.
Then the famous theory of the Covenant had been gradually shaped. The duty of the Jewish people is to be faithful to Jahveh ; the duty of Jahveh is to reward the Jewish people, if the Jewish people is faithful to Jahveh. In the first Mosaic mashal, however, in Deuteronomy, the reward promised to the Jewish people consists of nothing but the free and peaceful possession of a land flowing with milk and honey, the most beautiful country in the world: thus do the Jews describe Palestine.
The free and peaceful possession of Palestine is the ideal of the early viosklim and of Deuteronomy. “ Jahveh, thy god, will set thee on high among the
nations of the earth....all the peoples of the earth shall
be afraid of thee ” that is the maximum and exceptional formula of the promises of Jahveh to the fourth century. The ambition of the Jews of Deuteronomy had not gone beyond that; their dream was to be happy on the soil that Jahveh had sworn to their fathers he would give them.2 The promise was restricted :—
From the wilderness to Lebanon, from the river Euphrates to the western sea, shall your coast be.s 1
1 Deuteronomy xxviii. 1 and 10. 2 Deuteronomy xxx. 20.
8 Deuteronomy xi. 21.
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mistress of Galilee and Samaria, will enjoy the old land of Canaan promised formerly to the patriarchs.
And in the end we have the most chimerical utopia that has ever been imagined. The land of Palestine is divided among the twelve ideal tribes by means of straight lines drawn from east to west, forming twelve geome- trical and almost equal portions, with Jerusalem in the centre, a sort of State of the church, the privileged portion of the new priests. And the book Ezekiel closes with these words :—
And the name of the city from that day shall be:— Jahveh-Shamma, Jahveh-Is-Here.1
The enterprise of the prophetic party failed.
Practical impossibilities, such as that of realising the extravagant division of the land of Canaan into geometrical portions among tribes that existed only in theory, would not have been an obstacle to the success of the legislation of Ezekiel; the Jewish spirit always liked to combine utopia with reality. The literary poorness of Ezekiel’s project was a graver obstacle.
Becall the legendary fables, the profound and remote atmosphere, of the Mosaic books. There is nothing of the kind in the second book of Ezekiel. The first book of Ezekiel, the lyric book, was full of sublimity and beauty, but the second was too earthy, too devoid of inspiration, too bare of fiction, to captivate oriental souls. The Mosaic law had been the work of several generations of national poets, who were at the same time resolute politicians. The law of Ezekiel was the work of a party-man, who lacked imagination.
Even the very traditionalism that had made the fortune of the prophetic party was in the way of its ambition. Its adherents were bound to present them- selves as the authentic continuers of the ancient institu- tions. How, then, could they impose new ones ? How
1 Ezekiel xlviii. 35. 166
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could they reconcile with the respect due to the Mosaic legends some of the counter-legends of Samuel, Elijah, and Elisha ?
The legislation of Ezekiel did not succeed. The prescriptions and institutions imitated from the Mosaic codes lived, and might give the democrats some illusion of success; the innovations failed.
These intrinsic reasons for the failure of the prophetic enterprise were supplemented by the historical circum- stances in which it took place.
In a period of trouble, in opposition to a feeble or unfortunate high-priest, prophetism might have suc- ceeded ; in opposition to a comparatively fortunate and strong high-priest like Simeon the Just, at the very time when Judaea seemed to enjoy a little peace, it was bound to fail. If, on the other hand, the priesthood had rejected all reform, or abandoned itself to extreme Hellenisation, the reformers would have found new weapons in the excess of popular indignation; but we know that prophetism itself had eradicated Hellenism from the priesthood, and this first success prevented it from winning again, or from dethroning its opponent.
We have compared Jewish prophetism to modern Protestantism, and the analogy goes further. Luther did not destroy the Homan Church ; in establishing a rival Church beside it, he reformed it. It is too little known that, on many points, the Homan Church satisfied the demands of Protestants. It was the same at Jerusalem in the third century. The prophetic party constrained the clerical aristocracy to make certain reforms, but did not overthrow it.
While the prophetic party attempted in vain to impose its laws and seize the government, the old aristocracy completed the work of the Mosaic legislation, and, thanks, no doubt, to the action of Simeon the Just, victoriously imposed it. The prophetic party was beaten, but not destroyed, and had not ceased to produce great THE SECOND BOOK OF EZEKIEL
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men. The causes that had given it birth remained, and would be aggravated after the death of Simeon. It would continue to agitate Judaea no less than before. But it was all over with the legislative reforms of the second book of Ezekiel, and the traditions which the legends of Samuel, Elijah, and Elisha had endeavoured to implant. AVhen, after a century of struggle with an aristocracy that falls deeper and deeper into Hellenism, it finally has its revenge, it will accept and appropriate the old Mosaic law, the work of the aristocracy; and the book of Ezekiel will, so the Talmud relates, run some risk of being excluded from the canon of the sacred books. Chapter IV.
THE TWO ISAIAHS, AND THE IMPERIALIST REVIVAL
§ 1. The Jeioish People in the Days of the Tivo Isaiahs.
From the third century onward the history of the Jewish people is enacted, partly in Palestine, partly in the Jewish colonies, which spread more and more around the Mediterranean. The earliest prophetic writers had arisen under the stress of the frightful calamities that had fallen on Judaea during the second half of the fourth century. To understand the last prophetic writers, it is necessary to resume the history of the Jewish people, during the following century, in the colonies as well as in Palestine.
In Palestine.—The pontificate of Simeon the Just was a calm after the storms at the end of the fourth century. During the earlier years of his son, Onias II., this peace is still disturbed only at rare intervals in Palestine. But from the year 247 the wars begin between the Ptolemies of Egypt and the Seleucids of Syria, and Palestine is once more plundered. Again we find the long train of misfortunes which these wars drag after them. In 240 peace is restored ; Palestine remains in the possession of Egypt. Will the unhappy country have at least time to dress its wounds ? At the end of some years the war will be renewed between the Syrians and the Egyptians (221-217). Palestine will again witness the ceaseless crossing of armies, battles, and towns from which the vanquished will burst forth with fury and the conqueror enter with threats. In 201 the king of Syria again invades Palestine. The war lasts
168 JEWISH PEOPLE IN DAYS OE TWO ISAIAHS 169
three years ; in the end the Egyptians are beaten, and the king of Syria remains in possession of Palestine. Judaea has changed its master.
The Jewish historian Josephus has told us1 how severely the Palestinian States suffered from the wars that took place between the kings of Egypt and Syria. At Jerusalem the humiliation is all the greater from the high hopes that had been entertained. Had not the books of Moses promised to the imperialist ambition of the successors of Esdras the free and peaceful possession of the land of Palestine ? The chosen people of Jahveh suffered, in subjection to the goim, in proportion to its dreams.
When the war rages, plunder and devastation are multiplied; when peace follows, exaction begins and violence accompanies it. The powerful desire but to enrich themselves; they refuse justice, and oppress the weak ; on the pretext of gathering the tribute claimed by the suzerain, they plunder the towns and the country ; the tax-farmers are the leaders of bands who go from country to country, extorting the debt with arms in their hands. But the exactions and violence seem more cruel to the people of Jerusalem when they are committed by men of its own aristocracy, and when its leaders rely on the foreign master in maltreating and despoiling it.
The Mosaic law rules at Jerusalem. Under the shadow of its unchallenged authority, and under the suzerainty of the Syrian or Egyptian kings, the high- priest is a kind of viceroy who wields a supreme power. The sacerdotal aristocracy surrounds him; the people obey. The recently completed theocratic constitution is in full vigour; but there is an irremediable division in the depths of Jewish society.
The hatred of the rigorists for the Hellenists had gradually risen. To the prophets the forsaking of the
1 Jewish Antiquities, xiii. 1, 3; 2, 28; 3, 129. 170 TWO ISAIAHS, AND IMPERIALIST REVIVAL
national ways was an apostasy. The prophets had set up anew the Jewish soul, by teaching that without Jahveh and the law of Jahveh the Jewish people were doomed to perish. The hatred of the rigorist Jews for the foreigner was great, but their hatred of the renegade was bound to be fiercer.
Day by day the abyss grew deeper. The Jews of the people, in the midst of their misery, deluded themselves with hopes that promised them revenge; and already some of the aristocrats of the higher clergy assured them- selves that these hopes were vain. In the humiliation of the land, the sons of the clerical aristocracy of Jerusalem were contented with a state of things that left them masters of Judaea under an easily tolerable suzerainty, wealthy, and independent enough to enjoy their wealth.
The anger of the traditionalist and nationalist Jew against the renegade Jew, of the poor against the rich, was inflamed by the innumerable exactions, the denials of justice, the increasingly severe oppression, with which the people reproached their aristocracy. It seems, if we take the evidence of contemporary writers, making allowance for rhetorical exaggeration, that this oppression was extreme, and that the common folk, exploited and flouted by their masters, reached a state of the most violent resentment. The scandal was at its height, among the pious and patriotic poor of the lower classes at Jerusalem, when, towards the middle of the third century, under the pontificate of Onias II., a certain Joseph, son of Tobias, obtain from Ptolemy Philopator the farming of the taxes in Palestine. This Joseph, son of Tobias, was the nephew of the high- priest Onias II.; he was thus one of the heads of the Jerusalem aristocracy. In his Hellenism, his pomp, his exactions, Joseph, son of Tobias, exhibits all the grievances of the children of Jahveh against their aristocracy.
Here is the episode of Joseph, son of Tobias, according to Flavius Josephus. In order to give an idea of Jewish JEWISH PEOPLE IN DAYS OF TWO ISAIAHS 171
society at the time, we cannot do better than quote at length the picturesque account in his Jewish Antiquities, which critics are disposed to place in the Days of Ptolemy Philopator (222-205).
The high-priest Onias had a restricted intelligence, and was dominated by the love of money; hence, as he had not discharged the tax of twenty talents of silver, which his fathers paid the kings, out of their own revenues, in the name of the people, he caused King Ptolemy to be very angry. Ptolemy sent a messenger to Jerusalem,reproaching Onias for not having paid the tax, and threatening that, if he did not receive the sum, he would divide the Jewish territory into lots and settle soldiers on them as colonists. The Jews were terrified on hearing the king’s threats; but nothing could move Onias, blinded by his avarice.
There was at the time a certain Joseph, a young man, but already enjoying the reputation of a grave, prudent, and just man with the inhabitants of Jerusalem ; he was the son of Tobias and of a sister of the high-priest Onias. His mother having apprised him of the presence of the envoy—for he was then on a journey at Phicola, the village to which he belonged—he returned to the city, and reproached Onias with not considering the safety of his fellow-citizens and wishing to put the people in danger.
.....Onias persisting in his refusal, Joseph then asked his
permission to go on an embassy to Ptolemy in the name of the nation ; and Onias granted it. Joseph went up to the temple, therefore, summoned the people to assemble, and begged the citizens to be neither disturbed nor dismayed by the indifference of his uncle Onias in their regard, but to keep their minds calm and banish their gloomy presentiments. He promised, in fact, to go on an embassy to the king and persuade him that they had done no wrong. At these words the crowd thanked Joseph; and he, going down from the temple, gave hospitality in his own house to Ptolemy’s envoy, heaped rich presents on him, and, after treating him generously for several days, sent him back to the king, adding that he would shortly follow himself.....
The envoy, on his return to Egypt, told the king of the obstinacy of Onias, and spoke to him of the great merit of Joseph, who was coming to clear the people of the delinquencies charged against them. He praised the young man so much that he made the king and his wife Cleopatra well disposed towards Joseph before he 172 TWO ISAIAHS, AND IMPERIALIST REVIVAL
arrived. Joseph sent to borrow money of some of his friends in Samaria, and, after preparing all that was necessary for the journey—clothes, utensils, and beasts of burden, which cost him about twenty thousand drachmas—he went to Alexandria. It happened that at the same time all the chief citizens and magistrates of the cities of Syria and Phoenicia were going there in connection with the farming of the taxes, which the king sold every year to the strongest men in each city. When these saw Joseph on the road, they railed at his poverty and simplicity. But Joseph, hearing on his arrival at Alexandria that Ptolemy was at Memphis, went to meet him. The king was seated in his chariot with his wife and his friend Athenion, the very man who had been sent to Jerusalem and entertained by Joseph. When Athenion saw him, he at once made him known to the king, saying that this was the young man whose kindness and generosity he had praised to him on his return from Jerusalem. Ptolemy then first embraced him, made him enter the chariot, and, as soon as Joseph was seated, began to complain of the procedure of Onias.
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maledictions. What did they want ? The fall of the priest-aristocrats. It is but a step from that to wish to take their place or claim to succeed them, and this step was taken with the second book of Ezekiel and the legends of Samuel, Elijah, and Elislia.
There was, however, no open rupture.
It is clear that the prophetic party at Jerusalem was a kind of Jewish protestantism. Religiously, they demanded a return to the ancient traditions and ways, the purity of the primitive dogmas, and the severity of the ancient virtues. Politically, they wanted to replace an ancient aristocratic government by a new democratic government. In ancient Judcea, as in certain German towns in the sixteenth century, to govern religiously was to govern politically; and the struggle of Jewish prophetism with the Mosaic Levitism, or of Protestantism with the Roman Church, is the struggle of a democratic theocracy to take the place of an aristocratic theocracy.
But, while the men for whom the second book of Ezekiel and the legends of Samuel, Elijah, and Elisha were composed are reformers, they were not rebels, at least in the third century. Perhaps they had not among them a man of decision who could, like Luther, break openly with the established authority; perhaps they would not consent to such a rupture. They merely betray at times a significant violence against the hostile party.1 They flatter themselves that they rely on persuasion for the acceptance of their novelties; they refuse to employ insurrectionary means; they give a foretaste of the art of despoiling with a blessing.
On the other hand, they do not reform for the pleasure of reforming. All that, in the Mosaic legislation and customs, seems to them to befit the new priesthood which they desire to institute, is accepted by them. They preserve as much, and alter as little, as possible of the
1 See, for instance, Ezekiel xliv. 10-15. THE SECOND BOOK OE EZEKIEL
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Levitical prescriptions; their innovations are confined to essential things. Hence there are many resemblances in detail between the Mosaic legislation and that of Ezekiel, the customs consecrated by the books of Moses and those that the legends of Samuel, Elijah, and Elisha propose to establish.
Avowing themselves to be above all traditionalists, the men of the prophetic party were careful to avoid revolu- tionary airs. They purported merely to establish new institutions by the side of the old; and there again, as we shall see, they went too far. In reality they tended toward a change of personalities rather than a change of institutions.
The sanctuary shall be for the priests, sons of Zadok, which have kept my charge, which went not astray when the children of Israel went astray, as the Levites went astray.1
The procedure of the authors of Ezekiel, Elijah, and Elisha is the unvarying procedure of Jewish literature. They know that the priesthood which governs at Jerusalem comes from Moses, and is of divine institution ; prophetism is careful not to throw doubt on those truths. But they teach and explain that, beside this government of Mosaic origin and divine institution, there is another government, another priesthood, likewise of divine institution, but of prophetic origin, of which Samuel, Elijah, and Elisha were the protagonists. Against Aaron, the first Mosaic high-priest, they put Zadok, high-priest of King Solomon. The priests of the levitic aristocracy were called Aaronids ; an attempt will be made to give the name of Zadocids to the priests of the prophetic party. The books of Moses had been written to justify and legitimise the official priesthood, among other institutions; in order to create a new prophetic priesthood, they fabricate ancient books from which it appears that Samuel, Elijah, and Elisha were prophets invested with the high sacerdotal functions,
1 Ezekiel xlviii. 11. 160
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or that Jahveh himself dictated to his prophet Ezekiel, three hundred years before, the legislation with which they flatter themselves they will quietly overthrow the old Levitic government. In order to attain its objects, the prophetic party, faithful to the delinquencies of Judaism, uses the customary stratagem of the pseudo-ancient books, and appeals to the will of the national god, which is said to have been made known some centuries before in prophecies and legends which have been fortunately recovered.
We will not linger over the legends of Samuel, Elijah, and Elisha. They relate that Samuel, Elijah, and Elisha were all three prophets, but that all three exercised the priesthood—which is in contradiction to the Levitic institution. What is worse, all three sacrificed outside of Jerusalem, or of the sanctuary in which the ark of Jahveh was kept—a thing illicit in Samuel’s case, but criminal in the case of Elijah and Elisha, according to the express terms of the Mosaic law, because both are supposed to be later than Solomon and the building of the temple. We may add that most of the adventures of the three prophets are “ duplicates ” of the adventures of Moses or Mosaic characters; for instance, Elijah going up to Jahveh on Horeb.1 Finally, and decisively, Samuel is represented as taking the place of the contemporary high- priest, who has become unworthy; as to Elijah and Elisha, they ignore the Levitic priesthood.
We will make a summary analysis of the legislation proposed by the second book of Ezekiel.
The book opens with a plan of rebuilding the temple. The question was then being discussed, and the plan of Ezekiel agreed so well with the feeling of his contem- poraries that the high-priest Simeon the Just caused the temple to be restored at that time, from the foundations to the sanctuary, including the enclosing walls.2
1 1 Kings xix. 6-18.
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One day, it seems (the author of the second book of Ezekiel says which day: the second of the first month of the twenty-fifth year), the prophet is transported in ecstasy, in the land of Israel, to the top of the holy moun- tain. Here he sees a man whose appearance was like to brass; it is not clear if this man is Jahveh himself or an angel of Jahveh. Angel or god, this man held in his hand a line of flax and a measuring reed. He says to Ezekiel:—
Son of man, behold with thine eyes, and hear with thine ears, and set thine heart upon all that I shall show thee; and declare all that thou seest to the house of Israel.1
Then the divine apparition takes, with its cord and reed, all the measurements of a building, which is the
ideal temple.....And Ezekiel notes carefully:—
The threshold, one reed......
The first chamber, one reed.....
The vestibule, eight cubits.....
The posts of the vestibule, two cubits.....
There are six pages of it in our Hebrew Bible, for the writer enters into the minutest details. The attempt has been made to reconstruct the plan of this edifice with its minute measurements. Unfortunately, certain essential points are wanting ; there are evident errors in the text, and some contradictions. The plan cannot be set up without many hypotheses.
When scholars believed in the authenticity of the book of Ezekiel, and placed it in the period of the Deportation, the description was sometimes referred to the temple of Solomon, which had just been destroyed, and sometimes to the temple which Zorobabel was about to build. We do not know anything of the temple of Solomon. We suspect what the temple of Zorobabel was like: a humble building, made of fragments, with no size or harmony— something like Our Lady of Loretto in point of size,
1 Ezekiel xl. 4.
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Eenan says. The celebrated temple in which Jesus of Nazareth preached was the third temple, the masterpiece of Herod the Great. A simple plan of reconstruction, the temple described by Ezekiel wras an idealisation of the modest sanctuary of Zorobabel, which seemed inadequate to all in the third century. Without departing from its arrangement and general proportions, the writer pointed out to his contemporaries what improvements were advis- able, and what should be done to bring the building up to the height of the required splendour. But, acting on the old Judaic method, he thought it best to attribute his plans and counsels to Jahveh himself, speaking through the ancient prophet Ezekiel.
When the temple is described, with its sanctuary, vestibules, courts, external galleries, and priests’ lodgings, Ezekiel expounds the rites of the altar and the way of offering holocausts and shedding blood on it. He then describes the new organisation of the clergy, and he suddenly launches anathema on the old Mosaic clergy:—
Let it suffice you of all your abominations, in that ye have brought into my sanctuary strangers, uncircumcised in heart and uncircumcised in flesh, to be in my sanctuary, to pollute it, when ye offer my bread, the fat and the blood, and they have broken my covenant because of all your abominations.1
The old Mosaic clergy, which has been led into foreign abominations—that is to say, Hellenism—is condemned. It has been faithless to Jahveh. It must be replaced by a new clergy issuing from the prophetic party. So, in the legends of Samuel, the prophet takes the place of the Levitic high-priest. We have quoted the characteristic phrase:—
The sanctuaries shall be for the priests, sons of Zadok, who went not astray, as the Levites went astray.
For the priests who are sons of Aaron will be sub- stituted the priests who are sons of Zadok. In reality,
1 Ezekiel xliv. 7. THE SECOND BOOK OF EZEKIEL
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the Zadocids are the new sacerdotal corps which the prophetic party wants to substitute for the old Levitic corps in the administration of the temple and the govern- ment of the State; or, rather, the parts are reversed. The former aristocrats will become the servants of the new masters. For the first time we find in Judaism the revolutionary formula, “ The first shall be last.”1
There follows a complete legislation of the cult, a full ritual, differing little from the Mosaic code. We know that the Jews do not innovate without some use. Then there is a political legislation, in which we find again the determination to establish a government proceeding from prophetism.
A prince is set at the head of the hierarchy. The Hebrew text does not say either a high-priest or a king; nasi means originally the head of a tribe. We must see to what this title corresponds.
The nasi of Ezekiel could, without having the title, exercise the functions of a king; democracies often lean to Caesarism, out of fear of aristocracies; the Jewish books are full of the expectation of a monarch descending from David; in fine, some have thought of the Machabees, and it has been suggested that the legislative part of the book of Ezekiel might belong to the second century. But the nasi of Ezekiel has none of the characters of a king or a tyrant.
It has also been asked if the institution of the nasi did not correspond to a movement of ideas that took place, from the third century, in favour of a military theocracy, with a kind of head of the executive power depending on a legislative priesthood. The Persian peace had formerly allowed them to form a sacerdotal government without military organisation; but since the coming of Alexander the state of war had been almost permanent round Jerusalem. Below the priests who governed the State
1 See Ezekiel xliv. 10-15. 164
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there might, these writers conclude, have seemed to be a need for an executive power, a minister of war, a general commander of the troops which wTere charged to guard the temple.
It is a gratuitous hypothesis, with nothing to confirm it. Nothing in the text of Ezekiel allows us to liken the nasi to an executive of any kind. Indeed, the military spirit was never less in any people than it was among the Jews; and if there was one party in which the military spirit was wanting, it was the prophetic party. The old aristocracy may have developed a military spirit with its Hellenism ; the prophetic writers, on the contrary, want no other guardian of the temple than Jahveh. The psalms and apocalypses will push to paroxysmal extremes this exclusive abandonment of oneself in the hands of the deity. A military insti- tution seems to be incompatible with the prophetic tradi- tion.
The Biblical scholars who have studied the question of the nasi of Ezekiel should have been edified by the extraordinary absence of the high-priest, the cohen hagadol, from this legislation. In reality, the prince, in the second book of Ezekiel, is the new title proposed by the prophetic party for the new high-priests. The former high-priests, of the aristocratic and Hellenising party— the Aaronid high-priests—were cohen hagadol; the new high-priests, of the democratic party, the Zadocids, must be nasi. A new dynasty must have a new name. Though the cohen hagadol is not mentioned in the legislation of Ezekiel, the functions attributed to the nasi are his. At the head of the reformed sacerdotal corps the author of the book of Ezekiel puts a reformed high-priest, a religious as well as political character.
The remainder of the plan presents no difficulty. The sacerdotal body will govern and render justice by the side of the prince.
Below them Israel, its theoretical frontiers restored,
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^HE ElRST BOOK OB EZEKIEL
15i
And I heard the noise of their wings, when they went, like the noise of great waters, as the voice of the Almighty, a noise of great tumult as the noise of a camp.
When they stood, they let down their wings; and there was a voice from the firmament that was above their heads, when they stood, and let down their wings.
And above the firmament that was above their heads there was the likeness of a sapphire stone, in the form of a throne; and upon the likeness of the throne appeared the likeness of a man sitting on it, above.
And I saw as the appearance of glowing brass, as the appearance of fire, round about, serving as his home, from his loins upward, and from his loins downward ; I saw, as it were, the appearance of fire with, all around, a bright light.1
It is Jahveh himself, mounted on his chariot of Kerubim. At a later date the Christian Church will, for the men of the West reared in the Hellenic tradition, turn these terrible Kerubim into our charming cherubs, chubby and curly-haired, with pretty white wings. But the Kerubim, offspring of Babylon, brought to Jerusalem with the traditions of ancient Chaldaea, were monsters with the heads of animals, the bodies of bulls, two pairs of wings, spitting fire, as we see them in the Babylonian ruins. Henceforward the Kerubim will play their part in the manifestations of Jahveh.
Jahveh speaks to Ezekiel:—
“ Son of man, I send thee to the children of Israel, to these nations that have rebelled against me; they and their fathers have rebelled against me, even unto this day. I do send thee unto these impudent and stiff-hearted children, and thou shalt say unto them : Thus saith the lord Jahveh.”2
Ezekiel rises ; he takes a brick, and on it he represents Jerusalem besieged, and, round about it, the trenches, terraces, and camps, and the rams round the walls; and he takes an iron stove, and puts it, like an iron wall, between him and the city ; for at this moment, says the
1 Ezekiel i.
Ezekiel ii. 3-4. 152
EZEKIEL
writer, Jerusalem is besieged by Nabuchodonosor. Then he lies down on the left side, and remains lying for three hundred and ninety days, bearing the iniquity of Ephraim. Then he turns to the right side, and remains lying thus for forty days, bearing the iniquity of Judah. With corn, barley, beans, and lentils he has prepared as many loaves as he must remain days lying down, and has had them baked in dung. So will the children of Israel eat a defiled bread. As a favour, Ezekiel obtains permission of his god to bake his bread in cow’s dung instead of in human excrements. And he prophesies against the guilty city.
We are now in the temple of Jahveh, dishonoured by all kinds of idolatries and prostitutions. Opposite the holy of holies is the idol of jealousy; here are all sorts of reptiles and abominable beasts, worshipped by seventy sheiks, with censers in their hands; there are women sitting and weeping over Adonis; there, again, are twenty-
five young men throwing kisses to the sun......Does that
not cry for vengeance ?
Meantime the Kerubim unfold their wings, and bear the prophet from chapter to chapter.
Now the hero prepares his travelling garments, and in the evening, in the midst of his silent compatriots, he sets out as exiles do. He has not gone out of his house by the door; he has, with his own hand, made a breach in the wall. Under the eyes of his compatriots he places on his shoulder the mantle of a traveller, and departs, covering his face, so that it shall be a sign to the house of Israel. And he says:—
I am your sign; like as I have done ye shall do. Ye shall go into captivity.
Your princes, in the midst of you, shall put their mantles on their shoulders, and shall go forth in the twilight; the wall will be dug through to let them pass out; they shall cover their faces, that they see not the ground.1
1 Ezekiel xii. 11-12. THE FIRST BOOK OF EZEKIEL
153
Later the lord addresses the guilty spouse, her whom he has distinguished and clothed and adorned, and who has prostituted herself to strangers.
In another place there are two women, Aholah and Aholibah—that is to say, Samaria and Jerusalem—whom the master had chosen. Both have been unfaithful; they have suffered their bosoms to be touched; they have uncovered their bellies; they have called those who passed by to their beds. Loaded with ornaments, their eyes painted, sitting on magnificent beds, with bracelets on their arms and crowns on their heads, near a table covered with incense and oil, they have, with gesture and voice, called upon the blue-cloaked Assyrians, the pachas and young horsemen of Assyria, the red-robed Chaldseans, with mitres of flowing colours. They have smiled when the Egyptians have stroked their breasts in memory of their virginity. But they will be despoiled of their ornaments, they will have their bosoms torn, they will be left naked on the ground, the nose and ears cut off.
Meantime the threats are carried out. One day a fugitive comes, who has escaped from Jerusalem, and he says:—
“ The city has been taken.”
Then Jahveh speaks to Ezekiel:—
O thou, son of man, prophesy unto the mountains of Israel, and say: Ye mountains of Israel, hear the word of Jahveh...
Because they have made you desolate, and swallowed you up on every side, and ye became a prey among the nations;
Thus saith the lord Jahveh to the mountains and to the hills, to the rivers and to the valleys, to the desolate ruins and to the cities that are forsaken, which became a prey and a derision ;
Thus saith the lord Jahveh : I will speak, in the fire of my jealousy, against the residue of the nations, which have appointed my land into their possession, to cast it out for a prey.
Thus saith the lord Jahveh: I lift up my hand; the nations that are about you, they shall bear their shame. 154
EZEKIEL
But ye, O mountains of Israel, ye shall shoot forth your branches, and yield your fruit to my people.
Eor, behold, I will turn unto you, and ye shall be tilled and sown;
And I will multiply upon you man and beast; and they shall increase and bring fruit; and I will do better unto you than at your beginnings, and ye shall know that I am Jahveh.1
Ezekiel is borne through space. He walks in the midst of a valley, which is full of bones, numbers of bones, very dry bones.
And Jahveh saith : Prophesy unto these bones, and say unto them, 0 ye dry bones, hear the word of Jahveh.
Thus saith the lord Jahveh unto these bones: Behold, I will cause spirit to enter into you, and ye shall live.
And I will lay sinews upon you, and bring up flesh upon you, and cover you with skin, and put spirit in you, and ye shall live; and ye shall know that I am Jahveh.
So I prophesied as I was commanded; and as I prophesied, there was a noise, and behold a shaking, and the bones came together, bone to his bone.
And when I beheld, lo, the sinews were on them, and the flesh grew, and the skin covered them ; but there was no spirit in them.
And he said unto me, Prophesy unto the spirit, prophesy, son of man, and say to the spirit: Thus saith the lord Jahveh : Come from the four winds, 0 spirit, and breathe upon these slain that they may live.
So I prophesied as he commanded me, and the spirit came into them, and they lived, and stood up upon their feet, an exceeding great army.
Then he said unto me, Son of man, these bones are the whole house of Israel; behold, they say, Our bones are dried ; our hope is lost; we are undone.
Therefore prophesy, and say unto them, Thus saith the lord Jahveh : Behold, I open your graves, and cause you to come up out of } our graves, 0 my people, and bring you into the land of Israel.
And ye shall know that I am Jahveh, when I have opened your graves, and brought you up out of your graves, O my people.
And I shall put my spirit in you, and ye shall live;
1 Ezekiel xxxvi. 1-11. THE SECOND BOOK OE EZEKIEL
155
and I shall place you in your own land, and ye shall know that it is I, Jahveh, who hath spoken it and performed it, saith Jahveh.1
The earlier prophets promised Israel a happy future; they said that Jahveh himself would accomplish the work of liberation. Ezekiel announces that the day of Jahveh will come only after frightful catastrophes, in the midst of the direst anguish. The Jewish people must not hope to enter peacefully, under a serene sky, into its era of happiness. To fulfil the promise there must first be frightful days ; no doubt in order that Israel may atone for its former crimes, but also in order that it may the better realise the price of the favours which Jahveh reserves for it.
And in the depths of the north, among horsemen with helmet and shield, all terribly clothed, all wielding the sword, a multitude gathered to make plunder, to ruin the nations and destroy the flocks, he evokes Gog, king of Magog, prince of Rosch, Meshech, and Tubal.
Then, when the desolation is at its height, Jahveh will manifest himself in an upheaval of the mountains, a fall of the rocks, a rending of the walls, with pestilence and blood, and a rain of fire and sulphur and stones falling like hail; he will appear on his chariot drawn by the four Kerubim ; he will see that he is recognised by the nations; and they will know that it is Jahveh.
§ 2. The Second Book of Ezekiel: the Legends of Samuel, Elijah, and Elisha.
Success and Check of the Prophetic Party.
Our Bibles do not distinguish the two books of Ezekiel; but the testimony of the Jewish historian Flavius Josephus shows2 that the two parts, so different from each other, of the narrative of Ezekiel (chs. i.-xxxix.
1 Ezekiel xxxvii.
2 Jewish Antiquities, x. G. 156
EZEKIEL
and chs. xl.-xlviii.) were originally separate. The second book of Ezekiel is a piece of tentative legislation which the prophetic party opposed to the Mosaic legislation.
About the same time certain writers of the same group created or developed the legends of Samuel, Elijah, and Elisha, which were afterwards incorporated in the books of Samuel and Kings. Samuel was a character of the older historical books; Elijah and Elisha seem, on the contrary, to have been almost invented by the prophetic school, and their adventures wholly fictitious. The legends of Samuel, Elijah, and Elisha were put forward by the prophetic party in opposition to the Mosaic legends, just as the legislation of Ezekiel was in opposition to the Mosaic legislation.
The prophetic movement had issued from the terrible upheavals which preceded and followed the arrival of Alexander the Great in 332. After the battle of Ipsus, the successors of Alexander having definitively divided his empire between them, an era of less frightful trouble, if not an entirely peaceful era, had set in. This period of semi-tranquillity corresponds, in Jewish history, to the pontificate of Simeon I., called Simeon the Just, probably 300-270. Ptolemy is king of Egypt; Seleucus king of Syria. The wars between Egypt and Syria are over for a time. Jerusalem is still subject, but there is an end of the passing of armies, the battles, the taking by storm, the massacres, and the deportations.
We must not, however, take literally the statements of the Siracid and of the Talmud about the happiness of Judsea under Simeon the Just. It was a comparative happiness, in view of the frightful calamities of the preceding and following periods. Let us conceive the pontificate of Simeon the Just as a calm amid the storms which laid Judaea desolate from the year 350 to the Christian era; and let us understand that not one of the causes of the misery and ignominy that beset the unhappy country had been removed. Yet these years of THE SECOND BOOK OF EZEKIEL
157
calm enabled the sacerdotal aristocracy, on the one hand, to complete the work of the Mosaic legislation,1 and the prophetic party, on the other hand, to make its first effort to seize the government.
The books of Amos, Hosea, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and the minor prophets had been very successful with the popula- tion of Jerusalem. They had succeeded in every case in preventing the Hellenisation of Judaea. The prophetic writers had proved that to Hellenise Judaea would be to denationalise it; they had convicted the Hellenising priests, before the tribunal of public opinion, of forfeiture ; they had restored the ancient traditions to honour. Moreover, though Hellenism had made terrible inroads into the nobility of Jerusalem for a third of a century, it could not have absorbed it; though a large number of these priest-levites, to whom had fallen all the power and all the wealth of Jerusalem, had abandoned themselves to the charm of Hellenic novelties, others must assuredly have protested, in conjunction with the democrats, against the forsaking of ancient customs. The latter could only reproach an Amos, a Hosea, or a Jeremiah, with exaggera- tion. Supported by the people of Jerusalem, badly fought by the more Hellenising aristocrats, and hardly disapproved by the others, the prophetic writers had, at least to some extent, succeeded in imposing their ideas.
The prophetic writers and the crowd of common folk who had followed them now formed an opposition party against the ruling aristocracy. Would the ambition of this turbulent minority be satisfied with a first victory ? They professed to reform the government and the Church of Jerusalem; but what is the reform of a government or a Church if not the substitution of a better government and a different Church ?
Bead over again the invectives of the prophetic writers against the sacerdotal aristocracy, their threats and their
1 See above, p. 95. 158
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145
democracies of Greece and Rome are privileged classes below which swarms the vast crowd of all who are not citizens. Democracy was born at Jerusalem.
The terrible fierceness of the Jewish soul could not indeed fail to see the conclusion of its premises. Foreigners are enemies; in face of them the Jews are united in struggle and hatred. A similar hostility, a hatred common to a whole people, creates in that people a bond of love like the savage and fanatical bond that held the Jews together. Implacable enemies of other peoples, they had to be themselves indissolubly united. All were sons of Jahveh, and so all were brothers, and all must be equal before Jahveh. When a glowing patriotism centres about a military leader, a king, or a dynasty, the State falls into a hierarchy below this supreme head, and inspires in all its subjects a duty of love of the master. But in a theocracy, when the name which expresses the nationalism of a people is that of its god, there is an inevitable implication of democratic equality. Below the national god there must be leaders to rule; as long as these rulers are faithful to their duties, the ruled may accept them. But no fault will be forgiven to this aristocracy; the moment it fails, its subjects will remember their rights. Sooner or later it is doomed to perish.
A hierarchic society admits, not indeed the oppression of the weak by the strong, but the supremacy of the strong. A few must be above, and the many must be below; inequality of duties implies inequality of rights. In a theocracy the god alone is master. There is an unrestricted demand for equality. It seems intolerable enough that some shall be feeble and others strong; but the feeble, at least, will not suffer even the appearance of oppression. Hence we get what has been called the victory of Judaism; the orphan, the widow, and the wage-earner will be infinitely protected. But let us not be too sentimental about it; the orphan, the widow, and
L 146
JEREMIAH
the wage-earner were not less protected in pagan Rome than in Jerusalem. Let us have the courage to recognise more nobleness in the strong man who gives than in the weak who asks. It is noble in the strong to protect the weak; but when the weak himself claims to be protected, the claim is just, but has no title to our admiration. Let us reserve our admiration for a Marcus Aurelius, master of the world, who practises lofty virtues; and when we see the ghetto stir itself and murmur against the oppressor, let us grant these people the satisfaction that we may owe them, and pass on.
In earlier days the Mosaic books, and the books of Judges, Samuel, and Kings, had threatened with a divine punishment the crime of idolatry—that is to say, the abandonment of the national traditions. The prophetic books threaten with divine punishment, first the crime of idolatry, then the crime which they call injustice, and which is the oppression of the people by its aristocracy. This novelty should suffice to show commentators that the prophetic books are later than the Mosaic books. From the time of Hosea and Amos, especially from the time of Jeremiah, Judaism, which has been a national fact, becomes at the same time a democratic fact. By the example of a past, which he dramatises, the author of the romance of Jeremiah pursues a twofold aim; he professes to restore the nationalism of the Jews, but he wants to found the democracy of the Jews. Judaism was destined to be the party of the lowly; a day was to come when the Jewish aristocracy, almost entirely Hellenistic, would be excluded from Judaism. The author of the book of Jeremiah, following the authors of the books of Hosea and Amos, brings under a common anathema those who seemed to favour the Hellenic idolatry and reject the cult of the national god, and those who enriched themselves, gave themselves to luxury, oppressed the people, and refused justice to the weak.
.1 will get me unto the great men, and will speak unto JEREMIAH
147
them; for they have known the way of Jahveh, and the judgment of their god; but these have altogether broken the yoke, and burst the bonds.
....Thy children have forsaken me, and swear by
gods that are no gods. They commit adultery, and assemble themselves by troops in the harlot’s house. They are well-fed horses; they run here and there, and every one neighs after his neighbour’s wife.1
As a cage is full of birds, so are their houses full of deceit; therefore they are become great, and waxen rich.
They are waxen fat, they shine; they judge not the" cause of the fatherless; they prosper; the right of the needy do they not judge.2
Here is the most characteristic speech of the anti- sacerdotal tribune:—
Thus saith Jahveh of the Hosts, god of Israel: Put
your burnt offerings unto your sacrifices...I spake not
unto your fathers, nor commanded them, in the day that I brought them out of the land of Egypt, concerning burnt offerings or sacrifices.3
Here the prophet is actually declaring that Jahveh gave Moses no laws concerning sacrifices and holocausts! Is he referring to the ritual prescriptions of Deuteronomy ? No, for Jeremiah is in his whole book faithful both to the spirit and the letter of Deuteronomy. He is referring to the new ritual laws which the priests were then promul- gating in the Sacerdotal Code, the appearance of which we may fix by the opposition of Jeremiah.
What does the old democrat demand in place of these ritual laws which the aristocracy is multiplying about the cult ?
This thing commanded I them, saying, Obey my voice, and I will be your god, and ye shall be my people; and walk ye in the way that I have commanded you, that it may he well unto you.4
Jeremiah is faithful to Deuteronomy and Esdras; he is faithful to the formula of Hosea :—
“ I desire love; that is to say, love of the god—that is
1 Jeremiah v. 5-8.
3 Jeremiah vii. 21-22.
2 Jeremiah v. 27-28.
4 Jeremiah vii. 23. 148
JEREMIAH
to say, patriotism ; I desire patriotism, and not sacrifices. I desire respect for the god; that is to say, respect for the national institutions, respect for the traditions; I desire respect for the traditions rather than burnt offerings.”1 In the book of Jeremiah the Jewish soul had found expression. Just as violent, Deuteronomy had formerly continued the work of the first Mosaic legislators; the new work, outlined in the books of Hosea and Amos, was now continued. In face of a decadent aristocracy, denationalised by Hellenism, the rigorist party, at once traditionalist and democratic, was taking over the inheritance of Judaism. The book of Jeremiah was born of it, and constituted it.
1 See above, p. 128. Chapter III.
EZEKIEL
§ 1. The First Book of Ezekiel.
Beside the writers of genius who imagined Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Isaiah, Jewish history shows us, as disciples repeating the lessons of the masters, the “ minor prophets ” of Judaism—Michah, Zephaniah, Habakkuk, Joel, etc. We will consider only the original works, and will now deal with the strange and poignant romance entitled the prophecy of Ezekiel.
In the days when this work was written Judaea was in turn the prey of the Seleucids of Syria and the Ptolemies of Egypt; but the second of the great prophetic writers refuses, like the other Jewish writers, to speak in the present, and seeks in the past the hero and the framework of his romance. He chooses the same period as the author of the romance of Jeremiah. While, however, the latter had placed the action in Jerusalem, the author of the romance of Ezekiel places it in Babylonia.
As we know, in 599, eleven years before he destroyed Jerusalem and the kingdom of Judah, Nabucliodonosor had taken Jerusalem for the first time, but was content to impose severe conditions on it and to deport some thousands of its inhabitants to Babylonia. The romance of Ezekiel opens near the river Chobar, not far from Babylon, in the midst of these first victims of deportation. The eleven years will soon be over; in Palestine the king of Judah has sought to throw off the yoke of Nabuchodo- nosor; the latter has returned with his formidable army; Jerusalem is besieged; the day of its capture and destruction is at hand.
Meantime the deported Israelites drag out their
149 150
EZEKIEL
miserable lives in the land of exile, bemoaning their country and questioning in their hearts the god who has smitten them. Among them is a prophet, Ezekiel, son of Buzi, priest of Jahveh. And suddenly, on the fifth day of the fourth month, the hand of Jahveh is on him.
I looked, and, behold, a whirlwind came out of the north, a great cloud and a fire intermingled, and a brightness was about it; and out of the midst of the fire came the likeness of glowing brass.
And out of the midst thereof appeared four animals. And this was their appearance: they had the likeness of a man.
And every one had four faces, and every one had four wings.
And their feet were straight; and the sole of their feet was like the sole of a calf’s foot, and they sparkled like burnished brass.
And they had the hands of a man under their wings on their four sides; and they four had their faces and their wings.
Their wings were joined one to another; they turned not when they went; they went every one straight forward.
As for the likeness of their faces, they four had the face of a man, and the face of a lion, on the right side; and they four had the face of an ox on the left side; they four also had the face of an eagle.
Thus were their faces; and their wings were stretched upward; two wings of every one were joined to those of another, and two covered their bodies.
And they went every one straight forward ; whither the spirit was to go, they went; and they turned not when they went.
As for the likeness of these animals, their appearance was like coals of fire, burning like torches; and this fire went up and down among the animals; it gave forth a bright light, and out of it went forth lightning.
And the animals ran and returned, as the appearance of a flash of lightning...
Above the heads of the animals there was, as it were, a firmament of terrible crystals, stretched forth over their heads above.
And under the firmament were their wings straight, the one toward the other......
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Taking the yoke from the neck of Jeremiah, Hananiah breaks the bar of it, saying:—
“ Thus saith Jahveh: Even so will I break the yoke of Nabuchodonosor, king of Babylon, from the neck of the nations.”
Jeremiah is silent, and goes his way. But on the morrow he comes again before the people with an iron yoke on his neck.
“ Thus saith Jahveh : Thou hast broken a yoke of wood, but thou hast made instead a yoke of iron. For thus saith Jahveh, god of Israel: I put a yoke of iron on the neck of the nations, that they may serve Nabuchodo- nosor, king of Babylon, and they shall serve him; and I give him the beasts of the field also.”
Then, turning to Hananiah :—
“ This year thou shalt die, because thou hast spoken against Jahveh.”
Hananiah, the romancer adds, died in that year.
Jeremiah is the prophet of death. This people, which has given itself to the Baals and Astartes, must be destroyed. The sentence is irrevocable. And he writes to those who have already been deported to Babylon that they may not hope to see their country again.
No anarchist ever preached so violently the destruction of the present social order, that he might build anew the social order of the future. Jeremiah goes through the town crying that it is useless to defend oneself, or to struggle, for the city is forsaken. He summons Nabu- chodonosor with the sword, the plague, and famine. Implacably he hands over to him the race of David.
The romancer describes the indignation that breaks out in Jerusalem. The city gathers in crowds. Jeremiah is again put in prison. Meantime the army of the king of Babylon besieges Jerusalem. King Zedekiah goes to see the prophet in the yard of the prison:—
“ Wherefore dost thou prophesy the ruin of the land ? ” he says to him. JEREMIAH
139
" This land will be restored some day. Once again its people will buy bouses, fields, and vines.”
And Jeremiah, always joining example with precept, at once buys a field at Anatbotb, his native village, with all the ceremony of a burgher who wishes to be quite safe about his investment. The prophecies of restoration and glory now increase. When extermination has atoned for the present crimes, the kingdom of Jerusalem will be able to rise again, Jahveh will bring back the captives and re-establish them, and the nations of the earth will be astonished at the good he will do them.
Thus saith Jahveh: Again there shall be heard in this place, which ye say shall be desolate, without man and
without beast.....the voice of joy and the voice of gladness,
the voice of the bridegroom and the voice of the bride, the voice of them that shall say, Praise Jahveh of the Hosts,
for Jahveh is good, for his mercy endureth for ever.....
For I will cause to return the captivity of the land, as at the first, saith Jahveh.
Thus saith Jahveh of the Hosts: Again in this place which is desolate, without man and without beast, and in all the cities thereof, shall be an habitation of shepherds causing their flocks to lie down.
In the cities of the mountains, in the cities of the vale, and in the cities of the south, and in the land of Benjamin, and in the places about Jerusalem, and in the cities of Judah, shall the flocks pass again under the hands of him that telleth them, saith Jahveh.
Behold, the days come, saith Jahveh, that I will perform that good thing which I have promised unto the house of Israel and to the house of Judah.
In those days, and at that time, shall I cause the branch of righteousness to grow up unto David ; and he shall execute judgment and righteousness in the land.
In those days shall Judah be saved, and Jerusalem shall dwell safely ; and this is the name wherewith she shall be called, Jah veh - our-Righteousness.
For thus saith Jahveh: David shall never want a successor to sit upon the throne of the house of Israel;
Neither shall the priests and the Levites want a successor before me to offer burnt offerings, and to kindle meat offerings, and to sacrifice continually.1
1 Jeremiah xxxiii. 10-18. 140
JEREMIAH
But for the moment Jerusalem must be delivered into the hands of Nabuchodonosor, and burned, and its people must go into captivity. While the army of Nabuchodo- nosor presses the siege of the city, Jeremiah begins afresh his abominable imprecations.
In this romance Jeremiah plays a terrible, odious, and sublime part. Imagine, says Renan, a Frenchman within the walls of besieged Paris during the war of 1870 hailing the minister of heaven in the Emperor William, applauding his victories, and urging him to destroy Paris and France ! It is quite intelligible, we reply, if the imprecations are written two hundred and fifty or three hundred years after the events by a polemist who is illustrating his political theories with ancient examples.
In another place he reproaches the aristocracy with “loving strangers.”1 The charge is incomprehensible if it was made in the days of Josiah and Zedekiah, at the time when the army of Nabuchodonosor threatened the city, when Jeremiah is the only friend of the enemies of his country; it is justified if we put it at the end of the fourth century, and if the foreigners loved by the aristo- cracy are Greeks.
One day Jahveh ordered the prophet to write in a book all the words with which he had inspired him. The king orders the book to be seized, and has it read to him by Judi, his secretary. He was sitting in his winter residence; it was the ninth month; a brazier burned in front of him. And, as Judi read, the king took the leaves of the roll, and cast them in the fire.
It was useless, as Jahveh at once dictated to Jeremiah a new book similar to the first! The orthodox fancy that posterity thus came to possess the precious text of the prophet.
Meantime the romance is full of adventures. The prophet finds it useful to leave a city where he feels no
1 Jeremiah ii. 25. JEKEMIAH v
141
longer safe, but he is stopped at the gate of Benjamin by the officer of the guard, Irijah, the son of Shelemiah. He is brought before the chief officials, beaten, and put in a subterraneous dungeon, where he remains several days. As a special favour the king orders that he be brought into the yard of the prison, giving him every day a piece of bread out of the bakers’ street.
Jeremiah is inexorable :—
“Thus saith Jahveh: This city shall be given into the hand of the king of Babylon, which shall destroy it.” The chief officials become impatient:—
“Let this man be put to death! For thus he weakeneth the hands of the men of war.”
“Behold,” says the king, “he is in your hands.”
They take Jeremiah, and cast him into a dungeon, the cistern of Malchiah, son of Hammelech. There was no water, but mud only, in the dungeon, in which they placed him. Now this was noticed by an Ethiopian eunuch, named Ebed-melech, who was of the king’s house. The king was sitting before the gate of Benjamin. Ebed-melech went to seek him, and said :—
“ My lord the king, these men have cast Jeremiah the prophet into the dungeon, to die of hunger.”
And the king charged Ebed-melech, the Ethiopian, to take thirty men and withdraw Jeremiah from the dungeon before he should die. Ebed-melech provided himself with cords and rags of torn stuff, and, letting them down to Jeremiah, said to him :—
“Take these cords; put these rags of torn stuff under thine armholes.”
The holy prophet was saved.
Meantime the siege goes on. Jerusalem is in a desperate condition. Suddenly, on the ninth day of the fourth month of the eleventh year of Zedekiah, a breach is made in the walls of the city, and Jerusalem is taken by assault. Nergal-sharezer, Samgar-nebo, and Sarse- chim, the leaders of Nabuchodonosor’s army, camp in 142
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the ruins of the gates. The writer narrates the catas- trophe, and tells how the Babylonian generals recognised in Jeremiah the prophet of the god who had guided
them.....It is easy to see how much history there is in
that.....Speaking the language of Deuteronomy, Nebuzar-
adan, captain of the guards of king Nabuchodonosor, says to Jeremiah:—
“ Jahveh had pronounced this evil upon this place. Now Jahveh hath brought it, and done according as he hath said, because ye have sinned against Jahveh.”1
The romance closes with the adventures of the Jews who remain in Judaea, and of those who escaped into Egypt. Jeremiah is one of the latter. In Egypt he continues his sinister predictions in the shape of threats and vociferations against the nations of Palestine, against Babylon itself, and, more than ever, against his com- patriots.
But at the moment when he relates the destruction of the ancient land of the Jews, the author of the romance of Jeremiah declares that Jahveh, god of the Jews, is triumphant. The ardent nationalism which could not be established while the nation was intact is glorified by the sombre romancer amid the ruins and the dispersal. Like some great fire that destroys the stubble and the wood, but leaves unhurt the granite columns, the ruin of Jerusalem has destroyed the lower elements in Israel, without touching the incombustible and unalterable work that was done by Jahveh. The temple built by Solomon to the gods of Canaan, to Moloch, the Baals, and the Astartes, is in flames; but the melting down of their idols does but leave erect, in bronze, to stand for thousands of years, the name of Jahveh, who alone is renovated.
Jeremiah has prophesied ruin....
I send upon ye, he said, the sword, the famine, and the pestilence; I will treat ye as vile figs that cannot be
1 Jeremiah xl. 2-3. JEREMIAH
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eaten, they are so evil; I will deliver ye to be molested by the kingdoms of the earth, to be a curse, and a desolation, and an hissing, and a reproach among the nations whither I have driven ye; because ye have not hearkened to my words, saith Jahveh, which I sent unto ye by my servants the prophets.1
But he has also prophesied the restoration :—
I will bring again your captives; I will bring ye from the nations whither I have driven ye, and I will cause ye to return to the places whence I have driven ye......
The legend is born; it grows and spreads :—
Fear thou not, Jacob, my servant; for, behold, I am thy saviour, and will bring thy seed from the land of their captivity.
And I shall be with thee, to save thee, for I shall then make a full end of the nations whither I have scattered thee. And thou shalt be my people, and I will be thy god.
The whirlwind goeth forth with fury, the fierce anger of Jahveh shall not return, until he hath performed the intents of his heart....
I love thee with an everlasting love. I will build thee again, 0 virgin of Israel. Thou shalt again be adorned with thy tabrets, and shalt dance. Thou shalt again plant vines upon the mountains.
And there shall be a day that the peoples shall cry: Arise ye, and let us go up to Zion, unto Jahveh, our god.
For thus saith Jahveh: Sing with gladness for Jacob. Hear the word of Jahveh, O ye nations, and declare it in the isles afar off, and say, He that scattered Israel will gather him......Thus saith Jahveh, god of Israel.2
The old idolatrous people of Judah is destroyed; but the Jewish people is about to arise, and Jahveh, after dragging it through all the ignominy of the dispersal, promises it a new Jerusalem.
Jewish history is, for the book of Jeremiah, merely an illustration of a doctrine. There is need to exhort con- temporaries to be faithful to the powerful nationalism symbolised by the name of Jahveh. New gods, as
1 Jeremiah xxix. 17-19.
2 Jeremiah xxx., xxxi. 144
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abominable as the Moloch, the Baals, and the Astartes of former times, have appeared; they are called Greek gods ; and the forsaking of Jahveh for Moloch, Baal, and Astarte is only a myth representing the Hellenic apostasy. The Jewish people is warned by the example of its fathers, the fearful example of the ruin, and the mira- culous example of the restoration. Like his predecessors and followers, the sombre author of the prophecies of Jeremiah gives a lesson for the present in the shape of a history of the past. But the cold dogmatism of the earlier historical books has been replaced by the impas- sioned romance of a man of genius who, breathing life into the dogma, dramatises the implacable action of the national god, of whom he is the spokesman.
But we must not forget that, for the author of the book of Jeremiah, just as for the authors of the books of Hosea and Amos, the criminals who are forgetting the old traditions and turning to foreign cults are the priest- aristocrats who rule the State, the privileged leaders who have been seduced by the pleasantness of Hellenism. The democratic character of the prophetic writers is clearly shown in the fact that the aristocracy is the party of those who favour the novelties they attack with their threats, and the democracy is the party of the pure who have escaped the contagion ; it is seen just as clearly in the fact that the prophetic writers were men of the people rising in opposition to the men of the aristocracy. But there was at the same time a profound necessity for this, though it was an outcome of the circumstances. On three counts the aristocracy had to be denounced by the prophets; first because, about the year 332, it was identifying itself with the anti-traditionalist party, secondly because the prophets did not arise within its ranks, and thirdly because democracy was a logical outcome of the evolution of Judaism.
There was no democracy, in the modern sense of the word, in Greece; there was none at Borne. The JEREMIAH
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Judah, four centuries before their time ? They saw the need only of one thing—the lesson that they wished to convey to their contemporaries; and they omitted to surround their declamations with an historical environ- ment which did not interest them. The writer who composed the chief prophecies of Jeremiah, like every serious writer, at first followed his masters; like every writer of genius, he then passed beyond them. It is impossible to study the whole book of Jeremiah within the limits of the present work. Criticism, indeed, now shows that it is the work of several writers; we shall concern ourselves preferably with the one who created the figure of the terrible nabi. Whether or no a man of the name of Jeremiah ever really existed mattered little; just as it mattered little to the romances of the Round Table whether or no there ever was a Merlin the Enchanter. Whether he created or developed his character, the writer, like his predecessors, went back to an earlier period ; but, not going so far into the past, he stopped at the period of Nabuchodonosor, and placed his spokesman at that time; and, instead of being satisfied with such vague surroundings as those in which the prophecies of Hosea and Amos are placed, he showed his originality by framing his discourses in the very definite historical environment that was wanting in the earlier works.
The period he had chosen evidently suited him. The period chosen by his predecessors was half forgotten by the Jews of the fourth century; but they had a vivid memory of the last kings of Judah, the invasion of Nabuchodonosor, the lingering and bloody agony of ancient Jerusalem, the destruction of the city, and the deportation to Babylon. They might be indifferent to the remoter misfortunes of Israel; it was impossible to be untouched by the catastrophe that had ruined the earlier Jerusalem and given birth to the actual city. Nabuchodonosor was still, in the imagination of the Jews JEREMIAH
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of the third century, the scourge of god at whose recol- lection they shuddered ; the exile beside the rivers of Babylon was the symbol of the exiles and emigrations of the end of the fourth century; the burning of the temple was the supreme threat held over the head of Jewish nationalism. The author of the prophecies of Jeremiah, in going back to this fatal period, could not but revive its episodes. The events amid which he placed the words he wished to speak were well known. They were im- pressed on every side, and the romance inevitably took shape. Jeremiah was not merely an eloquence that thunders, and a lyrism that enthuses, in the clouds; he was a soul that mingles with the events; and the character of the prophet assumed a glowing and terrible life amid the misfortunes of his country. The author of the prophecies of Jeremiah is, like the authors of the prophecies of Amos and Hosea, a poet and an orator; but he created a literary form that one may designate the lyrical romance, if we regard its form, or the political romance, if we regard its substance. And the romance of Jeremiah was so powerfully conceived, and so passionately lived, as to mislead posterity for ages into seeing history in his vivid fancies.
The subject of the romance of Jeremiah is as follows :—
We are understood to be at the close of the seventh century, at Jerusalem; the Jewish people has been unfaithful to Jahveh, its national god; a prophet named Jeremiah announces, in the course of many adventures, that punishment is coming. Meantime Nabuchodonosor, King of Babylon, approaches with his army; Jeremiah recognises in him the instrument of Jahveh, and exhorts the Jews to make no resistance, to accept their chastise- ment ; when the trial is over, he promises that Jahveh will restore his people. In fact, Nabuchodonosor takes and destroys Jerusalem; but the appeased god will raise, on the ruins of the guilty and justly-punished city, the new Jerusalem that will never perish. 134
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The words of Jeremiah, the son of Hilkiah, of the priests that were in Anathoth in the land of Benjamin, in the days of Josias, king of Judah, and in the days of Joachim, son of Josias, king of Judah, unto the end of the eleventh year of Zedekiah, brother of Joachim, king of Judah, unto the carrying away of Jerusalem captive.1
Thus the book opens. Then follows the narrative of the vocation of the prophet:—
The word of Jahveh came unto me, saying:
Before I formed thee in the belly I knew thee; and before thou earnest forth out of the womb I sanctified thee; and I ordained thee a prophet unto the nations.
Then said I, Ah, Lord Jahveh, behold I cannot speak, for I am a child.
And Jahveh said unto me, Say not, I am a child; for thou shalt go to all that I shall send thee, and whatsoever I command thee thou shalt speak.
Do not be afraid of their faces ; for I am with thee to deliver thee, saith Jahveh.
Then Jahveh put forth his hand, and touched my mouth, and Jahveh said unto me, Behold, I have put my words into thy mouth.
See, I have this day set thee over the nations and over the kingdoms, to root out and to pull down, and to destroy, and to throw down, to build, and to plant.2
The romancer imagines that the country has reached the last stage of perversity. Idolatry reigns at Jerusalem ; Jahveh is forsaken and betrayed; Jerusalem, the spouse of Jahveh, stains herself with all the Baals; like a prostitute, she has rejected her faith. Jeremiah then rises, with threats on his lips. Many times before Israel has turned away from its national god. Now the chastisement is at the gate. Like Hosea and Amos, Jeremiah exhorts his fellow-citizens in a series of great lyric discourses. The anger of Jahveh is about to break out; if Israel return not to Jahveh, Israel will be destroyed.
Jeremiah is not heard; Israel perseveres in its idolatry ; the voice of Jeremiah grows harsher.
1 Jeremiah i. 1-3.
2 Jeremiah i. 1-10. JEREMIAH
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And at that time, saith Jahveh, they shall bring out the bones of the kings of Judah, and the bones of his princes, and the bones of the priests, and the bones of the prophets, and the bones of the inhabitants of Jerusalem, out of their graves;
And they shall spread them before the sun, and the moon, and all the host of heaven, whom they have loved, and whom they have served, and after whom they have walked, and whom they have sought, and whom they have worshipped; they shall not be gathered, nor be buried; they shall be for dung upon the face of the earth.
And death shall be chosen rather than life by all the residue of them that remain of this evil family, which remain in all the places whither I have driven them, saith Jahveh of the Hosts.1
The threats increase.
I will appoint over ye four families, saith Jahveh, the sword to slay, and the dogs to drag, and the fowls of the heaven to tear, and the vermin of the earth to devour.2
Meantime, the symbolic apologues appear. Israel is a linen girdle that Jeremiah is about to bury on the banks of the Euphrates, and to find rotten, because Jahveh has rejected it. Then there are the vessels full of wine, which ^Jahveh dashes the one against the other : the clay vessel which Jeremiah is going to break, in the midst of the elders of the people and the elders of the priests, in the
valley of Ben-Ennom.......Thus, saith Jahveh, will I break
this people and this city...Gradually Jeremiah becomes
a living person, the circumstances are detailed, the surroundings are sketched, the romance unfolds.
Phassur, priest and overseer of the temple, hears Jeremiah predict the destruction of Israel; he takes him to prison. On the morrow Jeremiah says to him:—
“ Jahveh hath not called thy name Phassur, but Magor- missabib [or Fear-on-all-sides].”
He renews his sinister predictions, adding that Phassur himself and all his people will be taken captive.
In Phassur and Jeremiah, the priest and the prophet,
1 Jeremiah viii. 1-3.
2 Jeremiah xv. 3. 136
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the two parties face each other. And presently the author of the book will reproach the rulers with not doing justice, with oppressing the weak, with living in luxury. Woe, he says, to those who do injustice! Woe also to those who build themselves vast houses, with spacious chambers, high windows, and cedar and vermilion ceilings.1
The romance continues. King Zedekiah sends two priests to Jeremiah :—
“ Inquire of Jahveh for us; for Nabuchodonosor king of Babylon maketh war against us.”
And Jeremiah says to them :—
“ Thus shall ye say to Zedekiah: Thus saith Jahveh, god of Israel: I will smite the inhabitants of this city with the pestilence, the sword, and the famine: I will deliver Zedekiah.”2
The formidable Nabuchodonosor draws near. Can the humble kingdom of Judah resist him ? But the writer does not see in him the enemy who is about to destroy his city and his country; he recognises and salutes the minister of the judgments of Jahveh.
Behold, saith Jahveh, I send against them Nabuchodo- nosor, king of Babylon, my servant...and will utterly
destroy them, and make them a desolation, and an hissing, and perpetual solitudes.
I will take from them the voice of mirth, and the voice of gladness, the voice of the bridegroom, and the voice of the bride, the sound of the millstones, and the light of the camp.
And this whole land shall be a solitude and a desolation, and this nation shall serve the king of Babylon seventy years.3
At the end of seventy years Jahveh will turn against Babylon, and will chastise it for its pride in thinking that its strength came from itself, and not from the anger of Jahveh. The anger of Jahveh is not a metaphorical expression. Listen to this manifestation of the god who
1 Jeremiah xxii. 14.
2 Jeremiah xxi. 3-7.
8 Jeremiah xxv. 9-11. JEREMIAH
137
was afterwards to become the Unconditioned of the philosophers:—
Jahveh roars from on high : he roars, he roars upon his habitation: he gives a shout, as they that tread the grapes, against the earth.
The cry of terror of the shepherds and the affrighted howling of the flocks are heard, because Jahveh doth spoil their pasture...
He forsaketh his covert, like a young lion; and the land becomes a desolation.1
And what about those whom the god has struck ?
And the slain of Jahveh shall be from one end of the oarth even unto the other; they shall not be lamented, neither gathered, nor buried: they shall be dung upon the ground.2
Meantime the romancer tells how Jeremiah is about to take his stand in the court of the temple, and continues to predict the ruin of the country; and the priests seize him, saying
“Thou shalt die! Why dost thou prophesy against the city ? ”
The people intervene :—
“ This man is not worthy to die; for he hath spoken to us in the name of Jahveh, our god.”
Jeremiah recommences as soon as he is free. He warns the neighbouring countries, Edom, Moab, Ammon, Tyre, and Sidon, that they will be destroyed if they do not submit to Nabuchodonosor. In order to express it, he sends yokes and bonds to the kings of the five peoples.
And Jeremiah himself, the writer continues, came before the people with a wooden yoke on his shoulders. But there are those who contradict him. Hananiah, another prophet, says :—
“ Thus speaketh Jahveh, god of Israel, I break the yoke of the king of Babylon.”
1 Jeremiah xxv. 30-31 and 36-38.
2 Jeremiah xxv. 33. 138
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take Tyre); some slight allusion may be made to some great event (such as the disgrace of an unpopular minister). But the misfortunes of this troubled period will be the atmosphere in which the characters of the monodramas play their part.
In every chapter of the prophetic books will be found the sentiment of foreign invasion, the pillage of the country by armies, the profanation of the holy city, and deportation. Parochial quarrels between Jerusalem and Samaria, ending in virtual or open, but always fierce, warfare, will fill the old prophets. The terror of Edomite invasions will hover above them, and maledictions will be showered on Egypt and on Syria. They will return incessantly to the question of “foreign alliances.” Must they take the part of Syria against Egypt, of Egypt against Syria, or remain simply the men of Jahveh? And they will never forget their brothers in Egypt and Syria, their exiled brothers, the unhappy victims of deportation or emigration, of whose return they never cease to dream.
Thus the historical world in which the authors of the prophetic books lived breaks through the fiction in which they enfold themselves. Their object is quite plain to us; in the name of the old Jewish traditionalism they hurl threats against Jerusalem for its infidelity to Jahveh—in other words, to its national traditions. Whatever modifi- cations or interpolations were made in the prophetic books down to the time when they became sacred and canonical, the critic cannot fail to penetrate their spirit, if he be free from theological prepossessions.
The first, the author of the prophecies of Hosea, hurls his anathema; and, from the first lines of his fierce diatribe, the fiction of the poet clothes with the most highly-coloured allegories the maledictions with which the old traditionalism would terrify its compatriots.
When Jahveh began to speak by Hosea, Jahveh said to Hosea: Go, take unto thee a wife of whoredoms and HOSEA AND AMOS
127
children of whoredoms; for Israel hath committed great whoredom, departing from Jahveh.
So he went and took Gomer the daughter of Diblaim: which conceived, and bare him a son.
And Jahveh said unto Hosea, Call his name Jezreel;
for yet a little while and I....will break the bow of
Israel in the valley of Jezreel.
And Gomer conceived again, and bare a daughter. And Jahveh said unto Hosea, Call her name Lo-ruhamah [that is to say, Not-loved], for I will no more love the house of Israel.
And Gomer weaned her daughter; and she conceived and bare a son.
And Jahveh said unto Hosea, Call his name Lo-ammi [that is to say, Not-my-people]; for ye are not my people, and I will not be your god.1
The most terrible threats are then unfolded. In the books of the Bible, however, the threat is always succeeded by a promise. Israel the sinner will be punished ; Israel faithful will receive an infinite reward.
And the number of the children of Israel shall be as the sand of the sea, which cannot be measured or numbered: and it shall come to pass, that in the place where it was said unto them, Ye are not my people, there it shall be said unto them, Ye are the sons of the living God!
Then shall the children of Judah and the children of Israel be gathered together, and appoint themselves one head, and they shall come up out of the land; for great shall be the day of Jezreel.
And ye shall say unto your brethren, Ammi [My-people], and to your sisters Ruhamah [Beloved] .a
And then the exhortation;—
Raise yourselves, raise yourselves against your mother ; for she is not my wife, neither am I her husband! Let her therefore put away her whoredoms out of her sight, and her adulteries from between her breasts:
Lest I strip her naked, and set her as in the day that she was born, and set her like a dry land..
For she did not know that I gave her corn, and wine,
1 Hosea i. 2-9.
2 Hosea i. 10-11, ii. 1. 128
THE BIRTH OF PROPHETISM
and oil, and multiplied her silver and gold, which they prepared for Baal.
Therefore will I return, and take away my corn in the time thereof, and my wine in the season thereof, and will recover my wool and my flax given to cover her nakedness.....
I will cause all her mirth to cease, her feast days, her new moons, and her sabbaths, and all her solemn feasts.
And I will destroy her vines and her fig trees....and I
will make them a forest, and the beasts of the field shall eat them.
And I shall punish her because of the incense which she burned to the Baals, because of the earrings and jewels, and because she hath forgotten me, saith Jahveh.
Therefore, behold, I will allure her, and bring her into the wilderness, and speak to her heart.
And I will give her vineyards, and the valley of Achor for a door of hope; and she shall sing there, as in the days of her youth, and as in the day when she came up out of the land of Egypt.
And it shall be at that day, saith Jahveh, that thou shalt call me, My husband; and I shall take from her mouth the names of the Baals.......
And I will betroth thee unto me for ever.....1
The prophets know nothing but threats and promises. But it is to the higher clergy of Jerusalem that the threats are addressed.
Hear ye this, O priests: and hearken, ye house of Israel; and give ye ear, 0 house of the king: for judg- ment is toward you.2
Hostility to the priests who rule Jerusalem breaks out in the famous and little-understood passage of the prophecies of Hosea:—
I desire love ; that is to say, love of the god—that is to say, patriotism ; I desire patriotism, and not sacrifices. I desire respect for the god; that is to say, respect for the national institutions, respect for the traditions; I desire respect for the traditions rather than burnt offerings.3
The invectives grow, in strength and number, against
1 Hosea ii. 2-19.
2 Hosea v. 1.
3 Hosea vi. 6. HOSEA AND AMOS
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the aristocracy of Jerusalem. Nothing of the kind had as yet appeared in Jewish literature, neither in the Mosaic books, nor in Judges, nor in Kings. A new soul has arisen among the people. Henceforward, through the whole of Jewish history, we shall follow this antagonism between the popular party and the aristocracy. Its appearance begins with the prophetic books; we are in the period when Hellenism enters Jerusalem.
Amos, the successor of Hosea, enumerates in his turn the crimes for which Jewish traditionalism demands justice of Jahveh.
Woe to them that are at ease in Zion, and trust in the mountain of Samaria.....
That lie upon beds of ivory, and stretch themselves upon their couches, and eat the lambs out of the flock, and the calves out of the midst of the stall.
That chant to the sound of the viol..
That drink wine in bowls, and anoint themselves with the chief ointments, and are not grieved for the affliction of Israel.
Therefore now shall they go captive with the first that go captive, and their cries of joy shall cease.1
The author of the prophecies of Amos is not less furious than the author of the prophecies of Hosea against the powerful and wealthy—that is to say, against the priests who govern Jerusalem:—
I hate, I despise your feast days, saith Jahveh, and I will not smell your perfumes in your solemn assemblies.
Though ye offer me burnt offerings, I will not accept them; neither will I regard the peace offerings of your fat beasts.
Take thou away from me the noise of thy songs, and let me hear no more the melody of thy viols.2
Men had arisen among the people of Jerusalem who understood the new danger, the great danger that threatened the country. The sombre nationalism of Esdras and his successors had concentrated all the strength of the little State round the name of Jahveh,
1 Amos vi. 1 and 4-7. 2 Amos v. 21-23.
K 130
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the national god; it had made foreign idolatry the supreme danger. Now Hellenism was a new danger, as the leaders were forgetting the old Judaic traditions, and were turning to Hellenic novelties.
The pleasantness of the new ways, the easy life and festivities, the beautifully decked women and spacious houses, the wealth that affords luxury, and the luxury that makes the soul soft—all this is called, in the fierce language of the prophets, apostasy, fornication, adultery, treason, the forsaking of Jahveh, the worship of strange gods, the installation of the abominations of anti-national cults at Jerusalem, the revival of ancient idols, the stealing of the heart of Israel from Jahveh by Baal, Astarte, Camos, and Milkom.
In resuming the war upon Baal, Astarte, Camos, and Milkom the prophets will, in the ancient fashion of Jewish literature, give their contemporaries a glowing lesson for the present in the guise of an ancient history.
What had the Jews of the end of the fourth century to fear from Baal, Astarte, Camos, and Milkom ? Baal and Astarte now mean the Hellenic seduction. Apostasy and treachery are forgetfulness of the ancient Deutero- nomic discipline. Prostitution is the abandonment of the old national traditions. Twenty-two centuries before our time we find the men who are indulgent towards foreign ideas and ways declared by their enemies to be “ traitors ” and “ men of no country.” It is an exaggera- tion, assuredly; but this corrupt aristocracy brought Judaism into danger of death. The threats, the fury— nowhere else can one find invective comparable to that we shall presently meet in Jeremiah—the storms of the Jewish democrats are intelligible, if we suppose that they are denouncing the terrible danger of an aristocracy that is forgetting its traditions, losing its discipline, and denationalising itself. In face of this invading Hellenism the Jewish soul found itself at the most formidable turn in its history, and brought forth its decisive work. Chapter II.
JEEEMIAH
The history of Jewish literature is, as we said, the history of Judaism itself. Having once formulated itself in the Mosaic books, the vast movement of ideas, which Judaism was, became fixed in the works of certain anonymous writers—writers of genius—the authors of the prophecies which hear the names of Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Isaiah. To analyse these works, to understand their object, to penetrate their spirit, and to appreciate their effect, is to write the history of Judaism from the end of the fourth, and during the third, century before the present era.
In order to combat the Hellenic idolatry and ways, the authors of the prophecies of Hosea and Amos had con- ceived the characters of the prophets Hosea and Amos as men who had lived in the remote period of the ancient kingdoms of Ephraim and Judah, two hundred years before Nabuchodonosor; and they had composed, and put into circulation, certain great lyrical discourses which the prophets were supposed to have pronounced, and which were understood to have been preserved by some extraordinary miracle. Apart, however, from the indica- tion of the kings under whom the alleged prophets were supposed to have lived, and a few other very general indications, they had not made known any of the circum- stances in which these discourses were said to have been pronounced. The historical framework remained vague ; clear enough in ideas, the discourses of the prophets floated between heaven and earth, as far as the facts were concerned. Were the authors of the prophecies of Hosea and Amos ignorant of the details of the events that had taken place in the ancient kingdoms of Ephraim and
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to speak in the name of Jahveh and warn Israel, reproach it with its faults, and foretell its punishment. Instead, however, of telling the fact in a few dry lines, as the writers of the books of Kings had done, when they described the prophet Nathan accosting King David, the new writer conceived the extraordinary idea of inventing a series of long discourses and saying to his contem- poraries :—
The word of Jahveh that came unto Hosea, the son of Beeri, in the days of Uzziah, Jotham, Achaz, and Hezekiah, kings of Judah, and in the days of Jeroboam, king of Israel.1
The speeches of Hosea are admonitions, threats, and promises. But the dry admonitions of the earlier Biblical books are now changed into impassioned odes, in which the oriental imagination displays itself in a thousand picturesque and lyrical inventions. The cold moralists of earlier times become great inspired figures who, in the name of the national god, speak the language that befits his terrible anger, or his terrible love. The earlier Biblical writers had drawn from the events of their national history, and from their ancient legends, some teaching for the use of their contemporaries ; in order to express this teaching better they had mingled with the events and the legends, as spokesmen, certain men of god, uttering a few words dictated to them by Jahveh and then withdrawing into obscurity. Of these vague silhouettes of men of god the present generation now made the tribunes, the orators, and the national poets who were about to become the prophets.
It was the great creation of Jewish literature. In this way the men of the popular party took from the very hands of the aristocratic writers the weapon they had fashioned, the literary artifice they had suggested; but they magnified it at once.
1 Hosea i. 1. THE MEN OF GOD
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The invention succeeded, as a matter of fact. Imme- diately after Hosea, another writer invented Amos.
Amos is conceived to be a shepherd, a contemporary of Hosea: “ an herdsman, son of an herdsman, and a gatherer of wild figs; and Jahveh took him as he followed the flock, and said unto him, Go, prophesy unto my people Israel.”1
Once more we read: “ The words of Amos, who was among the herdmen of Tekoa, and the visions which he saw concerning Israel, in the days of Uzziah, king of Judah, and in the days of Jeroboam, king of Israel.” 2
The prophetic books are not problem-books. They do not relate recent or contemporary events in the form of ancient happenings. The authors of the prophecies, like all the writers of the Bible, wish to give a lesson to their contemporaries; and, like all the writers of the Bible, they refuse to preach in the abstract. Bound the lesson that they wish to give they create an impassioned scene with the memories or the legends of their national past.
But if the writers place themselves in the time of an Amos and an Hosea, if the facts in which they frame their discourses are ancient facts, the ideas they express are modern ideas. Their preoccupation is obvious ; and, in spite of the lie about their false antiquity, they are so candid and sincere that, in the language which they put into the mouths of the idealised ancient men of god of Ephraim and Judah, we hear the echo of the great events of the Macedonian period.
Lastly, we must not forget that the prophetic books are pseudonymous; that is to say that, though composed in the fourth and third centuries, they pretend to be the works of writers of the eighth, seventh, and sixth cen- turies.
There is no room to doubt that the author of the discourses of Hosea professed, about the year 332, to
1 Amos vii. 14-15.
2 Amos i. 1. 122
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publish the authentic discourses which Hosea had pro- nounced in the eighth century. The claim that these lost and forgotten discourses were suddenly recovered would hardly astonish an age that was incapable of criticism, when there were at times only one or two copies of a book in existence.
The Jewish writers always proceeded in this way. The Bible is a collection of books which were not written by the authors to whom they are ascribed. A new work needed the authority of an older work; the work of a contemporary had to borrow the authority of some venerable name. The Mosaic moshlim had acted in this way, and the psalmists and writers of apocalypses would do the same. Was it not necessary to legitimise and sanctify the lesson to be given to the people ?
The prophets are, as we said, fictitious characters invented by the Jewish writers to figure in the history of their country. The prophetic books are literary com- positions which their authors put forward as the works of these characters. They are imaginative works published as works that have reality; books of sermons which are presented as genuine.
At Athens, among peoples educated in the school of the Hellenic intelligence, the creation of the beautiful is a sufficient aim for the historian, the poet, and the philosopher. The man of Jerusalem, on the contrary, writes and speaks only with a strictly utilitarian object. Glory, the supreme reward at Athens, is not found at Jerusalem. The books of the Bible are anonymous, or, rather, pseudonymous. In order to give greater authority to their words, the authors of the prophecies sacrifice their personality. They sign their works with some ancient name, and say:—
Thus spake Hosea.......Thus spake Amos........Thus
spake Jeremiah.... HOSEA AND AMOS
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§ 3. Hosea and Amos.
After Alexander, as in the days of the Persian emperors, the government of Jerusalem remained in the hands of the leaders of the old clerical aristocracy. But the heads of the old aristocracy which rules Judaea under the Macedonian suzerainty are intoxicated with the charm and joy of Hellenic ways; these grandchildren of the sombre companions of Esdras, rich, obeyed, and feared by the people, have become prosperous and luxurious pachas. Hellenism, which triumphs with the Macedonian armies, triumphs also in the hearts of the Jewish aristocrats, and overthrows traditions no less than territories. At this time Onias I. is high-priest at Jerusalem ; in other words, he is viceroy of Judasa. As powerless to resist the moral invasion of Hellenism as the invasion of Egyptian or Syrian armies, he lets things have their way. The work of the prophets begins.
We have already described how certain men arose amid the Jerusalem democracy and the old nationalism unaffected by the Hellenic contagion, to bring back to a respect for tradition an aristocracy that was won by the foreign novelties; and how the work of the prophetic books—first Hosea and Amos, then Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Isaiah, and their disciples—was a nationalist and demo- cratic reaction against the hellenisation of the sacerdotal caste which ruled the State.
Alexander having entered Palestine in 332, one may admit, in a general way, that Hellenism had begun to penetrate Judaea about the year 350, and the year 332 probably indicates the period when the prophetic litera- ture may have begun at Jerusalem. We must assign to the last third of the fourth century, 332 to 300, and the early years of the third century, the prophetic books of Hosea and Amos, then of Jeremiah and his disciples. Ezekiel follows; and the Isaiahs are still later. 124
THE BIRTH OF PROPHETISM
The democratic nationalism, and especially the anti- hellenic, anti-aristocratic, and anti-sacerdotal spirit of the prophetic writers, localise them in the period of Alexander and his immediate successors. The historical atmosphere is none the less significant. Let us recall the chief political events of this half-century, beginning a few years before the coming of Alexander, say 350 to 300 ; we shall see that no date suits the older prophets better. To understand them, it is important to imagine oneself at the close or in the midst of the circumstances of which they speak.
The last years of the Persian monarchy had been occupied in an expedition of Artaxerxes Ochus against Egypt and Phoenicia. While Artaxerxes Ochus was besieging Sidon, the Jews had rebelled; but the rising had been suppressed, Jerusalem taken by the Persian army, and a number of Jews deported to Egypt and Hyrcania.
In 332 Alexander had taken Palestine, and placed there a Macedonian governor. Soon afterwards he had founded the city of Alexandria in Egypt, and some of the Jews, taken forcibly or driven by misery, would settle there later.
After the death of Alexander his generals had divided his empire; but their ambition had drawn them into endless wars. Palestine was for a quarter of a century the object of a struggle between the Macedonian king of Egypt and the Macedonian king of Syria.
Palestine had been given to the king of Syria. In 320 Ptolemy surprises and sacks Jerusalem, and a certain number of Jews are deported to Egypt.
Antigonus soon retakes Palestine. Ptolemy re-enters it in 312; he is again driven out. Jerusalem returns to Syria; but its walls have been rased.
Finally, in 301, Palestine is restored to Egypt. The city of Antioch is founded in Syria at this date, and is partly peopled with Jews. HOSEA AND AMOS
125
Incessant crossings of armies on the march, Judsea a battlefield, unending devastation, Jerusalem twice taken by assault and sacked, the Jews twice deported, the country in military occupation, a continuous emigration— that is the picture of Palestine between the year 350 and the year 301, as we find it in history.
In the heart of this stricken country the rivalry of Jerusalem and Samaria has increased. The latter takes the side of Egypt, the other of Syria; a little later, Jerusalem sides with Egypt, Samaria with Syria. Districts are taken from Samaria and given to Judsea; they are again taken from Judsea and restored to Samaria. When Jerusalem is in favour with the conqueror, it demands the punishment of Samaria; Samaria is not more generous when its protector has triumphed. Mean- time the ancient Philistine and Edomite populations are stirred, and armed bands spread on all sides, even as far as the walls of Jerusalem.
An intestine war between Jerusalem and Samaria and the hostility of surrounding peoples—that is the internal history of Palestine.
Lastly, beyond the Palestinian region, deportation and emigration have begun to fill Egypt, Syria, and Phoenicia with Jewish colonies. Alexandria, Antioch, Damas, and Tyre are about to experience the misery of the ghetto. Not all the exiles are miserable, though the majority are; and, all round Palestine, a vast field of exile, in which the children of Israel weep for their absent country, is about to be the horizon that will limit the gaze of the men of Jerusalem.
That is the character of the second half of the fourth century. This series of events will not be recalled, even by way of allusion, in the prophetical books, because their authors frame their discourses in an earlier period. Some striking fact may, from time to time, be indicated in the form of a prediction (for instance, the taking of Tyre by Alexander, he being the only man who could 126
THE BIRTH OF PROPHETISM
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And they went up into the city; and when they were come into the city, behold, Samuel came out against them, for to go up to the high place...
Then Saul drew near to Samuel in the gate of the city, and said: Tell me, I pray thee, where the seer’s house is.
And Samuel answered Saul, and said: I am the seer : go up before me unto the high place ; for ye shall eat with me to-day, and to-morrow morning I will let thee go, and will tell thee all that is in thine heart.
And as for thine asses that were lost three days ago, set not thy mind on them, for they are found.1
The aged wizard Samuel, who was able to find the lost asses for a fourth part of a shekel of silver, seems to have delivered his consultation with a somewhat simple appa- ratus on that day. It was not always so—with some of his colleagues, if not with Samuel. And the Bible does not fail to give us some information on the way in which, at the remote epoch of the legend, the predictions and conjurations took place.
The anecdote of Saul, the asses, and Samuel continues; and, after the meal, Samuel says to Saul, among other things, and in the midst of theologico-dogmatic discourses after the manner of doctors of the Esdras school:—
1 1 Samuel ix. 1-20. Certain features of this translation are taken from Lemaistre de Saci.
I 114
THE BIRTH OF PROPHETISM
When thou shalt have gone on forward from thence, thou shalt come to the oak of Thabor, and there shall meet thee three men going up to God to Bethel, one carrying three kids, and another carrying three loaves of bread, and another carrying a bottle of wine :
And they will salute thee, and give thee two loaves of bread ; which thou shalt receive of their hands.
After that thou shalt come to Guibea-of-God, where is the garrison of the Philistines; and it shall come to pass, when thou art come thither to the city, that thou shalt meet a company of prophets coming down from the high place with a psaltery, and a tabret, and a pipe, and a harp before them ; and they shall prophesy:
And the spirit of Jahveh will come upon thee; and thou shalt prophesy with them, and shalt be turned into another man.1
To prophesy means, in Hebrew, to utter cries and dance to the sound of instruments.
Consider David, later, bringing back to Jerusalem the ark of Jahveh:—
David, clothed with a linen tunic, danced before Jahveh with all his might.
So David and all the house of Israel brought up the ark of Jahveh with shouting, and with the sound of the trumpet.
And as the ark of Jahveh came into the city of David, Michol, Saul’s daughter (and David’s wife), looked through a window and saw King David leaping and dancing before the face of Jahveh ; and she despised him in her heart.
When David returned to bless his household, Michol the daughter of Saul came out to meet him, and said: How glorious was the king of Israel to-day, who un- covered himself in the eyes of the handmaids of his servants, and appeared half-naked like a buffoon.2
I do not regard the legends of David, Saul, and especially Samuel, as having historical value; but they imply certain ways. Israel could not be an exception amid the other peoples of the East. The historical probability that epileptic wizards, diviners, and healers, with the gestures and speech of madmen, filled Palestine, both at the time
1 1 Samuel x. 3-6.
2 2 Samuel vi. 14-20. THE MEN OF GOD
115
of the ancient kingdoms and at that of the [Restoration, is confirmed by the testimony of the Biblical hooks.
What name did these wizards hear in Palestine ? The Bible uses several words of which the meaning is the more vague because of the wilful confusion that its writers have made between the real wizard of history and the idealised seer of the legend. The three words most frequently used are:—
Ish haelohim, the man of god;
Hozeh, or roeh, the seer;
Nabi, the speaker, more particularly the prophet.
It is impossible, in the actual condition of science, to determine the chronological order of these three designa- tions. The third has been accepted by usage to designate the prophets in the highest sense of the word; the first, probably earlier than the other two, expresses rather the primitive idea of the healing diviner, an insane man—that is to say, a man inspired by a god; the second, and vaguer, term is less frequently used, and is hardly applicable to any but Samuel or Gad. Hence, while warning the reader that the choice is arbitrary, I beg to be allowed, for the purpose of explaining more clearly, to neglect the term “ seer ” (roeh or hozeh); to restrict the word “prophet” (nabi) to the idealised prophetic type; and to keep for the historical Israelitic wizard the name of “ man of god ” (ish haelohim).
For the moment we have to see how the man of god was made a prophet.
The men of god whom we find in the real history of ancient Israel, just as in Moab, Ammon, Edom, Syria, and in the whole of the East and among all primitive peoples, did not play any particular part in ancient Israel. They were, as everywhere else, tellers of good stories, bonesetters to whom every one had recourse when neces- sary, and who gave their advice in the form of chants, or rather howls, and of dances, or rather stamping and frenzied leaping. 116
THE BIRTH OE PROPHETISM
At the time of the Restoration we find them once more, eternal features of the East, always the same, miserable and powerful wizards, whose ravings are inspired by Jahveh; just as we shall see them again in the Jewish world of St. Paul, and as we find them in our own time under the name of howling and dancing dervishes. What part did they play in the restored Jerusalem of the fifth and the fourth centuries? No other than that which their ancestors had played in the ancient kingdoms; no other than that which their colleagues played in the surrounding peoples—that is to say, none.
They would have passed away, forgotten and of no account, had their names not served to shelter a literary artifice of the Jewish writers of the fourth century: had not the historical men of god suggested to the imagina- tion of the writers of the Bible the ideal and purely literary type of the prophets.
The priests of Jerusalem who had related, in the earliest books of the Bible, how Jahveh punished national infidelity and rewarded national fidelity, had imagined that Jahveh had, in the course of these vicissitudes, often given direct advice to his people. With the spirit of hostility to abstractions which caused all their teachings to pass through the living form of legends, they had thought it necessary that, from time to time, sacred personages should have, on the part of Jahveh, warned their ancestors, whose history they were relating, of the chastisements that awaited them and the promises that were held out to them; they had pretended that Jahveh himself had, all through this tragic and glorious history, raised up inspired men to speak in his name, and to repeat in his name, at every turn in Jewish history, from the settle- ment in Palestine until Nabuchodonosor:—
Thus saith Jahveh: Because ye have forsaken Jahveh, your god, and prostituted yourselves to the Baals and Astartes, I will strike the fathers and the children, the neighbour and his neighbour...Thus saith Jahveh: If THE MEN OF GOD
117
, ye return to Jahveh, your god, I will make your captives return to the land that I gave to their fathers, and I will break your chains, and I will take from your necks the yoke of your enemies......
These inspired men are, therefore, above all, admonishers invented by the Biblical writers in order to make more precise the teaching that they wish to give to their readers. Not only the warnings, but the warners themselves, might be omitted from the historical books without the narrative suffering in the least. The books of Samuel and Kings are surcharged with these episodic personages; in every page we find them playing the part of the moralists with which Alexander Dumas filled his compositions, a sort of Desgenais speaking in the name of public morality—that is to say, to keep to the sentiment of the Bible, in the name of Jahveh.
The Jewish spirit always disliked abstract instruction. Instead of a simple statement that King David committed a sin in taking the wife of his servant Uriah, and that this sin deserved punishment, we read :—
The thing that David had done displeased Jahveh.
And Jahveh sent Nathan unto David. And he came unto him, and said unto him :
....Wherefore hast thou despised the commandment
of Jahveh, to do evil in his sight ?
Behold, I will raise up evil against thee out of thine own house.1
It is an invention. Who were these admonishers who were supposed to have the task of announcing the orders of Jahveh to the people of Israel ? The Jerusalem writers might have assigned the part to priests of the earlier times; and some of them did so. But, as a rule, they preferred to assign the part to special personages; and, looking round them, they selected the men of god.
They supposed that in former times there were among these demented wizards, these dreaded and venerated
1 2 Samuel xi. 27 ; xii. 1, 9, and 11. 118
THE BIRTH OF PROPHETISM
diviners, who were seen wandering near the towns and whose ravings seemed to have a divine origin, some who were especially inspired by Jahveh, and charged with the mission of speaking to Israel in his name. The character was thus created. It answered perfectly the needs of the writers, and the fiction was gradually elaborated; under the name of prophets, the men of god came and went on behalf of Jahveh throughout Jewish history, drawing from events the lesson that it suited the priest- writers to give to their people.
The men of god were thus raised to the rank of prophets. But it must be quite understood that in the time of the ancient Hebrew kingdoms there had never been, and there was not in the fifth and fourth centuries, any man of god who professed to give warnings to the Jewish people at the command of Jahveh. In accordance with the conventional definitions which I proposed for the words “ man of god ” and “ prophet,” we must say that, in the Judaea of the fifth and fourth centuries, as in all ancient kingdoms and in the Palestine of the third and second centuries, there were, at all times and in all places, humble men of god, but that, in point of fact, there were no prophets.
Later, during the first century of the present era, when the ancient books of Judaism had become sacred books, when everybody in Judaea believed in the historical reality of the Samuels, Elijahs, Jeremiahs, and Isaiahs, it is true that some of these poor healers and fortune-tellers, who always abounded in Palestine, tried to set up as new Elijahs and Jeremiahs; this is the only period in which there were, historically, prophets in Palestine—pale imitators of fictitious heroes, such as John the Baptist, Jesus of Nazareth, or Theudas.
We may therefore define the prophets as:—
Fictitious characters, invented by the Jewish writers of the fourth and succeeding centuries, on an idealised model of the men of god (that is to say, the wizards, soothsayers, THE MEN OE GOD
119
and healers) who were found throughout the east, and interpolated by them in their national history to play the part of admonishers enjoined by Jahveh to give a lesson to his people.
To explain the presence of the prophets in the books of the Bible, it is by no means necessary to suppose that there had been prophets in the days of the ancient kingdoms, or were in the fifth and fourth centuries; it was enough that there had been, and were, men of god. For the Middle Ages to create the epic character of Merlin the Enchanter, it was not necessary that a Merlin the Enchanter should have existed in the Middle Ages; it was enough that there were wizards, and that some writer sought to idealise them. The prophets of Israel are the Merlins of Judaism.1
The fiction remained poor, however, in the earlier books of the Bible. The characters of Samuel, Elijah, and Elisha had not yet been created, or at least not yet developed; the prophet-admonishers brought on to the scene by the earlier writers were feeble expressions of a mediocre literary device. Lifeless and uninteresting phantoms, they would have been lost in oblivion if, some day about the year 332 and the conquest of Jerusalem by Alexander, the fiction had not been suddenly raised from its lowly level and developed, and received at once an unexampled range.
About the year 332, in fact, when it was necessary to raise a cry of alarm on account of the new peril that threatened Judaism, to discover a more impressive formula, to arrest with inspired language the men who were leading the country of the Jews to destruction, some writer at Jerusalem imagined that, in the remote period of kings Uzziah, Jotham, Achaz, and Jeroboam, there was a man of god, a soothsayer—that is to say, a prophet —of the name of Hosea, and that this Hosea had begun
1 See Appendix VI. 120
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