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« on: June 15, 2019, 09:33:14 PM »
teaches the spirit, and also provides it with a charm to unlock the gates that lead to the fields of Ra, the sun-god. Finally, if the heart prove not too light, and the soul pure, the members of the body, renewed and purified, are re- turned to the spirit, and the waters of life are poured upon it by the goddesses of life and the sky. It finally enters the realm of the sun, and vanishes in a highly vague iden- tification with Osiris, or with the deific powers generally. The idea of metempsychosis also confusedly mingles with this, and animal-worship seems at the basis of the Egyptian mythology. The thought of Egypt never fairly rises above the body. There is no entrance into that pure atmosphere of soul-existence in which the Hindu philosophers are at home.
The philosophical system of China is a curious one, which, however, we can but very briefly describe. It had a continuous development, its antique basis being in the mystical symbols of Fu-hi, — a monarch of some such dubious date as 2800 n. c. These symbols consisted simply of a whole and a divided line, constituting the diagram
(----,------). These lines were variously combined, so
as to make in all sixty-four combinations. On this strange arrangement of lines, which very probably was connected with some ancient s}’stem of divination, an abundance of thought has been exercised, and the whole S3Tstem of Chinese philosopli}7 gradually erected. The first great name in this development is that of Wan "Wang, of about 1150 b. c. Being imprisoned for some political offence, this antique philosopher occupied himself in studying out the meaning of these combinations. The result of his reflections was the Y-King, — among the most ancient and certainly the most obscure and incomprehensible of all 232
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known books. The Y-King comprises four parts. First are the sixty-four diagrams, each with some name attached to it; as heaven, earth, fire, etc. Second, are a series of obscure sentences attached by Wan Waug to these dia- grams. Third, we have other ambiguous texts by Tcheou- king, the son of Wan Wang, the Chinese Solomon. Fourth, are a host of commentaries, many centuries later. The whole forms an intricate system of philosophy, which is based on the idea of the duality of all things. The whole lines represent the strong, the divided lines the weak, or the active as contrasted with the passive. These indi- cate two great primal principles,— Ycing, the active, Yin, the passive, — which owe their origin to the Tai-lceih, the first great cause. All existence comes from the Yang and the Yin: heaven, light, sun, male, etc., from the Yang; earth, darkness, moon, female, etc., from the Yin. This development of the idea is mainly the work of the later commentators. Tai-keih, or the grand extreme, is the immaterial producer of all existence. Yang and Yin are the dual expression of this principle, — Yang the agency of expansion, Yin that of contraction. When the expansive activity reaches its limit, contraction and passivity set in. Man results from the utmost development of this pulsating activity and passivity. His nature is perfectly good ; but if he is not influenced by it, but by the outer world, his deeds will be evil. The holy man is he with full insight of this twofold operation of the ultimate principle, and of these holy men Confucius was the last. Such is the developed philosophy of the Y-King as expressed by Choo-tsze (1200 a. d.), — one of the latest of the many commentators who have sought to unfold the Fu-hi symbols into a philosophy of the universe. THE AGE OF PHILOSOPHY.
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Of the best-known Chinese philosophers, Confucius and Lao-tsze, the system of the former was simply a creed of morals ; that of the latter was but an unfoldment of the dual idea. To Lao-tsze the primal principle was a great something named the Tao, concerning which his ideas seem exceedingly obscure. Tao was the unnamable, the empty, but inexhaustible, the invisible, comprising at once being and not-being, the origin of all things. All things are born of being. Being is born of not-being. All things originate from Tao. To Tao all things return. We have here a vague conception of the emanation philosophy. The creed of the faith is based on the virtue of passivity. Not to act, is the source of all power. The passive con- quers. Passivity identifies one with Tao, and yields the strength of Tao to the believer. A certain flavor of Buddhism pervades this theory, and it may have had its origin in a previous knowledge of the Buddhistic creed by the philosopher; but it is very far below Buddhism in distinctness of statement and clearness of thought. Yet it is remarkable as the highest philosophical product of the Chinese mind.
If now we come to consider the ancient Aryan philos- ophies, it is to find ourselves in a new world of thought, a realm of the intellect that seems removed by a wide gulf from that occupied by the contemporary peoples of alien race. These philosophies are the work of two branches of the Aryans, the Hindu and the Greek, some brief account of whose systems of thought may be here given.
Of the peoples of the past only four can be said to have risen, in their highest thought, clearly above the level of mythology. These were the Chinese and the Hebrews, the Hindus and the Greeks ; to whom may be added the pupils 234
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of the last, the Romans. But of these the first two named cannot be fairly said to have ever had a mythology. And of them the Hebrews originated no philosoph}7, while out of the countless millions of the Chinese race, with their constant literary cultivation, only one or two phi- losophers arose ; and their systems of thought, perhaps devised under Buddhistic inspiration, have been allowed to decline into blank idolatry or unphilosophical scepticism. Far different was the case in India. There we find a con- nected and definite system of philosophy growing up, the outcome of the thought of a long series of Bralnnanic priests, grounded in the childlike figments of mythology, but developing into a manly vigor of reasoning that has never been surpassed in the circle of metaphysical thought. It was a remarkable people with whom we are now con- cerned, — a people that dwelt only in the world of thought, and held the affairs of real life as naught. This world was to them but a temporal^ resting-place between two eternities, a region of probation for the purification of the soul. With the concerns of the eternities their minds were steadily occupied, and time was thrust aside from their thoughts as a base prison into which their souls had been plunged to purge them of their sins.
Their effort to solve the mystery of existence called forth an intricate and clearly thought-out conception of the or- ganization of the universe, in which reason and imagina- tion were intimately combined, — the latter, however, often so unchecked and extravagant as to reach heights of un- told absurdity. The final outcome of this activity of thought was a philosophical system strikingly like that reached by the Egyptians, — a dogma of emanation and ab- sorption, with intermediate stages of transmigration. But THE AGE OF PHILOSOPHY.
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instead of the vapor-shrouded eternity of Egyptian thought, we here look into the past and the future of the universe through a lens of clear transparency.
We have now to deal with a thoroughly pantheistic doc- trine of the universe, — the abundant fountain of all sub- sequent pantheism. In the beginning Brahma alone ex- isted,— an all-pervading, self-existent essence, in which all things yet to be lay in the seed. This divine progeni- tor, the illimitable essence of deity, willed the universe into being from his own substance, created the waters by med- itation, and placed in them a fertile seed, which developed into a golden egg. From this egg Brahma, the impersonal essence, was born into personal being as Brahma, the cre- ator of all things. We need not here concern ourselves with the many extravagances of the ardent Hindu im- agination, that overlaid this conception and the subsequent work of creation with an endless array of fantastic adorn- ments, but may keep to the central core of the Brahmanic philosophy. It will suffice to say that from the imper- sonal, thus embodied as the personal Brahma, all things arose, —the heavens, the earth, and the nether realm, with all their countless inhabitants. All were emanations from the primal Deity, and all were destined to be eventually re-absorbed into this deity, so that existence should end, as it had begun, in Brahma alone. But with this descent from the infinite had come evil, or imperfection. Though a por- tion of the divine essence entered into all things, animate and inanimate, yet all things had become debased and im- pure. The one perfect being had unfolded into a limitless multitude of minor and imperfect beings. Such was the first phase of the mighty cycle of existence. The second phase was to be one of re-absorption, through which the 236
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multitude of separate beings would become lost in the one eternal being, and Brahma — who had never ceased to constitute the sole real existence — would regain his pri- mal homogeneous state.
But divinity had become debased in the forms of men and animals, angels and demons. How was it to be puri- fied, and rendered fit for absorption into the divine essence? In this purification lay the terrestrial part of the Hindu pantheism. To prepare for re-absorption into Brahma was the one duty of man. Attention to the minor duties of life detracted from this. Evil deeds still further debased the soul. The great mass of mankind died unpurified. But the divine essence in them could not perish. And in most cases it had become unfit to inhabit so high a form as the human body. Therefore it entered, after the death of men, into the bodies of various animals, into inanimate things, and even into the demonic creatures of the Hindu hell, in accordance with its degree of debasement. It must pass, for a longer or shorter period, through these lower forms ere it could be fitted to reside again in the human frame. And after having by purification passed beyond the human stage, it still had a series of transmigrations to fulfil, in the bodies of angels and deities, before it could attain the finality of absorption. To this ultimate, all Nature, from its highest to its lowest, was endlessly climbing. Every- thing was kindled by a spark of the divine essence, and all existence consisted of souls, in different stages of embodi- ment, striving upward from the lowest hell to the loftiest stage of divinity.
For these many manifestations of the one eternal soul there was but one road to purification. This lay through subjection of the senses, purity of life, and knowledge of THE AGE OF PHILOSOPHY.
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the deity. Asceticism, mortification of the animal in- stincts, naturally arose as a resultant of this doctrine. The virtues of temperance, self-control, and self-restraint were the highest of human attainments. To reduce the flesh and exalt the soul was the constant effort of the ascetic, and to wean the mind from all care for the things of this life was the true path toward purification. Finally, knowledge of the deity could come only through a deep study of the Institutes of religion, rigid observance of its requirements, and endless meditation on the nature and the perfections of the ultimate essence,—the eternal deity. By thus giving the soul a steadily increasing supremacy over the matter that clogged and shadowed its pure impulses, in the end it would become utterly freed from material embodiment, and fitted to enter its final state of vanishment into the supreme. Just what this final state signified, whether the soul was or was not to lose all sense of individuality, is a question wdiose answer is not very clearly defined; and it is probable that the Hindu thinkers, bold as they were, shrank before this utterly in- soluble problem, and left the final abyss uninvaded by their daring speculations.
It is a grand system of thought which we have here very imperfectly detailed, an extraordinary one to have been devised at so early a period, and by a people just emerging from barbarism into civilization. No higher testimony to the superiority of the Aryan intellect could be offered than to bring this clearly outlined cosmical philosophy into com- parison with the confused, imperfect, and vapory concep- tions of the Egyptian and the Chinese mind. It must be said, however, that it offers a conception of man’s obliga- tions as a citizen of the universe that has proved fatal to 238
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the national progress of the Hindu people. From the Brahman to the outcast, they have remained politically and socially dormant, their duties to the world to come dwarf- ing their duties to the world that is, and the realm of thought overlaying in their lives the realm of action. No heroes have risen to lead the Hindu people on the path to nationality or empire, for thinkers and workers alike have heen lost in the shadow of a dream. The very thought of history-writing or history-making has not arisen among them ; and they have yielded with scarce a struggle to a long array of foreign conquerors, heedless of who ruled their bodies while their thoughts continued free.
The philosophy here described was, as we have said, the work of a long line of priestly thinkers, not of any great lawgiver of the race. In it we have the highest expres- sion of the endlessly active Hindu intellect. At a later date, however, the names of several special thinkers emerge, each devising some variation in the-details, yet none deviating from the basic principle of the system. The mystery of the origin of matter was left unaccounted for in the ancient Vedanta system ; and its actual existence was afterward denied, it being declared a mere illusion, arising from the imperfect knowledge of the soul. Kapila, the founder of the Sankhya school, attempted to overcome this difficulty by proclaiming the eternal existence of an unconscious material principle possessed of self-volition in regard to its own development. From it all matter had emanated, and into it all matter would be absorbed. By the side of this material principle existed a primal spiritual essence, manifold in its nature, and which from the begin- ning has entered into and animated matter. This spirit- ual unintelligence is endued with a subtile body consisting THE AGE OF PHILOSOPHY.
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of intelligence (buclclhi). The Sankhya cleity is a com- pound of these three elements, — spirit, substance, and intelligence.
This scheme was followed by that of Patanjali, who considered the spiritual principle to be possessed of self- volition, and to exist separate from the co-eternal principle of matter. But the most striking of these speculative sys- tems was that of Gautama, the founder of Buddhism, and the final great Hindu philosopher. This system was in the line of that of Kapila; but it carried the Hindu vein of thought to its utmost conceivable extension. It denied the existence of the soul as a substance. No spiritual es- sence pervaded the body. It held only certain intellectual attributes, which would perish with it. But the sum of each individual’s good and evil actions {Karma) would survive, to migrate through other bodies, until the evil became eliminated, and only the good remained. As to the culminating stage of this process, the Nirvana, whether it signified the final extinction of evil and the vanishment of good, an utter and eternal nonentity, or embraced the con- ception of a conscious existence of the absolutely purified principle of good, — is a question that has been endlessly debated, and yet remains unsolved. The system made provision for the natural disappearance of evil; but the principle of good remained, and would not down at the command of thought. Probably the founder of the Bud- dhistic sect was as deepty lost as the Brahmanic philos- ophers in the abyss of infinity into which his daring conception had plunged. It is a depth by which all ex- plorers have been bafiled, and which the plummet of thought lias ever failed to sound.
In regard to the manifold philosophies of Greece much 240
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less need here be said. They are far better known to readers in general, and are to a large extent philosophies of the earth rather than schemes of the universe. The imagination of the Greeks was as bold and active as that of the Hindus ; but it was far more under the control of the reasoning faculties, and is always subdued and artistic where that of the Hindus riots in the wildest extravagance. The Hindu philosophy directly emerged from the mytho- logy of the Vedas and the sacrificial observances of the priests, and the steps of its evolution can yet be traced. The Greek philosophy had no relation to mythology. The gods of Greece had become so laden with earthly clay that they had ceased to be fit subjects for any but the vulgar belief when philosophy first showed its front on the Ionic shores. Thus the philosophy of Greece was a completely new growth. Cutting loose from all preceding thought, the Grecian intellect endeavored to construct a universe of its own, on the platform of what it saw and what it felt.
The various systems devised need be but rapidly run over, as they are more matters of ordinary knowledge than is the Hindu philosophy. The Ionic philosophers, Thales and his successors, endeavored to arrive at a conception of all existence from a study of the properties of physical substances, and the Pythagoreans from a like study of the properties of number. Next came the Eleatics, with their system of abstraction. Through the denial of the actuality of visible existence they arrived at a conception of pure being,—the basis of all appearance. Heraclitus followed, with his system of the becoming, — the incessant flow between finity and infinity, being and not-being. To these succeeded the Atomistic philosophers, to whom THE AGE OF PHILOSOPHY.
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matter was the basis of being, and force the cause of movement. The philosophers here named were gradually advancing toward a theory of the universe; but it was a theory built up from the ground, rather than brought down from the infinite, as with the Hindus, — a scientific rather than an imaginative evolvement. As yet the idea of a deific principle had not appeared. This was devised by Anaxagoras, who placed a world-forming Intelligence by the side of matter. Yet the idea was only feebly grasped. This Intelligence existed but as a primary impulse, a mov- ing force to set the universe in motion. The philosophic mind of Greece had not yet advanced to the grand out- reach of Hindu thought.
This material phase of philosophizing was followed by the mental one of the Sophists and of Socrates. Cutting loose from the conception of matter as the basis of all things, they came to that of mind. The Sophists stood forth as the destroyers of the whole preceding edifice of thought, and Socrates as the originator of a new system of philosophy, in which the subjective replaced the objec- tive, and mind subordinated matter. TYith him virtue and duty became the great principles of existence, thought was higher than matter, and morality superior to philosophy. He gave birth to no cosmology, but he turned the atten- tion of man to a distinctively new field of speculation.
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« on: June 15, 2019, 09:32:14 PM »
It is interesting to find that in the earliest efforts of men to obtain a philosophical idea of the universe the thinkers were still ardent believers in mythology, and their efforts were limited to an attempt to divide the duties of celestial government among the several deities, and introduce order into the deific court. This stage of thought we find vaguely indicated in Egypt and Babylonia, and more definitely in Greece ; but it yielded no important results in any of these regions. The disorder was too great, and the mingling of the deific stories too intricate, to admit of any success in their rearrangement. In Egypt and Greece, indeed, thought soon passed beyond this stage ; the gods were left to the unquestioning worship of the people, and thinkers began to devise systems of philosoph}T outside the lines of the old mythology. The same was the case in India ; but nothing that can be called a philosophy of the universe arose among the Semites. Certain highly fanciful cosmological ideas were devised ; but the religious system remained largely in the henotheistic stage. Of the superior gods of the old mythology, each Semitic nation selected one as its supreme deity, or perhaps raised to this honor its own divine ancestor THE AGE OF PHILOSOPHY.
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after his ancestral significance had become greatly dimmed. These supreme deities became each the Lord, the King, the Ruler. The cloak of myth fell from their mighty limbs, and left them standing in severe and unapproachable majest}", —the sublime rulers of the universe, for whom it would have been sacrilege to invent a history, and to whom there was left nothing of human frail t}7, and little of human sympathy. Such was the course of Semitic thought. It devised no philosophy, yet it evolved, as its loftiest pro- duct, a strict monotheism, — a conception of the deity that grew the more sublime as it divested itself of imaginative details.
In two branches of the Aryan people the effort to organ' ize mythology and work over this old S3Tstem of belief into a consistent theory of the universe attained some measure of success. These were the Persians and the Teutons. The Persian system, indeed, which grew up among the followers of Zoroaster, dealt but little with the old mythol- ogy, but devised a new one of its own. Yet its philosophy was largely mythological, and it bears a resemblance to the Teutonic so marked as to make it seem as if some of their common ideas were of ancient Aiwan origin. These two philosophies of mytholog}7, the onl}7 complete ones that have ever been devised, are of sufficient interest to warrant a brief description.
The Persian sj^stem is only partly to be ascribed to Zoroaster. Its complete unfoldment is the work of the thinkers of a later period. Several of the steps of its development are yet visible. A comparison of the A vesta with the Vedas shows interesting indications of a religious schism between the Hindu and the Iranian sects. The Devas, the “ shining ones,’’ of the Hindus became the 222
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Daevas, the “ demons,” of Iran. On the contrary, the Hindu demons, the Asuras, became the Ahuras, the gods of the Iranians. One of the Ahuras, a Mazda, or world- maker, was chosen as the special deity of the Zoroastrian faith, which originally had a monotheistic character, — or rather it was in principle dualistic, since Ahura-Mazda com- prised two natures, and combined within one personality the double deific attributes of good and evil.
At a later period these attributes unfolded into two distinct beings, and a new supreme god was imagined,
— Zarvan Akarana (Boundless Time), the primal, creative power. The m}Tthologic philosophy, as finally completed, was briefly as follows. In the beginning the Absolute Being, Zarvan Akarana, produced two great divine beings,
— Aliura Mazda, and Angra Mainyas, or, as ordinarily named, Ormuzd and Ahriman. These were respectively the lords of light and darkness,—Ormuzd a bright, wise, all- bountiful spirit; Ahriman an evil and dark intelligence. From the beginning an antagonism existed between them, which was destined to continue until the end of time. Zar- van Akarana next created the visible world, destined to last twelve thousand years, and to be the seat of a terrible contest between the great deities of light and darkness.
Ormuzd manifested his power by creating the earth and the heavens, the stars and the planets, and the Fravashi, the host of bright spirits ; while Ahriman, his equal in cre- ative ability, produced a dark world, in opposition to the world of light, and peopled it with an equal host of evil spirits. This contest between the two great deities was to last until the end of time. Yet the Spirit of Gloom was inferior in wisdom to the Spirit of Light, and all his evil actions finally worked to aid the victory of Ormuzd. THE AGE OE PHILOSOPHY.
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Thus the bull, the original animal, was destroyed by Ahriman; but from its carcass man came into being under the creative command of Ormuzd. This new race in- creased, while the earth became peopled with animals and plants. Yet for every good creation of Ormuzd, Ahriman created something evil. The wolf was opposed to the dog, noxious to useful plants, etc. Man became tempted by Ahriman in the form of a serpent, and ate the fruit which the tempter brought him. In consequence, he fell from his original high estate, and became mortal and miserable. Yet the human race retained the power of free-will: they could choose between good and evil; and by their choice they could aid one or the other of the great combatants. Each man became a soldier in the war of the deities.
Between heaven and earth stretched a great bridge, Chinvat, over which the souls of the dead must pass. On this narrow path the spirits of the good were conducted by Serosh, the archangel who led the heavenly host. But the evil souls fell from it into the Gulf of Duzahk, to be tormented by the Daevas. Those whose evil deeds had not been extreme might be redeemed thence by prayer ; but the deepest sinners must lie in the gulf until the era of the resurrection. At the end of the great contest a terrible catastrophe is to come upon all created things. Man will be converted from his evil ways. Then will follow a general conflagration. The earth will melt with fervent heat, and pour down its molten floods into the realm of Ahriman. A general resurrection of the dead will attend this conflagration. In the older portions of the Avestas this seems to be restricted to the soul; but in the newer portions the resurrection of the body is indi- 224
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cated. The souls are clothed upon by new flesh and bones; friends recognize each other; the just are divided from the unjust; all beings must pass through the stream of fire which is pouring down from the molten earth. To the good it will feel like a bath of warm milk; but the wicked must burn in it three da}Ts and nights. Then, purged of their iniquity, they will be received into heaven. Afterward Ahriman and all his angels will be purified in the flames, all evil will be consumed, all darkness ban- ished, and a pure, beautiful, and eternal earth will arise from the fire, the abode of virtue and happiness for ever- more.
It is hardly necessary here to call attention to how great an extent the Semitic cosmogony and religious myths are counterparts of this Aryan scheme. It will suffice to say that the Semites seem to have borrowed everything in their creed that approached an effort philosophically to explain the universe. The later Semitic creed, that of Mohammed, is a medley of pre-existing thought. Even the Persian bridge of the dead appears in it as A1 Sirat, the razor-edged road from heaven to earth. The Koran is full of extravagant fancies, but devoid of original ideas. It is the outcome of the Arabic type of mind, in which fancy is exceedingly active, but in which the higher powers of the reason seem undeveloped.
In the Teutonic myths are displayed a system of the universe which bears certain striking points of resemblance to that of Persia, though utterly unlike it in its details. The general ideas of these myths, indeed, are common to all the Aryan mythologies, and must have been current in ancient Arya. Thus the Persian Cliinvat, or Knivad, the bridge of the dead, is paralleled by the Teutonic Pi- THE AGE OF PHILOSOPHY.
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frost and the Yedic “path of Yama,” the “cows’ path,” which passes over the abyss of Tartarus to the land of the wise Pitris, the fathers of the nation. In this mythical bridge both the Milky AVay and the rainbow are symbol- ized. Such was the explanation given to these striking natural phenomena by our imaginative and unscientific forefathers.
But with the Teutonic tribes, and particularly with their Scandinavian section, we have to do with a people very different in situation and culture from the Persians. The latter were a partly civilized people, the former fiercely barbarous. The latter dwelt in a temperate region, the former in an arctic land, where ice and cold were the demonic agents of man’s torment. Yet the strong Aryan intellect stirred in their minds, and from their ancestral myths they wrought out a coherent system of the universe, — the wildest and weirdest that it ever entered the brain of man to conceive. It was mythology converted into phi- losophy ; but it was the mythology of the barbaric and warlike North, with the breath of the arctic blasts blow- ing through it, and the untamed fierceness of the Norman vikings in its every strain. This S}Tstem, as fortunately preserved to us in the Eddas of Iceland, and perhaps mainly of Scandinavian development, may be here briefly given, omitting its many side-details. Everywhere it is full of warfare. The soul of man is free to combat with the powers of Nature. The gods are alwa}Ts at war. Sun- shine and growth combat with storm and winter. Frost opposes fire. Light and heat are in endless conflict with darkness and cold. The Jotuns, the ice-giants, are the demons of Scandinavia. The forces of the winter every- where bear down upon those of the summer, and finally
15 226
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overwhelm and destroy them. But this battle of the elements is wrought into a weird story of the conflict of gods and demons, in which the traces of its origin are nearly lost.
In the beginning there lay to the south the realm of Muspell, the bright and gleaming land, ruled by Surtr of the flaming sword, the swart god. To the north lay Niflheim, the land of frost and darkness. Between them was Ginunga-gap, — a yawning chasm, still as the windless air. From the ice-vapor that rose from Hvergelmir, the venom-flowing spring of Niflheim, and mingled with the spark-filled air of Muspell, was born, in Ginunga-gap, the giant Ymir, the parent of the Jotuns, or frost-giants. But with Ymir came the primal animal to life, — the cow, wiiose milk nourished the giant. She licked the salt rime clumps, and forth came Buri, a great and beautiful being, the ancestor of the gods. After much gigantic medley the gods slewr Ymir, wiiose blood drowned all his evil race except a single pair, wiio escaped, to give rise to a new Jotun crew. And now the gods began their creative work. The slain Ymir was flung into the chasm of Gi- nimga-gap. Here his body formed the earth, his blood the ocean, his bones the mountains, his hair the trees. The sky was made from his arched skull, and adorned with sparks from Muspell. His brain wras scattered in the air, and became the storm-clouds. A deep sea was caused to flow around the earth, — the grand, mysterious ocean, the endless marvel to the Northern mind. The escaped giants took up their abode in Jotunheim, the frost-realm of the arctic seas, the ocean’s utmost strand. Between Atgard, this outer realm, and Midgard, the habitable earth, the brows of Ymir were stretched as a breastwork against the THE AGE OF PHILOSOPHY.
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destructive powers. From earth to heaven extended the rainbow bridge Asbru, the iEsirs’ bridge, or Bifrost, the “trembling mile.” Every day the gods ride up this bridge to Asgard, the Scandinavian heaven. They ride to the Urdar fount, which flows from beneath the roots of the great ash-tree of life, Yggdrasil, there to take counsel con- cerning the future from the three maidens — the Fast, the Preseut, and the Future — who daily sit beside the celestial fount.
The first human pair were made by the gods from two trees on the sea-shore ; their names were Ask and Embla. To them Odin gave spirit, Hoenir understanding, Lodurr blood and fair complexion. They received Midgard for their abode. From them sprang the human family. But in heaven and earth perpetual warfare raged. The gods and the frost-giants were endlessly at war. But as Aliri- man was overcome and fettered by Ormuzd, so Loki, the wolf, the deceiver of the gods, was bound in chains, and a serpent placed above him to drop venom on his face. This venom as it dropped was caught by his wife in a vessel. Only when she went away to empty the vessel did the poison-drops reach his face. Then he writhed in his chains, and earthquakes shook the solid globe.
It is fated that all this shall end in a mighty conflict, in which gods and demons alike shall be slain, and heaven and earth disappear. Ragnarok, the “Twilight of the Gods,” shall be ushered in by a winter three years long. The crowing of three mighty cocks shall proclaim the fate- ful da}T. Thereat shall the giants rejoice, the great ash take fire, and all the powers of destruction — wolves, sea-mon- sters, hell hounds, and the like — rush to the dreadful fray. Heimdal. the guardian of the rainbow, shall sound his 228
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mighty horn to warn the gods, who shall rush to counsel beneath the tree Yggdrasil, that meanwhile trembles to its deepest roots. From the East shall come the frost-giants in a mighty ship, while another ship, made of dead men’s nails and steered by Loki, brings the troop of ghosts. Surtr of the flaming sword, the ruler of Muspell, shall thunder with his swart troop over the bridge of the gods, his fiery tread kindling it into a consuming flame as he rides in grim fury to the stronghold of the deities.
Now meet the combatants, — the gods and the heroes of Valhalla on the one side ; on the other the giant crew, led by Fenrir the great wolf, the mighty Midgard serpent, the terrible Loki, and Hela, the goddess of death. Dreadful is the combat. Odin fights with the wolf, Thor with the serpent, Freyr with Surtr, Heimdal with Loki. Death everywhere treads ; Odin, the king of the JEsir, is swal- lowed into the yawning gape of his monstrous antagonist. One by one the mighty combatants fall, while Surtr stalks terribly over the field, spreading everywhere fire and flame. All is consumed, the stars are hurled from the sky, the sun and the moon devoured, and the universe sinks in utter ruin.
Possibly here ended the original myth. It is an ending in consonance with the grim temper of the vikings of the North. But as we have it in the Edda, it goes on to a future state like that of the Persian myth. After the ruin of Ragnarok a new heaven and earth shall rise from the sea. Two gods, Vidar and Vali, and a man and woman shall survive the conflagration and people the new uni- verse. The sons of Thor shall come with their father’s hammer and end the war. Balder the beautiful god and the blind god Hödr shall come up from hell, and a new THE AGE OF PHILOSOPHY.
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sun, more beautiful than the old, shall gleam in the sky. This is, briefly told, the Scandinavian scheme of the uni- verse, — a rude and fierce one, yet instinct with a vigor of imagination shown nowhere by men of non-Aryan blood. It is the only pure organization of mythology into a cohe- rent system that exists; for the Persian myth includes philosophical ideas which fail to enter into the ruder Scan- dinavian story of the deeds of the gods, and Greek mythol- ogy never fairly emerged from its abyss of confusion.
If now we come to consider the mental evolution of more civilized man, we find everywhere mythology left for the amusement of the vulgar horde, while the enlight- ened few devise purely philosophical explanations of the mystery of the universe. But in comparing the philoso- phies of the various civilized nations, the Aryans will be found to soar supremely above the level of all alien peo- ples. Only two such peoples, Egypt and China, have devised anything that deserves the title of philosophy; for nothing of the kind exists in any of the Semitic creeds. The utmost we find in Babylonia is an effort to form a cos- mology of strictly mythologie character, — a highly con- fused affair as imperfectly given by Berosus. The later attempt made by Mohammed is, so far as it is original, an absurd tissue of extravagant fancies. There is nothing to indicate the least native tendency of the Semitic mind toward philosophy. All their philosophy is borrowed, and has deteriorated in their hands. It was by stripping the idea of deity of all mythologie and philosophic figments, and leaving it in its bare and unapproachable majest}^ that the Semitic intellect reached its highest flight, that symbolized in the Jehovah of the later Hebrews.
The Egyptian priesthood, on the contrary, appears to 230
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have devised a somewhat advanced system of philosophy, which bears a singular resemblance to that of Brahman- ism, though very far below it in the power and clearness of thought displayed. The transmigration hypothesis, and the theory of emanation and absorption of souls, are both indicated in the Egyptian system, though vaguely, and overlaid with mythological absurdities. There is here none of the clear-cut reasoning of the Hindus, but an un- certain wandering of thought from which it needs consid- erable ingenuity to extract the idea it conceals. The well-known Ritual of the Dead is the source of our knowledge of these confused ideas. A copy of this work, more or less complete, was placed in every Egyptian coffin, while its more important passages were written on the wraps of the corpse and engraved on the coffin. It was necessarily so placed, according to their belief, since it contained the instructions requisite to convey the soul of the deceased safely past the dangers of the lower world. Throughout the whole story physical ideas struggle with metaphysical. The Egyptian mind failed definitely to rise above the level of the world of sense.
After death the soul descends with the setting sun into the nether world. There it is examined and its actions weighed before Osiris and the terrible forty-two judges. If it can declare that it has committed none of the forty- two sius, it is permitted to pass on. It has with it in the • Ritual prayers to open the gates of the various lower realms, and to overpower opposing spirits and monsters. It must be able to name everything which it meets, and to recognize the gods it encounters. Here we have in- dications that the soul is returning to its natal home, and recalling its ante-terrestrial memories. All this the Ritual THE AGE OF PHILOSOPHY.
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This, the highest, and probably the final, stage in the evolution of language, has nowhere gained its complete development. In some languages, as in the modern Ger- man, which remained unaffected by transplantation and mixture with a foreign tongue, the synthetic principle is still vigorously active. The analytic has gained its fullest development in modern English. This tendency, indeed, was strongly at work upon the Anglo-Saxon long before its intermixture with foreign elements. Of all Aryan dialects it showed the most active native inclination to analysis. The reduction of words to monosyllables, the loss of inflectional expedients, and the use of separate auxiliaries, pronouns, prepositions, etc., made considera- ble progress in the long dark period before the Norman Conquest. This latter event intensified the change of method. The forced mingling of two modes of speech, each already tending to analysis, and each with but little literary cultivation, could not but have an important effect.
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The synthetic forms rapidly decreased, and there finally issued a language of elementary structure, largely mono- syllabic, almost devoid of inflection, and to some extent displaying a reversion to the root-stage of human speech.
Such is the English of to-day, — the most complete out- come of linguistic anatysis yet reached, the highest stage attained in the long pathway of verbal evolution. At first glance it seems to have moved backward instead of for- ward. It has approached the Chinese in its loss of inflec- tion, its monosyllabilism, and its partial replacement of the grammatical by the syntactical arrangement of the sentence. Yet this is no real reversion. Our pride in the richness of Aryan speech as compared with the poverty and imperfection of the Chinese is apt to blind us to the fact that the Chinese system has features of decided value. Similar features have been gained by English speech, while none of the actual advantages of inflection have been lost. In the English we perceive a decided advance toward that simplicity of conditions which marks all highest results. Nearly every inflectional expedient which could be spared, or be replaced by an analytic expedient, has been cast off. The inflection of nouns has almost vanished. That of adjectives has quite disappeared. Only in the pronouns does inflection partly hold its own. The inflectional conjugation of verbs is reduced to a mere shadow of its former self. The utterly useless gender- distinctions which yet encumber the languages of Con- tinental Europe have absolutely vanished.
Nearly all these incubi of language have been got rid of in English, which has moved out of the shadow of the past more fully than any other living tongue. It has in great measure discarded what was valueless, and kept what was THE DEVELOPMENT OF LANGUAGE.
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valuable in inflectional speech, adopting an analytic expe- dient wherever available, though freely using the principle of synthetic combination of words where the latter yielded any advantage. It stands in the forefront of linguistic development, possessed of the best of the old and the new, having certain links of affinity with every cultivated type of language that exists, rid of all useless and cum- bersome forms, yet possessed of a flexibility, a mingled softness and vigor of tone, a richness of vocabulary, and a power of expressing delicate shades of thought, in which it is surpassed by none, and equalled by few of existing languages.
With a brief comparison of the different Aryan lan- guages this chapter may close. Of all these the Sanscrit of the Vedas is regarded as the most primitive form, the one nearest the original Aryan, as the Vedas themselves are the most ancient record of Aryan thought. It has preserved many archaic forms which are lost elsewhere, and without its aid our knowledge of the ancient conditions of Aryan life would be much reduced. Its syntax is com- paratively simple, the dominant ancient method of word- composition taking its place. Its grammatical forms are very full and complete ; yet in the modern Hindu dialects the usual reversal of this condition appears. These dia- lects are marked by an active analytical tendency.
The language of the Zend A vesta of the Persians has strong marks of affinity to the Vedic dialect. In some respects it is more archaic; yet as a whole it is younger in form, the A vestas being of more recent production than the Pig Veda. In modem Persian, however, the analytic tendency is very strongly declared, — more so, perhaps, than in any language except the English, which it resembles 212
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in the simplicity of its grammar. It has even gone so far as to lose all distinction of gender in the personal pronoun of the third person. Yet it is said to be a melodious and forcible language. Its great degree of analytic change is probably due to the extensive mixture of races that has taken place on Persian soil.
In regard to the European languages, many efforts have been made to class them into sub-groups. Thus one author ranks the Greek, another the German, another the Slavonic, as nearest the Indo-Persian. One brings the Celtic nearer than the Greek to the Latin, while the more common opinion makes it wholly independent. Of these schemes nothing more need be said, since nothing satisfac- tory has yet come of them. The Celtic dialects have certain peculiarities not shared by other members of the Aryan family, and are ordinarii}7 looked upon as the most aberrant group. The grammar, indeed, displays features which seem to indicate a non-Aryan influence. The incor- poration of the pronoun between the verb and its prefixes in Irish speech has been imputed by Professor Bliys to a Basque influence. Some other peculiarities exist which tend to indicate that the aborigines with whom the Celts mingled exercised a degree of influence upon their method of speech.
Of the Teutonic division, the most striking peculiarity is the possession of the strong, or vowel conjugation, such as wre have, for instance, in the grammatical variations of form in u sing,” 4 ‘ sang,” and “sung.” In this respect the Teutonic makes an approach to the Semitic method of inflection, though the principle with it is probably of recent origin. Of the Letto-Slavic group, the Lithuanian is marked by a highly archaic structure. In some few THE DEVELOPMENT OF LANGUAGE.
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points its grammar is of older type than even the Sanscrit. The Slavonic dialects are characterized by phonetic and grammatical complexity and a great power of forming agglutinative compounds. The indication of language is that the Slavonians have been the least exposed to foreign influence, and are the nearest to the primitive Aryans and to their probable Mongolian ancestors, of any section of the race. As an instance, Sayce1 quotes from the Russian the two words Bez boga, “ without God.” These can be fused into one word, from which, by the aid of suffixes, we obtain bezbozhnui, “godless;” from this is gained the noun bezbozhnik, “ an atheist,” then the verb bezboz- hnichut, “to be an atheist;” with a host of derivatives, of which may be named bezbozhnichestvo, “ the condition of being an atheist,” and bezbozhnichestvovcU, “ to be in the condition of being an atheist.” Certainly the Russian has lost none of the ancient richness of the synthetic method, or descended into what classicists regard as the base abyss of analytic speech. The Finns, with whom the Russians are so mingled in blood, could hardly present an instance of synthesis more complex than the last named. This is precisely the condition we should expect to find in the home-staying section of the Aryan race.
It is to the ancient Greek that we must look for the most logical and attractive unfoldment of the inflectional method. Though eminently capable of forming compounds, it is free from the extravagance displayed by the Sanscrit in this direction, while its syntax has reached a high level of development. Finally, in the Latin, as already re- marked, the analytical grammatical tendency is indicated in a stronger degree than in any other ancient Aryan 1 Introduction to the Science of Language, ii. 95. 214
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tongue. This has been carried forward through the line of its descendants, the Romance languages of southwestern Europe, and is particularly displayed in the French, in which the spoken has run far beyond the written language in its tendency to verbal abrasion. As regards grammati- cal analysis, however, the English, as already remarked, has gone farther than any modern language, and is only less bare of inflectional forms than its very remote cousin, the Chinese. And it may be said, in conclusion, that the English, while the most advanced in development, has become the most widespread of Aryan languages; it is spoken by large populations in every quarter of the earth; and if any modern language is to be the basis of the future speech of mankind, the English seems the most probable, both from its character and its extension, to attain that high honor. IX.
THE AGE OF PHILOSOPHY.
HE assertion that the Aryans are intellectually su-
perior to the other races of mankind may be held as not proved by what wre have yet related concern- ing them. In the growth of the primitive conditions of religion, statecraft, industry, language, etc., there was no individual action. These were all results of involuntary evolution, not of purposive activity of the intellect. The democratic character of the Aryan political system, for in- stance, naturally arose from a primitive stage very closely resembling that attained by the American Indians. The subsequent spirit of liberty' of the Aryans seems largely due to the fact that there had also developed among them a democratic or individual religious system, and that, in consequence, there existed no strongly organized and influ- ential priesthood, as elsewhere, to hold their souls in cap- tivity. Their village community system was a natural result of the fact that they became agricultural ere any progress in political organization had been made. The same result arose from the same conditions in America. In the primitive agricultural civilizations of Egypt and China, on the contrary, the political organization prob- ably preceded the development of agriculture, and patri- archism became established. The same thought applies to the Aryan language. Its superiority may be due to the 216
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fact that out of the several possible methods of speech- evolution the Allans chanced to adopt the one most capa- ble of high development, and which has, in consequence, continued to unfold its capabilities while the other types have long since reached a stage of rigid specialization.
And yet all this must be more than the effect of mere chance. It would be very surprising if a single race should have blundered into the best methods of human develop- ment in all directions. Though in regard to the matters so far considered there is no probability that individuals exercised any important voluntary control over the devel- opment of institutions, yet the collective intellect of the Aryans could not have been without its directive force. It undoubtedly served as a rudder to guide the onward progress of the race and prevent this from becoming the mere blind drift of chance. This much we clearly perceive, — that the Aryans nowhere entered into a rigidly special- ized state. In all the unfoldment of their institutions they pursued that mid line of progress which alone permits continued development. If we compare the only one of the non-Aryan civilizations that has survived to our time, the Chinese, with those of Aryan origin, this fact will be- come evident. In all respects, in language, politics, relig- ion, etc., the Chinese early attained a condition of strict specialization, and their progress came to an end. For several thousand }Tears they have remained stagnant, ex- cept in the single direction of industrial development, in which some slow progress has been made. Butin all these respects the Aryans have continued unspecialized, and their development has been steadily progressive. This progress yet actively continues ; while there is no hope for China, except in a complete disruption of its antique system and THE AGE OF PHILOSOPHY.
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a deep infusion of Aryan ideas into the Chinese intellect. This general Aryan superiority is indicative of a highly active and capable intellect, even though no one mind ex- ercised a controlling influence. The general mentality of the race, the gross sum of Aryan thought and judgment, must have guided the course of Aryan evolution and kept our forefathers from those side-pits of stagnation into which all their competitors fell. During its primitive era the Aryan race moved steadily forward unto a well-devised system of organization which formed the basis of the great development of modern times.
It is our purpose now, however, to consider the unfold- ment of the intellect at a higher stage, — that in which indi- viduality came strongly into play, single men emerged from the mass of men, and great minds brought their strength to bear upon the movement of human events. It is here that the superiority of the Aryan intellect makes itself first specially apparent. The mentality of the race developed with remarkable rapidity, and yielded a series of lofty con- ceptions far beyond the products of any other race of man- kind. A brief comparison of the attainments of the ancient Aryan intellect with the mental work of contemporary na- tions cannot fail to show this clearly. ^Ye shall here concern ourselves with the philosophical productions of the race, before considering their more general literary labors.
As already said, the human intellect is primarily made up of two great divisions, the reason and the imagination, which underlie its more special characteristics. Reason is based on the practical, imagination on the emotional, side of thought. These are the conditions which we find in a specially developed state in the two most distinguishable 218
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primary races of man, the Mongolian and the Negro. The Mongolian is practical man, the Negro emotional man. In each of these two races the quality named is present in a marked degree, while the other quality has attained only a minor development. The same rule applies to the two race-divisions of the Caucasians, considered as derivatives respectively of the two original races. The pure Xantho- chroi strongly display the Mongolian practicality ; the pure Melanochroi the Negro emotional excitability. Yet the one has unfolded into reason, the other into imagination. But for the complete development of these high faculties a mingling of the two sub-races seemed requisite. The practical mental turn of the Xanthochroi needed to be roused and invigorated by an infusion of the excitable fancy of the South ; the fanciful mentality of the Melano- chroi to be subdued and sobered by an infusion of the practical judgment of the North. As a result arose the mingled reason and imagination of the Aryan intellect, each controlling, yet each invigorating the other, until through their union mentality has reached the acme of its powers, and human thought has made the whole universe its field of activity.
Of the non-Aryan civilizations which have attempted to enter the field of philosophy, three only need be named, — the Chinese, the Egyptian, and the Babylonian. As for the American civilizations, they were when destroyed still in the stage of mythology. Everywhere, indeed, mythology appears as the result of the earliest effort of the human mind to explain the mysteries of the universe. The forces and forms of Nature are looked upon as supernatural be- ings, with personal histories and man-like consciousness and thought. This is but little displayed by the practical THE AGE OF PHILOSOPHY.
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Chinese, who had not imagination enough to devise a mythology. We find it much more strongly manifested by the Egyptians, who had much of the fervor of the Melano- chroic fancy.
It was with the detached and often discordant mytholo- gie figments, produced through a long era of god-making, that philosophy first concerned itself. When men had passed through the ancient era of blind worship of the elements, and begun to think about the theory of the universe which had grown up involuntarily during the long preceding centuries, they were not slow to perceive its in- congruity. Everywhere gods crowded upon gods. Their duties and attributes clashed and mingled. Their names flowed together. Their histories overlapped each other. All was utter confusion and discord of ideas. It was very apparent that there must be error somewhere. Heaven and earth could not be governed in this chaotic fashion. Some order must exist beneath this interminable show of disorder.
It is not difficult to understand how this confused intri- cacy had arisen. There is reason to believe that in ancient Arya, though many gods were recognized, each worshipper addressed himself to but one deity at a time, whom he looked upon as supreme, and whom he invested with all the deific attributes. This system, named “ henotheism ” by Max Müller, is the one v'e find in -the hymns of the Rig Veda. In succession the different gods of the Aryan pantheon are supreme deities to these antique singers.1
1 “It would be easy to find, in the numerous hymns of the Vedas, passages in which almost every single god is represented as supreme and absolute. Agni is called ‘Ruler of the Universe.’ Indra is celebrated as the strongest god. It is said of Soma that ‘ he conquers every one.’ ” — Max Muller. 220
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Men’s minds seemed not sufficiently expanded actually to grasp the thought of more than one god at a time, though they acknowledged the existence of many. This ascription of the various duties, powers, and attributes of the deity to so many different beings, necessarily produced considerable confusion, which increased with the growth of mythologie fancies. It grew with particular rapidity in Greece, since the actively commercial Hellenes imported new gods from Phoenicia, Ass}wia, and Egypt, and mingled them -with the tenants of the ancient Aryan pantheon, until the confusion of ideas became somewhat ludicrous.
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such a cumbrous compound as sev-ish-dir-il-e-me-mek, u not to be capable of being made to love one another.” Tenses and moods are indicated in the same manner. And there is a second, indirect conjugation, based on the union of the several particles with the auxiliary u to be.” In this manner many minute shades of meaning can be expressed. Yet all agglutinative languages are not equally capable in this respect. Thus the Manclm is nearly as bare as the Chinese, while the Finnish and the Dravidian are exceedingly rich. In these languages there is no in- flectional variation; every word rigidly preserves its integrity of form. Nor do the particles become welded to the root, and lose their separate individuality, as in Aryan speech. Each seems to exist as a distinct integer in the mind. The only change of form admissible is a euphonic one, in which the vowels of the suffixes vary to conform to those of the root. Thus “ to love,” is sev-mek; “ to write,” is yctz-mcik, —mek becoming mak in harmony with the variation in the root-vowel. This change of vowel is destitute of inflectional significance.
AVe have yet to deal witli the final series of languages, — those organized on wdiat is known as the inflectional method, in which language has attained its highest devel- opment and is employed by the most advanced of human races. Here, however, we have two types of language to consider,—those known as the Aryan, and the Semitic: the first, the method employed by the Xanthochroic divi- sion of the Caucasians; the second, that in use by the Arabs and other Semites of southwestern Asia.
It is of interest in this connection to perceive how greatly the Aryan languages have prevailed over those spoken by Yfelanochroic man, despite the probable great excess 200
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in numbers of the latter. Of distinctive Melanochroic tongues, the only ones now in existence are the Basque dialect of Spain, and the languages of the Semites and Egyptians, the only Melanochroic peoples who escaped conquest by and assimilation with the Xanthochroi.
It is assumed by many philologists, and not denied by others, that the Aryan and Semitic types of language are Inflectional in the same general sense, and that they may have been derived from one original method of speech, from which the}" have since developed in unlike directions. l"et the differences between these two types of speech are so radical, and the character of their inflectionalism so essentially different, that it seems far more probable that they have been separate since their origin, and represent two totally distinct lines of development from the root- speech of primitive man.
The common characteristic of Semitic and Aryan speech is their power of verbal variation. There is no tendency to preserve the integrity of form of their words, as in other linguistic types. The root readily varies ; and this variation is not euphonic, but indicates a change of mean- ing. Similar variations take place in the suffixes, particu- larly in Aryan speech ; and the word-compound is welded into a single persistent word, whose elements cease to remain distinct in thought. But aside from this common principle of inflection, the Semitic and Aryan languages differ widely in character, and display no other signs of relationship.
This is what naturally might have been expected if the Melanochroic and Xanthochroic types of mankind were the offspring of different original races, and only mingled after their methods of speech had become well developed. THE DEVELOPMENT OF LANGUAGE.
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The steps of progress of Semitic speech have not been traced, and this linguistic method as yet 3Tields little or no evidence concerning the origin of the Melanochroi. The line of development of Aiyan speech is more evident. In its most archaic form it is but a step removed from the agglutinative Mongolian type of language, and the latter could readily be changed into an inflectional type closely resembling the Aryan by a single step forward in devel- opment. This fact is in close accordance with the infer- ence drawn in our first chapter,—that the Xanthochroi are an outgrowth from the Mongolian race. In some of the agglutinative tongues the principle of word-synthesis is carried to an extreme only surpassed in the American dia- lects, and compounds of ponderous length are produced. The most archaic forms of Aryan speech greatly resemble these in the extent to which synthesis is carried, and only differ in that their root-forms have become flexible, and that thus a new method of variation of meaning has been introduced, and one which adds the important principle of verbal analysis to the original one of synthesis. Thus in language, as in other particulars, the Xanthochroic Aryans seem a direct derivative from the Mongolian race.
If now we come to Semitic speech, we meet with a type of language which displays no affinity to Mongolian or Aryan speech, and indicates a distinct origin and line of development. The suffixes and affixes which form such essential elements of the Aryan languages are almost un- known to the Semitic. They are used, indeed, but only to a slight extent and as a secondary expedient. The method of word-compounding, which is so widely used in all the languages we have so far considered, is almost absent from the Semitic type, which in this respect fails 202
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to come lip to the level even of the Chinese. The ruling principle in Semitic speech is inflectionalism pure and simple. It is characterized by an internal or vowel inflec- tion of the root, which has proved so valuable an expedient as greatly to reduce the necessity of word-compounding, and render the use of suffixes and affixes unimportant. The distinction between Aryan and Semitic inflection be- comes thus clearly outlined. The former possesses vowel- inflection of the root to a slight degree. Yet this seems principally of modern origin, while the use of the suffix is the ruling grammatical expedient. On the contrary, in Semitic speech vowel-inflection rules supreme, and word- compounding is so little used that it perhaps formed no part of the original linguistic idea, but is of later introduction.
To so great an extent do the vowels of the Semitic root change, and so persistent are the consonants, that the lat- ter are considered as the actual root, there being no basic root-forms with persistent vowel or vowels. A Semitic root thus usually consists of three consonants, and changes its significance with eveiy variation in the vocalization of these consonants. There is some reason to believe that originally the roots contained two consonants only; but at present the three consonants are almost invariably present.
As an illustration we may offer the frequently quoted Arabic root q-t-l, which has the general sense of “kill- ing.” The signification of this root is variously limited by the vowels used. Thus qatala signifies “ he kills ; ” qutilct, u he was killed ; ” qutilu, “ they were killed ; ” uqtcd, “ to kill; ” qatil, “ killing ; ” iqtcd, u to cause killing ; ” quad, “murder;” qitl, “enemy;” qutl. “murderous;” and so THE DEVELOPMENT OE LANGUAGE.
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on through numerous other variations. It may readily be seen how essentially this linguistic method differs from the Mongolian and the Aryan, with their intricate use of suf- fixes. In the Semitic not only special modifications of sense, but the grammatical distinctions of tense, number, person, gender, etc., are indicated in the same manner. The system is extended to cover almost every demand of language. Each Arabic verb has theoretically fifteen con- jugations, of which ten or twelve, each with its passive form, are in somewhat common use. Suffixes, prefixes, and even infixes are moderately employed, but Semitic words never add ending to ending to the formation of long and intricate compounds, as in Aryan and Mongolian speech.
The Semitic languages, comprising the Hebrew and Arabic, the ancient Assyrian, Phoenician, etc., are re- markable for their rigidity. For centuries they persist with scarcely a change. This seems, indeed, a necessary consequence of their character. The root is the most un- changing of verbal forms, and the root is the visible skel- eton of every Semitic word. Hardly a single compound Semitic word exists, while variation of form takes place with exceeding slowness.
The Semitic type of language thus points to the speech of primitive man as directly as does the Chinese. It is root-language to a veiy marked extent, and does not oc- cupy the high position in linguistic development which is often ascribed to it. Its superiority to the Chinese consists in the adoption of a superior expediënt, — that of root-inflec- tion, which served all linguistic purposes, and checked fur- ther development by rendering unnecessary the employment of other expedients, as in the remaining types of speech. 204
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It has consequently retained its archaic method with rigid persistency.
The Melanochroic people of Africa possess what is usu- ally considered a distinct tyTpe of language, known as the Hamitic, and spoken by the ancient Egyptians, the modern Copts, and by the Berbers of the Sahara region from Egypt to the Atlantic. These languages are related to the Semitic family. Many of their roots are similar to Semitic roots, and in grammatical structure there are marked traces of Semitic affinity. Yet there are characteristics differing from the Semitic. It may be that the two types of speech were de- rived from a single source and have developed somewhat differently. The Egyptian language is monosyllabic, and its forms are almost as rigid and archaic in structure as those of the Chinese. This monosyllabilism has been traced by some writers to a Nigritian source. The mono- syllabic character pertains to several of the Negro lan- guages ; and the fact that their vocabularies differ from the Egyptian proves nothing, since savage vocabularies often change with great rapidity.
This suggestion is in accordance with the idea advanced in regard to the origin of the Melanochroic race. In fact, our consideration of the languages of mankind leads to some interesting conclusions. The two primitive races, the Mongolian and the Negro, probably- both used origin- ally a root-method of speech. Each of them, according to our view of the case, developed into a very- ancient civiliza- tion, — the Chinese and the Egyptian. These civilizations came into existence ere language had advanced far beyond its archaic root-condition ; and in the adaptation of this imperfect method of speech to the needs of man in his earliest civilized stage, roots continued the main constit- THE DEVELOPMENT OF LANGUAGE.
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uent of language, and were variously dealt with to express the multitude of new ideas that arose. The root-language from which came that of Egypt may have, in another re- gion, developed the highly effective system of root-inflec- tion of Semitic speech. Alike in the Semitic and the Hamitic linguistic types, the use of suffixes and affixes prevails to a limited extent; and in this respect they are in harmony with the Nigritian languages, —their possible ancestral stock, — in which the agglutinative principle has attained some slight development. But the separation of these several types must have taken place at a very remote date, while language was yet but little developed beyond its archaic stage.
In the Mongolian languages root-inflection failed to ap- pear, and the principle of word-compounding took its place as the ordinary expedient. We have traced this line of development of language through its arrested stage in Chinese, and its unfoldment in American and Mongolian speech, to its culmination in Aryan,— a linguistic type which seems to be in direct continuity with the Mongolian agglu- tinative method. This consideration leads to the same conclusion which we reached in studying the races of man- kind. We seem to perceive two original races, the Mongo- lian and the Negroid, each with its archaic type of speech, closely resembling each other originally, but pursuing differ- ent lines of development, the former reaching its final stage in the speech of Xanthochroic man,— the highest outcome of the Mongolian race ; the latter in the speech of the Semites, — the highest outcome of the Negroid race. It remains, in conclusion of this chapter, to consider the development of the Aryan type of speech, — the most effective instrument of intellectual expression yet attained by man. 206
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In the Aryan languages alone has verbal analysis be- come a prominent characteristic. In the Semitic tongues there is no analysis, and almost no synthesis. The same may be said of the Chinese and its cognate dialects. In the other languages of Asia, and those of Europe and Amer- ica, synthesis is a prevailing characteristic, it reaching its culmination in the interminable American compounds. It is less declared in the Mongolian tongues, but in none of them does word-analysis appear. This is only found as an active principle in the Aryan of all the families of speech. In the Aryan languages it has always been a ruling char- acteristic, though it is not strongly declared in the most archaic of these dialects. No tendency to preserve the integrity of form in words exists, and abrasion has gone steadily on, reducing the length of verbal elements, and wearing down or breaking up compound words into mono- syllables, until some Aryan tongues have gained a moiio- syllabilism approaching that of the Chinese. It is this analytic tendency which has produced and constitutes the Aryan method of inflection, and in which it is strongly con- trasted with the vowel-inflection of Semitic speech.
From its origin, the Aryan type of speech has manifested the double power to build up and to break down, and these powers have been continually in exercise. It is an inter- esting fact, however, that the building-up or word-com- bining tendenc}7 long continued the more active, and yielded such highly complex inflectional languages as the Sanscrit and the Greek. The variation from the Mongolian method • was not yet decided, and the synthetic principle continued in the ascendency. But throughout the succeeding period, down to the present time, the abrading or anatytic tendency has been the more active, and languages of very simple THE DEVELOPMENT OE LANGUAGE.
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structure have arisen. This is most strikingly the case in English speech, but it is also strongly declared in the Latin derivative languages, in modern Persian and Hindu, and to some extent in modern Greek and German. It appears to have met with most resistance in Slavonic speech, in which the synthetic tendency has vigorously retained its ascendency.
In all the ancient Aryan tongues the use of word-com- bination for grammatical expression was vitally active. Highly complex languages arose, which are often spoken of with an admiration as if they had attained the perfection of linguistic structure, and as if modern languages were barbarous in comparison. And yët they are superior to agglutinative speech only in the fact that they permit verbal variation. They are cumbersome and unwieldy to modern tongues, which have become fitted to the use of a simpler and swifter speech.
No sooner did the vigor of word-combination grow inac- tive, checked probably by the complexity it had evolved, than the analytic tendency became prominent, and began to break down the cumbrous compound words into their elements. The pronoun was separated from the verb. Particles were torn off and used separately. Auxiliaries came into more frequent use. Analysis rose into active competition with synthesis. Yet this did not proceed rapidly in the ancient historic period. That was an age of literary cultivation, in which language became controlled by standards of authority, and its variation was greatly checked. The most active analytic change was that dis- played by the Latin, the speech of a highly practical people, who were more attracted to ease and convenience of utter- ance than to philosophic perfection of grammatical method. 208
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As the synthetic principle had originated during the primal period of Aryan barbarism, and reached its highest development during the ancient era of literary cultivation, so a second period of barbarism seemed essential to any rapid action of the analytic principle. This period came. The ancient civilizations vanished, and a long-continued era of mental gloom overspread the Aryan world. Through- out this Middle-Age period the restraining influence of literature ceased to act. Nearly all the literary cultivation that remained was restricted to the classical Latin and Greek in the West, and Sanscrit in the East. Every check to dialectical change was removed, and language varied with the utmost activity.
This variation, in Europe, was greatly aided by the for- cible mingling of peoples speaking unlike dialects. In France, Italy, and Spain the Latin became exposed to the influence of barbarian invaders accustomed to a different speech. The complex words, with their intricate signifi- cance, proved a burden to these new speakers; they became broken up into their elements.1 AYlien, at a later period, the minds of men became again cultivated, and thought regained some of its vanished powers, the analytic tendency held its own ; the old synthetic process had lost its force. Auxiliaries and words of relation came more and
1 Philologists believe that a barbarous Latin, analogous to the jargons known as Pigeon English and Lingua Franca, became the medium of communication between the conquerors and their subjects, the gram- matical perfection of the classic Latin disappearing, and being replaced by a linguistic method of great simplicity. Similar conditions may have attended the mingling of dissimilar languages in England, Persia, and elsewhere; yet such an influence could hut have accelerated what seems the natural tendency of the Aryan type of language toward analytic methods of speech, since this has shown itself in places and periods in which no such specially favoring influence existed. THE DEVELOPMENT OF LANGUAGE.
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more into use. Complex ideas, instead of being condensed into single words, as of old, were expressed by groups of words, each of which constituted a separate element of the idea. A distinct and highly valuable step forward in the evolution of language had been gained. As in ancient writ- ing the characters at first expressed ideas, then words and syllables, and finally alphabetic sounds, so thought became divided into its prime elements, and instead of spoken words expressing complete ideas, as in American speech, or sectional parts of ideas, as in agglutinative and early in- flectional speech, they became reduced into the component elements of ideas. A sort of chemical analysis of thought had taken place. Thought had, if we may so express it, been reduced to its alphabetic form.
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Aryan political evolution has everywhere followed the same general direction; but its rapidity has been greatly affected by the conditions of society. Under the civic institutions of Greece and Rome, democracy, territorial division of the people, and private ownership of land early appeared; while with the agricultural but warlike Teutons and Celts progress in this direction has been much slower; and among the agricultural, but peaceful and sluggish, Hindus and Slavs, the ancient conditions still in great part prevail. Yet in every case the general course of evolution has been the same, and but one final outcome can be expected to appear, — that of complete democracy. In the patriarchal empires of Asia, on the contrary, political evolution followed an exactly oppo- site course, and long ago reached its inevitable ultimate in complete absolutism. Political progress in these em- pires has long since ceased, and can only be resumed under the influence of Aryan ideas and a reversal of the governmental principle which has so long held supreme control. VIII.
THE DEVELOPMENT OF LANGUAGE. ANGUAGE formed the clew through whose aid
modern research traversed the Aryan labyrinth,— that mysterious time-veiled region in which so many won- ders lay concealed. It cannot, indeed, be doubted that even without the aid of language this hidden problem of the past would have been in part solved. We have already shown that the Aryans have much in common besides their speech. Their industrial relations, their political systems, their religious organization, their mythologies, their family conditions, form so many separate guides leading to the discovery of that remarkable ancient community. Nor is this all. As we shall show farther on, the modern Aryans have still other links of affinity, less direct, it is true, than those so far traced, yet adding to the strength of the de- monstration, and enabling us still better to comprehend the conditions of that ancient and re-discovered community.
Yet, with all this, the fact remains that language offered the simplest and safest path into the hidden region, and that by comparison of words we have found out much con- cerning the modes of life in old Arya that otherwise must have remained forever unknown. This being the case, it becomes a part of our task to consider the character of the method of speech which lias proved of such remark- able utility in the recovery of a valuable chapter of ancient 190
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history. It is known to differ in important particulars from all other types of human language, not so much in its words, — for there many accidental coincidences with other languages exist, — but in its structure, in that basic organism of thought which is clothed upon with speech as with a garment. Yet in order properly to understand these structural characteristics, it will be necessary briefly to re- view the several types of speech in use by the higher ranks of mankind. A comparison of these types will reveal, as all philologists admit, that the Aryan is the most highly developed method of speech, and the most flexible and capable of all the instruments of thought }Tet devised by mankind. In this respect, as in all the others noted, the Aryan in its original organization was superior to the other human races.
The types of speech in use by the barbarian and civil- ized peoples and nations are divided by philologists into four general classes, — the Isolating, the Agglutinative, the Incorporating, and the Inflectional; the last being sepa- rated into two sub-classes, the Semitic and the Aiyan, which properly should be considered as distinct classes. Of these methods the isolating is usually viewed as the least progressed beyond what must have been the original mode of speech. It is the one in use by the most persistent of human civilizations, — the Chinese. In the language of China we seem to hear the voice of archaic man still speak- ing to us down the long vista of time. It is primitive, as everything in China is primitive. Yet through the aid of a series of expedients it has been adapted to the needs of a people of active literary tendencies.
Philologists are generally satisfied that man first spoke in monosyllables, each of which conveyed some generalized THE DEVELOPMENT OF LANGUAGE.
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information. The sentence had not yet been devised, nor even the phrase ; and language consisted of isolated excla- mations, or root-words, each of which told its own story, while no endeavor was made to analyze the information conveyed into its component elements.
Yet this idea directly affiliates the language of primi- tive man with that of the lower animals. For the lower animals possess a language of root-sounds, each of which yields a vague and generalized information, or is indicative of some emotion. Ordinarily this language consists of very few sounds, though in certain cases it is more extended, and is capable of conveying some diversity of information. This is particularly the case with some of the birds. And it is usually a language of vowels, though an approach to consonantal sounds is frequently manifested.
Early man, according to the conclusions of philological science, possessed a language of the kind here described, consisting of a few calls and cries, each conveying some general information or indicating some emotion. As man’s needs increased, the number of these vocal utterances in- creased correspondingly, with a growing variety of conso- nantal sounds. In time, it is probable that a considerable vocabulary thus came into existence, though language still continued but little developed beyond the root-stage of speech.
No human tribe is now iii this archaic stage of language ; even the lowest savages have progressed beyond it. Yet that it once everywhere existed, is believed to be fully proved by the analysis of existing languages, in each of which a vocabulary of roots emerges as the foundation of all subsequent development. And that this method of speech continued until a somewhat late period in human 192
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history seems indicated by one significant fact; this is, that the two most ancient of civilizations—the Chinese and the Egyptian — still possess languages which are but a step beyond the root-stage. The indications are that these peoples rapidly developed from barbarism into civilization at an era when human speech was yet mainly in its archaic stage, and were forced at once to adapt this imperfect instrument to the demands of civilized life, without being able to wait for its natural evolution.
The language of China is strictly monosyllabic, and its words have the generalized force of roots. Yet these vague words have been adapted to the expression of definite ideas in a very interesting manner, which we may briefly consider. The natural development of language consists in expedients for the limitation of the meaning of words, vague conceptions being succeeded by precise and localized ones. This is ordinarily accomplished by the formation of compound words, in which each element limits the mean- ing of the others. Such an expedient has been adopted in every language except the Chinese and its related dia- lects. TThy it was not adopted by them, is an interesting question, of which a possible solution may be offered.
The study of Chinese indicates that its original vocabu- lary was a very limited one. The language seems to pos- sess but about five hundred original words. But each of these has several distinct meanings. The ancestors of the Chinese people would appear to have made each of their root-words perform a wide range of duties, instead of de- vising new words for new thoughts. To advance beyond this primitive stage either an extension of the vocabulary or some less simple expedient was necessary. The Chinese adopted a peculiar method for this purpose, the character THE DEVELOPMENT OF LANGUAGE.
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of which can be best shown by an illustration. We may instance the word fao, which has the several meanings, “to reach,” “to cover,” “to ravish,” “to lead,” “banner,” “corn,” “way,” etc. These are modernized meanings. Originally the significance of words was much more vague. At present, however, the word tao, if used alone, has the meanings above given ; and some method is requisite to show what particular one of them is intended. The diffi- culty thence arising is partly overcome by the device of tones, of which eight are occasionally, and four are com- monly used. The tone in which a word is spoken — whether the rising, the falling, the even, or some other inflection — indicates its particular meaning; and in this way the five hundred original words are increased to over fifteen hundred.
A more important device is that of combination. Two words having some similarity or analogy in one of their meanings are joined, and a special meaning is thus indi- cated. Thus tli e word tao, above given, has “way” for one of its meanings. Lu, out of its eight or ten meanings, has also one signifying “way” or “path;” therefore tao-lu means “way” or “road” only. So ting, having “ to hear ” for one of its several meanings, is confined to this meaning by the addition of keen, “to see” or “ per- ceive.” General meanings are also gained by the same method. Thus fa, “ father,” combined with mu, “ mother,” yields fa-mu, “ parents.” Idling, “ light,” with sung, “heavy,” yields khing-sung, “weight.” Gender and some other grammatical expedients may be indicated by the same device.
By a consideration of the above facts we can understand why grammatical inflection was never adopted in the
in 194
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Chinese. Inflection has its origin in worcl-compouncling. But the fathers of the Chinese people seem to have ex- hausted the powers of word-compounding as a method of increasing their vocabulary. Instead of coining new words to express new things, they seem to have spread their old words over new things, and then limited their meaning by compounding. This gave rise to two important results. It was necessary to retain the integrity of form and mean- ing of the old monosyllables, since each of them formed a definite part of so many compound words; and it became impossible to express all the intricacy of grammatical rela- tions by word-compounding, since this would have led to inextricable confusion. In consequence, the expedient of the syntactical arrangement of words to. express gram- matical variations was adopted, and the peculiar Chinese method of speech came into existence.
A Chinese word standing alone has no grammatical limitation. It may be noun, verb, adjective, or adverb at pleasure. Its sense is as indefinite as that of the English word “ love,” which may be used at will as verb, noun, or adjective. This generalism of sense, found in some Eng- lish words, is common in Chinese words. The special meaning which each word is intended to convey depends upon its position in the sentence. Every change in its relation to the other words of the sentence gives it a new” sense or grammatical meaning. Chinese grammar, there- fore, is all syntax. There is no rhetorical freedom in the arrangement of words into sentences. They must be placed according to fixed rules, since any variation in their position gives a new meaning to the sentence. And not only the parts of speech, but the number, gender, and case of nouns, and the mood and tense of verbs, are indicated THE DEVELOPMENT OE LANGUAGE.
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by the positiou of the words in the sentence, aided by the use of certain rules of composition and of some defining particles.
The Chinese expedient has been adopted by no other family of language, though the Egyptian vocabulary is almost as monosyllabic and primitive in character. Every- where else the vocabulary seems to have been extended by coinage of new words, and the principle of word-com- pounding applied to other uses. The most archaic form of the other types of language is that known as the Incor- porating, or Polysynthetic, in use by the American tribes and the Basques of Spain. This is a highly primitive method, and was probably at one time widely spread over Europe and Northern Africa, until replaced by more de- veloped methods of speech.
In the typical incorporating method there are no words, there are sentences only. The verb swallows up both subject and object, with all their modifications. A Basque speaker cannot say 44 I give.” He must say 44 I give it,” in the one word. There is a poverty of the imagination indicated. A hint never suffices ; no lacunoe are left for the mind of the listener to fill up. Where we say 44 John killed the snake,” the Basque must say 44 John, the snake, he killed it; ” and all this is welded together into a single complex word. This method is carried to a great extreme in some of the American dialects. The verb absorbs not only the subject, as in Aryan speech, but all the objects, direct and indirect, the signs of time, place, manner, and degree, and all the modifying elements of speech, the whole being massed into a single utterance.
There is little sense of abstract thought in American speech. Everything must be expressed to its utmost 196
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details. As an instance we may quote the longest word in Eliot’s Indian Bible: icut-ap-pe-sit-tuk-qus-sun-noo-
iceht-unk-quoh. In English we should express this by “ kneeling down to him.” But in its literal meaning we have, “ he came to a state of rest upon the bended knees, doing reverence unto him.” "Whitney quotes, as a remark- able instance of extension, the Cherokee word ici-ni-tciw- ti-ge-gi-na-li-skaic-lung-ta-naw-ne-li-ti-se-sti, “ they will by that time have nearly finished granting (favors) from a distance to thee and me.”
The inordinate length to which words thus tend to grow is somewhat reduced by an expedient of contrac- tion. In forming the compound word the whole of the particle is not used, but only its significant portion. Thus the Algonkin word-sentence nadholineen, u bring us the canoe,” is made up of vaten, “to bring;” amochol, “canoe;” 2, a euphonic letter; and neen, “to us.”
Savage tribes generally display an inability to think abstractly or to form abstract words, their languages in this respect agreeing with the American. A Society Islander, for instance, can say “dog’s tail,” “sheep’s tail,” etc., but he cannot say “ tail.” He cannot abstract the idea from its 'immediate relations. A Malay has no separate word for “striking,” yet he has no less than twenty words to express striking with various objects, as with thin or thick wood, with the palm, the fist, a club, a sharp edge, etc. This incapacity to express ab- stract relations is strongly indicated in the American languages, and indicates that they diverged into their special t}Tpe at a very low level of human speech. The Cherokee, for instance, can use thirteen different verbs for various kinds of washing, but he has no word for the THE DEVELOPMENT OF LANGUAGE.
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simple idea of washing. He can say kutuico, “1 wash myself; ” tcikungkala, “ I wash my clothes ; ” takuteja, “ I wash dishes ; ” blit is quite unable to say “ I wash.”
All this indicates a very primitive stage of language, in which every expression had its immediate and local appli- cation, and each utterance told its whole story. There was do division of thought into separate parts. In the advance of thought men got from the idea “ dog” to that of “dog’s tail,” and from that to “dog’s tail wags.” They could not think of an action by itself, but could think of some object in action. No doubt all language pursued this course of development up to a certain level. Beyond that point some families of speech began a process of abstraction, gradually dividing thought into its constituent elements. The American type failed to do so, but con- tinued to add modifying elements to its verbal ideas as the powers of thought widened, until language became a series of complex polysyllables. This is the theory ad- vanced by Sayce. All has continued in the original syn- thetic plan. The secondary method of analysis has not yet acted upon American thought.
Yet it is rather the method of language than of thought that has remained persistent with the Americans. They are undoubtedly able to think more analytically than they speak. The force of their linguistic S3Tstem has held them to a method of speech which their minds have grown be- yond. Every tendency of their language to break up into its elements has been checked by an incorporative com- pounding, of which traces are yet visible. In two Amer- ican languages, the Eskimo and the Aztec, the lowest and one of the highest in civilized development, isolation of word-elements has taken place. In these languages a 193
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sentence may consist of several words, instead of being compressed into a single word. A process of abstraction exists in the Aztec. Thus the word ome, “two,” com- bined with yolli, “heart,” yields the abstract verb ome- yolloa, “ to doubt.” Through methods such as this the powers of the American type have become increased; yet in character it directly preserves a highly primitive con- dition of human speech.
The third type of language which we need to consider is that known as the Agglutinative. It is the method used by the Mongolian peoples of Europe and Asia, with the exception of the Chinese and Indo-Chinese, by the Dravid- ians of India, and, in a modified form, by the Malayans of the Pacific islands.
Agglutination means simply word-compounding for grammatical purposes, without inflectional change of form. In this linguistic method, as in the isolating, the sep- arate words retain their forms intact, but many of them have lost their independence of meaning and become simply modifying particles. To the root-words the others are added as suffixes, with a grammatical significance. The syntax of the Chinese system is here replaced by gram- mar, the principle of word-compounding having gained a new purpose or significance. In some of these languages each verbal root may be made to express an extraor- dinary variety of shades of meaning by the aid of suffixes. In the Turkish each root yields about fifty derived forms. Thus if we take the root sev, which has the general mean- ing of “ loving,” we may obtain such compounds as sev- mek, “ to love ; ” sev-me-mek, “ not to love ; ” sev-dir-mek, “ to cause to love ; ” sev-in-mek, “ to love one’s self ; ” and so on. By a continued addition of suffixes we arrive at THE DEVELOPMENT OF LANGUAGE.
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This review of the system of clanship as a political con- dition may be followed by a consideration of the later stages of growth in Aryan institutions. The clan-system in its purity was adapted only to a barbaric stage of so- ciety. Further development could take place only through the entrance of new elements into the situation. It may be said here, however, that in Attic Greece a vigorous republic was established, that differed in organization from the ancient tribal system in only one essential particular, — that of the replacement of family by territorial relations;
1 Sub-divisions of the tribe.
12 178
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and that the great republic of the United States is but an expansion of this idea. Communism has died out, the council is composed of elected representatives instead of the whole body of freemen, and men are grouped in terri- torial divisions instead of kindred groups; but with these exceptions the political system of the United States con- stitutes a direct development of the method of organiza- tion of our remotely prehistoric ancestors.
The clan-element which gave rise to the historic devel- opment of Aryan institutions was that of chieftainship. It was an element of individualism placed side by side with that of communism. It was an inevitable outcome of the situation, and one destined, with the aid of warlike aggres- sion, to carry the Aryans far forward on the road of progress. To its evolution our attention must .now be turned. In process of time the idea of kinship became more and more of a fiction in the Aryan clan. The family had its dependents, and in the warlike period its slaves and freedmen. The clan in like manner had its depend- ents, wdio after three generations of service acquired a hereditary right in the soil. The increase of this alien element exerted a very important' influence upon the his- tory of Greece and Rome, as we shall see further on. It will suffice here to say that the wealth and superior posi- tion of the chief enabled him to surround himself with a larger body of dependents than was possible to ordinary freemen. His estate was apparently an independent house- hold, organized on the old patriarchal system, with its own lands, its own cattle, and its own group of slaves and laborers. It was a house community on a large scale. This state of affairs, if not originated, was certainly en- hanced by war. THE COURSE OF POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT. 179
Nor was it alone the hereditary and the elected chiefs who acquired this special importance. Any one with war- like reputation enough to attract followers could gather around him a body of retainers, mainly composed of war- like youths who were ripe for battle. And there was no hindrance whatever to such a person separating from the village and starting an independent establishment. Over such retainers the chief acquired an authority like that of the house-father over the famity. He was their absolute lord, to the power of life and death. They could leave his service if they wished, but were the subjects of his will while they remained. The tie of connection was a tie of honor, and its strength may be seen in the ardent devotion of the Teutonic and Celtic clansmen to the cause of their chief.
The incessant wars that prevailed during the period of migration added greatly to the power and influence of the chiefs. To those with hereditary title to their chieftain- ship were added those elected for their valor, and perhaps those who gained influence through their wealth and per- sonal powers of attraction. Through the above-named influences the community gradually became divided into the three classes of nobles, freemen, and slaves. Not that the nobles had any political authority over the free- men, or could set aside the voice of the assembly; their dignity was solely personal. Yet war and conquest had their inevitable effect in adding to the inequality in wealth and power. The chief naturally seized the lion’s share of the spoil, and used it to increase the number of his fol- lowers. And subject-villages became subordinate to him personalty rather than to the clan. Over these he gained some degree of political authority and rights of taxation. 130
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Step by step the ancient system became subverted, and a new S3Tstem of individual authority established, as war gave the warrior precedence over the citizen. Indications of this growth of aristocracy can be seen in every branch of the Aryan race, from the Rajput nobility of India, to the chiefs of Greece, Rome, and Germai^, and the so- called kings of Ireland.
Maine says of the Irish chiefs that though they formed to some extent a class apart, they stood in closer relation to the septs they presided over than to one another. There is some reason to believe that the tribal chief had gained a portion of the authority of the Druids, and acted as priest and judge as well as war-chief. The popular assembty, so powerful in Greece and Rome, had lost all judicial authority over the Irish Celts. Property was rapidly losing its communistic character. The chief claimed ownership of large individual tracts, as well as certain rights in the communal lands ; villagers claimed to own the communal lots they had long cultivated ; and a system of petty usurpation had set in, apparent to a greater or less degree in all Aryan regions, that threat- ened in time to completely overturn the old system of land-holding. To it, aided greatly by war and the seizure of large conquered estates, we owe the establishment of feudalism,—the natural outcome of Aiyau communism and chieftainship.
The political development of Greece and Rome is of interest in this connection, as indicating one of the two natural methods of unfoldment of the Aryan S3Tstem. It is the development due to the influences of cityT life as contrasted with that arising from the agricultural condi- tion. Its purest display is that seen in Attica. Here we THE COURSE OF POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT. 181
have to do with a sea-going commercial people, industrial in habit, except to the extent that necessity drove them to war. Into the active city that naturally arose under these conditions, aliens crowded from all sides. Yet the early form of government was strictly an organization of gentes, or clans, the old Aryan personal system which had held its own in the formation of the civic government. To the new conditions it quickly proved inadequate. The great influx of strangers, members of no gens, and jealously excluded from gentile privileges, in time brought the gov- ernment into the hands of a few ancient families, who conducted it on the old clan-system, except to the extent that the chiefs of the gentes acquired political authority and replaced the ancient democratic by an autocratic rule. The growth of chieftainship can be clearly seen in the story of the Iliad, it being highly probable that the “kings” of old Greece had but the standing of tribal chiefs, with an authority augmented by the warlike sub- jection of neighboring clans and the adherence of alien dependents, while the voice of the assembly had become a mere agreement in the proposals of the chief.
Undoubtedly there was a strong pressure from the alien population of the city of Athens to gain a share of politi- cal rights, and as strong a determination of the gentes to hold the reins of power. It became more and more evident, as the difficulty grew more urgent, that some reform must be adopted, and several measures were pro- posed by influential chiefs or lawgivers. The first of this is a traditional one, ascribed to Theseus. lie sought to consolidate the tribes into a nation, with one instead of many councils. lie also attempted to divide the people into the three classes of nobles, husbandmen, and artisans. 182
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This legendary division was found in existence in Attica in the seventh century b. c. But the gentile system of organization was in full vogue at that period. At a later date we find the people gradually overthrowing the usurped authority of their chiefs. The basileus, or king, lost his weak priestly authority, and was thenceforth called archon, or civil ruler. Later again this hereditary life-office was made elective, and limited to ten years. Finally it was made annual, and divided among nine arehons. Thus the partly overthrown authority of the popular assembly was gradually resumed, and the will of the people became the law in Attica.
The second definite effort at political reform was that of Solon, who divided the people into classes on the basis of property. This, however, did not do away with the division into gentes. The assembly under his laws gained increased, or at least better defined, rights, and became an elective, a legislative, and to some extent a governing body. But the bottom of the difficulty was not touched by these reforms, and could not be while the gen- tile families held all power. The final reform was that made by Cleisthenes (509 b.c.). He divided the people on a strictly territorial basis, without regard to their ties of kindred. Abolishing the four ancient Ionic tribes, he formed ten new tribes, which included all the freemen of Attica. The territory was divided into a hundred denies or townships, care being taken that the demes of each tribe should not be adjacent. It was a distinct effort thoroughly to break up the old clan-system. Each citizen was required to register and to enroll his property in his own deme, without regard to his ties of kindred. Each deme had rights of self-government in local matters, while THE COURSE OF POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT. 183
controlled in national matters by the decision of the State government. Under this institution arose the primal re- public, the measure and model of all subsequent republi- can governments. This reform was undoubtedly made in response to the demand and sustained by the power of the alien people of Attica, who must now have been suffi- ciently numerous to defy the gentes.
It is of interest to find that the government of Rome, without any knowledge of what was taking place in Ath- ens, passed through essentially similar steps of develop- ment. In fact, the formation of territorial government in Rome is claimed to have preceded its establishment in Athens. It was a natural and inevitable line of civic growth. The same difficulty arose in Rome as in Athens. The inflow of aliens brought a strong pressure to bear on the system of gentes. The aliens demanded a share in the government, which was resisted by the clansmen. The earliest effort at reform is traditionally ascribed to Kuma, who is said to have classified the people according to their trades and professions. This failed to produce any definite effect, and the Romans were still divided into the patricians, the old gentile clans, with full control of government; their clients, or dependents ; and the plebs, or commons, the new class of aliens, without a voice in political concerns.
To overcome the discord that arose from this state of affairs Servius Tullius (576-533 b.c.) instituted a reform closely similar to that of Cleistlienes. lie divided the territory of Rome into townships or parishes, and the peo- ple into territorial tribes, which crossed the lines of the gentes. Each citizen had to enroll himself and his prop- erty in the city ward or the external township in which he 184
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resided. This monarch is also credited with the establish- ment of a new popular assembly, which abrogated that of the gentes, and admitted each freeman to a voice in the government. Unfortunately, in addition to this wise ar- rangement he made a second division on a property basis, — establishing live classes according to the amount of their respective property. This mischief-making scheme separ- ated the people at once into an aristocracy and a common- alty on the line of wealth, and gave the impulse to a struggle that continued for centuries. In Rome, as in Greece, we find the people gradually rising in power, and the govern- ment becoming a more and more declared democracy, though the struggle was here a very bitter and protracted one. It was finally brought to an end by the inordinate growth of the army and of the power of its leaders, by whom a vigorous despotism was established.
In Greece, however, the power of the people grew rap- idly, all aristocratic authority quickly disappeared, and a disposition manifested itself to combine the several minor states into a confederacy, with a general democratic gov- ernment. The antique Aryan system was here expanding, under the strict influence of natural law, into an ancient counterpart of the modern United States. Unfortunately for the liberties of mankind, it was overthrown by the sword of Rome ere it had grown into self-sustaining strength. During these many changes the ancient gentes continued to exist as separate religious organizations; but their antique political and communal constitution utterly vanished.
In the political development of the Teutonic tribes widely different conditions appeared. Their industries continued agricultural, and their unfoldment was more strictly in the THE COURSE OF POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT. 185
line of the village system. Territorial government re- mained subordinate to personal government. The power- ful invasions by which the empire of Rome was overthrown, and new states founded on its ruins, naturally gave im- mense power to the chiefs, which was increased by the incessant wars that succeeded and continued for centuries. The original independent establishment of the chief ex- panded into the feudal manor, and the chief into the feudal lord. His power was absolute. The house-father was re- produced in the lord of the manor. Below him were the descending grades of wife and children, dependents and slaves, as in the Aryan family. Around him were his re- tainers, bound by ties of mutual honor and subject to his will. His relation to them was that of military superior and of chosen companion in arms. As for the constitution of the feudal state, with its successive ranks, each lower one being held as military subordinate to the higher, but each, from the lowest noble to the king, being free from any obligations beyond that of military duty, and being absolute lord of his own territorial establishment and his retainers, we have in it a direct expansion of the original Aryan system, with marvellously little change in principle. The Aryan village and tribe, with the chieftain and his dependents and retainers, and his rights of suzerainty over conquered villages, formed the direct though simplified prototype of the feudal state, with its more complex system of obligations and wider extension of authority.
In considering the development of the Aryan village- system into the modern European state we find an inter- esting illustration of the persistent force of archaic ideas. Ancient Arya, as we have seen, contained, side by side, a double system of government. The village was essentially 186
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a democracy. But beside, and perhaps to some extent over it, was the patriarchal establishment of the chief. In the development of the feudal state both these conditions persisted, and the subsequent national history of Europe has been mainly a struggle between them for precedence. The patriarchal establishment of the chief, being the simpler and more centralized, and being one to which war added strength, rose first to power, and in some states de- veloped into a degree of absolutism, though its lack of control of the religious establishment prevented it from becoming completely autocratic. But the democratic idea, though slower in its development, never died out, nor did the subjection of the people ever extend be}Tond their oodies to their minds and souls. The eventual supremacy of democracy was inevitable. In every era of peace it gained vigor, and to the extent that peace became the pre- vailing rule its demands grew more energetic and its victo- ries more decided. At present it has risen into complete ascendency in America, while in Europe absolutism is shrinking before its force, and must inevitably everywhere give way to the “ government of the people by the people.”
With a rapid review of the political development of hu- man civilization, this chapter may close. As we have seen, in two regions of the world patriarchism gained absolute supremacy, democracy failed to develop, and three states were formed on this simple system of paternal and spiritual absolutism, — Egypt, Babylonia, and China. One only of these has persisted unto to-day, — that of China; and in it not a vestige of a democratic idea has ever made its appearance. In America the growth of democratic institutions made greater progress, though in THE COURSE OF POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT. 187
the two civilizations that arose, the spiritual authority of the emperor enabled him to completely overthrow them in the one case, and seriously threaten them in the other.
In ancient Arya the political development of barbarism went farther. Democracy gained a marked development both in political and spiritual affairs; the growth of a priestly autocracy was checked by the system of individual worship ; and the patriarchal authority of the chief lost much of its force. The principle of election grew upon that of heredity. In the development of every Aryan civilization differing conditions operated, though it is re- markable what persistency the ancient ideas everywhere displayed. It is not necessary here to review all the Aryan states separately. In only two of them the ancient Aryan ideas developed with little external interference. One of these we have already considered, —that of Greece, in which the development proceeded under civic and com- mercial influences. The other is that of England, in which the Teutonic agricultural influences mainly prevailed.
Of all the European States, that of Saxon England was least disturbed in its development by external forces. The Norman invasion for a time gave supremacy to patriarch- ism ; but this gradually yielded again to the steady persis- tence of the democratic idea. The Aryan popular assembly held its own as the English parliament, and has, step by step, taken control of the government, until, finally, it has left to kingcraft only its name and its palace. Fortunately for European liberty, the priestly establishment which eventually arose remained definitely separate from that of the kings, and usually hostile to it. The bodies of Euro- peans have been ruled by the Throne, but never their souls. Thus it was impossible that they could be reduced to the 188
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slavery of the Oriental system. Every effort of the kings to seize spiritual authority has failed, the spirit of democ- racy has steadily grown, and the promise is that ere many centuries not a trace of absolutism will be left on European soil.
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In Peru existed an absolutism as entire as that vre have seen among the Natchez. The Inca was autocratic both in religion and in government. He was the descendant of the gods and a god himself, whose mandate none dared question. A nobility existed, but it wras a nobility with- out authority, except such as emanated from the Inca. The land and all its products were at his command. Vil- lage establishments existed, with division of family lots; but a large section of the land belonged to the Inca and the church, and was worked by the people for their benefit. The product of the royal and Church lands was stored in great magazines, the direct counterpart of the storehouse of the North, since their contents were held for the good of the whole community, though subject to the Inca’s absolute control. It was unquestionably the spiritual dig- nity of the emperor, in all the civilizations named, that caused the entire submission of the people to his will, and that subordinated the nobility as fully in the peaceful empire of China as in the warlike empire of Peru. It is surprising to find so close a conformity existing in the principles of Indian organization throughout the wide range of North and South America. Nothing could show more clearly the supreme influence of natural law over the development of human institutions.
Yet there was another agency necessary to the produc- tion of the final effect, of the utmost importance in this connection, — that of war. Much as human hostility and bloodshed may be deprecated, the fact is unquestionable that to it wre owe all accelerated steps of human develop- ment. Even in this advanced age, wrar was necessary for 168
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the rapid annihilation of slavery in America, and has yielded within a few years a degree of political and indus- trial progress which otherwise might have taken centuries. In savage and barbarian communities it is the all-essential element of progress. The conservative clinging to old conditions and institutions, which is yet vigorous in modem nations, was a hundredfold more so in the early stages of human progress, and war was the only agent sufficiently radical and energetic to overthrow old ideas and customs, and reorganize society on a new basis.
AVe can here but briefly glance at its general effects. One of the first and most important of these is to increase the authority of a successful chief and to bring new tribes under his control, either as allies or as conquered subjects. The equality of the freemen of antique communities was rudely broken into in states of war. The patriarchal tribe at once became an army, and was subjected to army disci- pline, which included autocratic power in its chief. On regaining a state of peace this absolutism of the chief over his followers did not entirely vanish, while it remained strong over the conquered tribes. The general effects of war at that stage of human culture were the following: The principle of human equality was dissipated, and society divided into classes, composed of the principal chief, or king ; the secondary chiefs, or nobles ; the freemen, of the conquering tribes ; and the subjects, or slaves, of the con- quered tribes. Some such division seems to have been an inevitable consequence of continued war, and appears as well in the development of Aryan as of patriarchal institu- tions ; and in every instance some condition approximat- ing to that of feudalism seems to have emerged. It existed in Mexico at the era of the Spanish conquest. It had very THE COURSE OF POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT. 169
probably existed in Peru at an earlier period. Indications of its existence in Egypt and China appear. And in the empire of Japan it continued in existence until very re- cently. But in every instance it has disappeared under the growing power of the king. In Egypt and China we perceive the monarch of a province gradually extending his authority over the whole country by successful war. A similar phenomenon appears in Mexico and Peru. In every such case the chiefs of the conquered tribes became the nobles of the new empire, with some remnant of au- thority. But in all the cases mentioned, the power of the nobles gradually vanished, and that of the monarch became absolute.
This phenomenon was undoubtedly due to the religious position of the monarch of these patriarchal empires. Where the body would have vigorously resisted, the soul sank in powerless slavery. In every one of the four em- pires named, the emperor was supreme pontiff, the head of the religious establishment, the son and representative of the gods, and the connecting link between earth and heaven. It was the recognition by the people of this spiritual dignity in the emperor, their superstitious awe, and the moral support which they gave him in his encroach- ments upon their liberties, that rendered the resistance of the nobility unavailing. Step by step they sank until they became ciphers in the state, with nothing but a title to distinguish them from the people. This is the condition which exists to-day in China, where the nobility and the people stand on an equal footing in respect to the authority of the emperor.
A highly interesting recent case in point is that of Japan. Our early historical knowledge of that empire 170
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reveals a strong feudal nobility, with a spiritual emperor of reduced authority. A powerful chief, the Tycoon, or Shogun, through the influence of his position as head of the army, succeeded in robbing the Mikado of nearly all his temporal authority, and taking the reins of power into his own hands, leaving to the titular emperor little more than his title. But the people remained spiritual subjects of the Mikado, their souls in submission to him, while only their bodies were governed by the Tycoon. This powerful basal support has enabled the spiritual emperor, during the disturbances caused by the forced opening of Japan to foreign intercourse, to overthrow his rival, bring to an end the feudal institution, and make himself unques- tioned autocrat of Japan. After a long interregnum patriarcliism has there reached its inevitable result, — that of the spiritual and temporal absolutism of the emperor. The patriarchal empire, while naturally the simplest in organization and the easiest established, was one that tended inevitably to autocracy and subjection. For the establishment of liberty in civilization the growth of a widely different system was necessary. And this we find in the Aryan organization.
It is of high interest to perceive the great degree of con- formity that existed in the unconscious development of human institutions. Patriarcliism seems to have always evolved as the first stage beyond savagery. TTe find it widely disseminated in Asia and northeastern Africa, with its final culmination in despotic governments. Throughout America society, under the influence of agricultural indus- tries, had advanced a stage beyond patriarcliism. Yet the civilizations there arising tended inevitably toward abso- lutism. For the establishment of democratic institutions a THE COURSE OF POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT. 171
further step of advance in barbarian organization was nec- essary ; this step forward we have next to consider.
The description above given of the political characteris- tics of the other barbarian and civilizing tribes of mankind is of importance from their marked contrast to the Aryan condition, and as indicating the special features to which we owe the Aiyan type of civilization. This t}rpe, we ma}T say here, was overturned in two of the Aryan empires,— the Persian and the Macedonian, — which deliberately adopted the Oriental S}Tstem, and maintained it by the power of the sword and by the fact that their subjects were largely Semitic and long accustomed to despotic rule. It was partly overturned in the Roman empire, as a result of con- tinual war and the subjection of the State to the army and its chief, though the senate of Rome kept intact the princi- ple of the Aryan assembly to the last, and the emperors never succeeded in their efforts to attain spiritual authority and to command the worship of their people. In no other Aryan nation has the effort to kill out the spirit of ancient Arya attained any marked success. Democracy and decen- tralization have unyieldingly opposed the efforts of aris- tocracy and centralization.
It is singular within what definite limits human progress has been confined. In every case of development be}Tond the savage state we find the family organization gradually unfolding into patriarchism. In two families of mankind, the Asiatic Mongolian and the Semitic, progress stopped at this point, in conformity with the pastoral character of their industries, and patriarchal civilizations arose, their early development being due to the simplicity of their sys- tem, and the ease and completeness with which it permitted the control, movement, and subordination of large bodies 172
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of men. In two other families, the American and the Aryan, development proceeded further as a result of the change from the nomadic pastoral to the agricultural con- dition, and produced the clan or village system ; and it is remarkable, considering the impossibility of intercourse between these two races, how closely their organizations resembled each other. In both we find the village system, the democratic assembly and election of officers, the com- bination of families into clans, of clans into tribes, of tribes into confederacies. In both, the organization of the peo- ple was personal, not territorial. In both, communism in landed property prevailed. In both, patriarcliism existed to the extent that a certain family in each clan was con- sidered of purest descent, and usually furnished the clan rulers. Yet, as we have shown, the American system retained the principle of communism in a much greater degree than the Aryan, and this communism extended to religion. The democratic system of Aryan worship had not appeared, the sachem was at the head of the spiritual establishment of the more civilized tribes, and he became the representative of the Sun, as the Egyptian Pharaoh did of Osiris, and the Chiuese emperor of the vaguely defined heaven deity, while absolutism appeared as a direct con- sequence of this spiritual autocracy.
The distinctiveness of the Aryan organization lay in its complete development of the clan-system, its suppression of community in property beyond partial land-communism, and its almost complete suppression of religious commu- nism. In ancient Aiya each house was a temple, each hearthstone an altar, each house-father a priest, each fam- ily a congregation, with its private deity and its private ritual of worship. Some minor degree of communism THE COURSE OF POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT. 173
existed in the general ancestor-worship of the clan and in the less influential worship of the elemental deities ; but the hearth-spirit seems to have been the favorite god of the Aryan, and a remarkable decentralization in religion prevailed. jNo people has ever existed more free in soul from the reins of spiritual authority. The Aryan house- father was a freeman before the court of Heaven, as he was in the assembly of his tribe. It was impossible for any ruler to hold him fettered body and soul like the sub- ject of an Oriental monarchy. Mentally he was in eternal rebellion against tyranny. And it is to this that we owe the political liberty of modern Europe and America. Yet the decentralized and democratic organization of the Aryans was strongly opposed to that concrete and definite association in large, settled masses which seems everywhere to have been a necessary preliminary to civilization. A considerable degree of political consolidation has every- where preceded material progress, and to this the Aryan spirit was vigorously opposed. It is one of our purposes in this inquiry to trace how this opposition was overcome, and how the village community developed into the State.
IVe have already in previous sections described to some extent the Aryan tribal organization, — the political system which prevailed in ancient Arya, and of which indications appear in the early history of all the branches of the race. It is a problem of interest to trace the evolution of the family into the clan, of patriarchism into democracy. In the largely patriarchal Highland tribes of Scotland there existed minor groups of fifty or sixty clansmen, with a particular chief, to whom their first duty was due. This is analogous to the Slavonic house community, whose members range from ten to sixty in number. When 174
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grown too large, a swarming to found new families takes place. But this in itself does not break up the close patriarchal family relation. Two further steps are neces- sary to clanship, — the apportionment of a separate lot of land to each new family, and the development of a system of home worship.
This is what occurred in the Aryan clans, each of which was formed of a group of several families descended from a common ancestor and with a separate organization of its own. It was ruled by an assembly of the house-fathers ; though this mode of government was gradually subordi- nated to that of the chief, elected by the assembly, but usually from a privileged family. It had its system of clan-worship, its common burial-place, and its common landed property. There was no occasion for any house- holder to make a will. The property-rights of a deceased member descended to his fellow-clansmen. Xo definite legislation existed. The clan was governed by a series of ancient customs, the growth of centuries of usage. The assembly was an executive, not a legislative bod}7, though it seems to have legislated sufficiently to meet business exigencies not previously provided for. To these clan conditions must be added another of considerable import- ance,— that of the duty of common defence, common re- venge, and common responsibility. Each clansman was bound to defend his fellows, to exact retribution, in money or blood, for injury to a fellow, and was himself respon- sible for any criminal act committed by a member of his clan. The whole clan of a murderer was held accountable for the murder, and blood-revenge might be taken upon any member of the offending clan. Xo true sense of indi- viduality existed. Each clan was an individual, and the THE COURSE OF POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT. 175
whole clan, or any part of it, was responsible for the acts of any of its members. On the other hand, damages awarded to any person for injury received, belonged not to him, but to his clan. It was the duty of each clan to restrain its .members from crime, and this duty was ac- centuated by a general responsibility.
Though we cannot look into ancient Arya itself, wre can perceive these conditions as they left their mark on subse- quent Aryan law. In old Anglo-Saxon law, for instance, the duty of each clan to act as a police upon its members, its money responsibility for any crime committed by a member, and its equal share in damages awarded to a member, are clearly shown. But the traces of this cus- tom have descended still lower, and may be found rather widely spread to-day in the system of the vendetta or blood-revenge, which exists among all half-civilized Aryan peoples. AVe know to what an extent it formerly pre- vailed in Corsica, from which point it still extends as far east as Afghanistan. In this custom it is the duty of every member of a family, one of whose near kindred has been murdered, to exact blood-revenge from any member of the murderer’s family. The Southern United States were the seat of a well-developed vendetta system of this character in the ante-bellum days, and cases yet occasion- ally crop out to show that the spirit of antique Aryanism is yet alive in the benighted regions of this country.
As for the tribal combination of the Aryan clans, it is doubtful if it existed as a permanent group in ancient Arya ; and the confederacy of tribes arose only under the influence of migration and warfare. It appeared among the Teutonic people only after they were forced into strong combinations by long conflict with Rome It may be fur- 176
THE ARYAN RACE.
ther said of the clan-organization that it was vigorously maintained. None could leave it without permission from the council, aud no new member could be admitted without a ceremony of initiation. The clan-council seems in some cases, or among certain tribes, to have been limited in number. Evidences exist of an ancient council of five in Greece, Rome, and Ireland. This limitation does not ap- pear elsewhere. It should also be said that, in addition to the agriculturists, the clan contained hereditary artisans. Commercial pursuits, however, such as the business of the grain-dealer, do not seem to have been hereditary.
From what has been said, it will appear evident that the antique clan-organization was one of very great simplicity. There was nothing that could be called criminal law, though there were many rules of business procedure. There was no legislator and no executive. Each clan took on itself the duty of punishing crime against itself. It was not the duty either of chief or council to see that justice was done between persons. The council mainly concerned itself with the care of the common property and with the good of the clan as a whole. The chief was personally active only as a war-leader. He had no special duty or authority in peace. Of courts, laws against crime, or officers of justice, we have no indications. The family was under the autocratic control of the house-father. Re- venge for wrong was the duty of the kindred of the injured person, who might exact damages in property or in kind. Injury from outside the clan it was the duty of every clansman to avenge.
The military system was as simple as the civil. The clan was the basal unit of the arm}7, and marched to war under its chosen chief. A group of such clans, under a THE COUKSE OF POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT. 177
tribal chief, formed an army. Every freeman was a sol- dier. The military system existed ready formed in the civil. This is clearly indicated in the Celtic and the Teu- tonic warlike organizations ; and an interesting evidence of the existence of a similar system in Greece is given in the Iliad, in which old Nestor tells Agamemnon to muster his men by phyla1 and by phratra,1 so that each clans- man might support his fellows in the ranks. Of the early Roman system we are in ignorance.
Yet another survival of the ancient clan-s}Tstem may be spoken of here, —that of the co-operative guild, or trade, which existed in Greece' and Rome, in old Ireland, and was largely developed in Middle-Age Europe. A similar system exists in Russia to-day, where its development from the village community organization is very evident. In addition to the communistic guilds of workmen in the cities, many villages are arranged on the principle of communistic artisanship. AYe are told that there are Rus- sian villages where only boots are made, others whose in- habitants are all smiths, and some, indeed, which contain only communistic beggars.
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Religion was similarly communistic. AVe find no trace of any well-defined family worship, though there is evidence that a tribal ancestral worship prevailed. But combined with this was Shamanism, — a system of demon worship, in which incantation was the prevailing rite. Sorcery ruled as the main form of religion alike with the Mongolian tribes, the antique Semites, and the more barbarous tribes of North America. Very probably it had a strong footing also with the Aryans in their nomadic era, though it sunk into decadence at a later date. The only declared priest- hood we can trace in this archaic stage of development is that of the Mongolian Shaman, the Babylonian sorcerer, and the American medicine-man or conjurer. Knavery undoubtedly had as much to do with their service as re- ligion, and it must have been an easy task for the leader of the tribe to gain control of this venal priesthood, and thus add to the spiritual dignity which he possessed as the rep- resentative of the tribal ancestor. So far as we can trace, in every instance some degree of religious authority at- tached to his office. THE COURSE OF POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT. 157
All this may have nothing specially to do with the Aryans, but it is of importance from its decided contrast to the character of their organization and from the essen- tial significance it bears in the history of human institutions. To the simplicity of the patriarchal system, indeed, we owe the original unfoldment of human civilization. But it was a civilization in what is known as the Asiatic form, — an unprogressive absolutism. Such is the condition which existed in the three non-Aryan civilizations of the old world, those of China, Egypt, and Babylonia. They were all patriarchal despotisms.
As already said, the nomadic tribe is a regularly organ- ized army. It has its arms, and great ability in their use. It has its ready-formed regiments and divisions in the ma- jor and minor groups of the tribe. It has its clan-leaders, and its patriarchal tribal head, to whom all its members are willingly subordinate. And it is accustomed to swift and long marches, in which it takes with it all its property and food. No link of attachment binds it to a locality. Mi- grations are among the common duties of life. There is nothing to hinder invasion of a country at a moment’s notice, settlement upon the land in case of victory, or swift retreat and disappearance in the desert in case of defeat.
The indications are strong that to this facility of warlike migration and this military t}Tpe of political organization we owe the establishment of the early empires. China is most distinctively a patriarchal empire. Despite its long settlement, its developed agriculture, its abundant litera- ture, its complex industrial and social conditions, it remains to-day politically a patriarchism, — the simplest and most archaic of all governmental systems. The em- peror is the father of the empire. The long continuance of 158
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his absolutism arises from the fact that he stands at the head of the ancestral religious system of the nation. Ancestral worship has continued the ruling faith of China, and' the emperor is the high-priest of this worship, — the hereditary representative of the primal ancestor of the people. He has inherited both temporal and spiritual power, and the bodies and souls of his subjects are alike bound captive. Like the house-father of old, the officiating priest of the house-worship and the family despot, the Chinese emperor is the only intermedium between his national family and the heavenly powers. He is answerable only to the gods for his deeds, and it is sacrilege to question his command. It is interesting also, in considering the character of Chi- nese civilization, to find that the ancient Shamanism still prevails. No developed elemental worship has been de- vised, all efforts to establish a philosophic faith have failed with the people at large, and the Taoism of to-day is undisguised sorcery. l"et it is probable that the Chinese empire arose ere the primitive ancestor-worship had been to any great extent superseded by the Mongolian Shamanism of to-day. In every feature of its organization, language, and belief, the archaic condition of mankind has persisted in China. This is largely due to the almost utter lack of imagination in its people ; and the only civilized progress it display's is in devices for the practical needs of man, and in moral apothegms of the same tendency. The Chinese empire is the utmost unfoldment of the purely practical mentality of the Mongolian race.
In the early stages of the Egyptian monarchy we can somewhat vaguely perceive indications of a closely similar organization. The Pharaoh was the high-priest of his people, to whom he likewise bore a paternal relation. TilE COURSE OF POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT. 159
There seems little reason to doubt that this empire was the outgrowth of a pastoral condition of society, that the emperor was the development of the original patriarch, and that his godlike dignity and absolute power arose from his being at the head of the ancestor-worship of the people, the hereditary representative of the primal ancestor. In early Egypt as in early China the absolutism of the em- peror was not complete. There are indications of a tribal division of the people, and of the existence of a nobility ?with political powers. But patriarchism in its very nature tends to absolutism, and in both cases a complete subor- dination, alike of nobles and people, to the sacred father and emperoi; eventually succeeded. Religiously, however, Egypt developed far beyond China. Its people were of the highly imaginative Melanochroic race, and they devised a complex system of mythology, with a powerful priest- hood, at whose head the emperor stood supreme. He was chief priest as well as sole ruler of the nation. As in China, he governed his people in bod}T and soul.
Babylonia yields similar indications, though its organi- zation is more obscure. Its earliest traceable religious system is a Shamanism, a highlyT developed sorcery. Upon this, however, arose a nature-worship, a somewhat com- plicated series of elemental gods. In regard to its govern- mental idea we are greatly in the dark. But its emergence in the heart of a pastoral region inhabited by patriarchal tribes, its absolutism, and the sacred or godlike character which plainly attaches to the later monarchs of Babylonia and Assyria, strongly indicate that it was a development of the patriarchal S3'stem.
It is singular and interesting to find that the archaic civilizations of mankind all apparently rose from the pas- 160
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toral phase of society, — the simplest and most primitive method under which great bodies of men could be organ- ized into national groups. Materially they all made great and highly important progress. Politically they remained almost stagnant. The simplicity of their system clung to them throughout, and absolutism continued a necessary phase of their national organization. The people sub- mitted without a struggle, because their souls were bound in the same fetters that confined their bodies.
We may briefly advert to yet another national develop- ment of the pastoral tribes, from the interesting evidence to be gleaned from its literary remains and its present belief. The Hebrew people had distinctively a patriarchal organization, and their religious ideas present traces of ancestor-worship. Abraham was and is looked upon as the father of the race, its remote ancestor. It is not Abraham, however, but the god of Abraham, or rather a compound of this deity wdth the god of Moses, that is worshipped to-day by the Jews. The indication is strong that this special god of the Hebrew patriarch, the family god of Abraham, with whom he conversed and held per- sonal relations, represented an ancestral divinity. The particular Jehovah of the Hebrews was the Jahveh of Moses, the family god of the Mosaic clan, as is clearly indicated in the Biblical narrative. He expanded with the growth of the Hebrew intellect into the supreme ruler of heaven and earth, yet to a very late day the Hebrews regarded him as the special deity of their race, their patriarchal divinity.
Coming now to the consideration of the American tribes, it is of high interest to perceive that they possessed the same type of family organization as that of Asia and THE COURSE OF POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT. 161
Europe, and that in this respect they were considerably advanced beyond the patriarchal system, and closely ap- proached, though they did not quite reach, the clan type of the Aryans. Great differences in this respect, however, prevailed in different parts of America, some tribes being much more advanced than others. The barbarian tribes of North America, usually classed as in the savage hunting- stage, yet really to a considerable extent settled and agri- cultural in condition, were organized on a definite clan- system, — a compound of kindred families like that of the Aryan village. This Indian organization, while closejy resembling, differed in some important respects from the Aryan system. It was, indeed, intermediate between the patriarchal and the clan system, and represented an in- teresting phase in the natural development of human institutions.
Communism prevailed to a greater extent than with the Aryans. Not only land communism, but household com- munism existed with many of the tribes, and the isolation of the household and the tyranny of the house-father, so marked in the Aryan organization, does not appear in the Indian. Among the Iroquois of the North several families inhabited the same dwelling, with little separation of household rights; and in the case of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico, whole tribes, numbering several thousands of individuals, are still found dwelling in single great habi- tations. With these tribes there is no division of the landed property, and in this respect their organization is distinctly patriarchal.
With the Indians of the southern United States, how- ever, the Creek confederacy and the neighboring tribes, whose habits were much more agricultural than in the case
11 162
THE ARYAN RACE.
of the northern tribes, an interesting advance in social and industrial conditions is indicated, their organization very closely approaching that of the Aryan village. Here the households were separate ; and while the soil was common property, each family cultivated a separate portion of it, and was sustained in its claim to the use and products of this family field. In one respect only did the industrial organization differ from that of the Aryans. Each family, while controlling the produce of its own field and its own labor, was obliged to place a defined portion of the product in a village storehouse, whose stores were laid up for the good of the whole community. Hunters were also obliged to place there a portion of their game. This provident institution, resembling that of whose existence in Egypt we have evidence in the scriptural story of Joseph, consti- tuted a form of taxation for the public good, and seems to indicate an advance in political conditions beyond the Aryan community, in which no such custom existed. In reality, however, it signifies a lower stage of development. It was a remnant of the general communism of the patri- archal stage of association, and one which seems to have worked adversely to the interests of American liberty.
This industrial condition extended farther north than would be imagined from what is generally known of In- dian history. Historians of Virginia and Maryland state that the Indians of those localities had the custom of di- viding their lands into family lots, and possessed common storehouses, in which a portion of the food had to be placed, under control of the sachem, whose power was to some degree absolute.
This brings us to a consideration of the political organi- zation of the Indian tribes. It must be borne in mind, THE COURSE OF POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT. 163
however, that in the Indian, as in the Aryan community, there was no such definite organization as is produced by a body of written laws. Custom was the only law of these communities, and there was doubtless considerable variation between different tribes. Yet the general prin- ciple of organization was everywhere the same. The sys- tem was an elastic one, which might stretch considerably, but could not easily break.
One marked feature of the Indian organization was the existence of two sets of officers, with definitely separated functions. These were the sachems and the chiefs, — the former distinctively peace-officers, the latter the leaders in war. These officers were elected; and in the elections it is of interest to find that the women of the clan had a vote as well as the men. "Woman-suffrage is apparently a very old institution on American soil. The principle of choice of these two sets of officers, however, was very different. The war-chiefs were elected for personal valor, and there might be several of them in the clan. The sachemship alone was a hereditary office, and needed to be permanently filled; the new incumbent being usually, though not necessarily, chosen from the family of the de- ceased sachem, and perhaps vaguely representing the clan ancestor. The government of the clan was in the hands of all its adult members, male and female ; while the tribe, made up of a number of clans, was governed by a council composed of the sachems and chiefs, and the confederacy, where such existed, by a council of the sachems of its constituent tribes.
No such definite arrangement existed in the Aryan clan. The principal chief there also probably had a hereditary claim to his office ; but he was not distinctively a peace- 164
THE ARYAN RACE.
officer, like the sachem, but a leader in war, and the council of freemen formed the executive body in matters of peace. His power was not distinctly marked off from that of chiefs chosen for personal valor or warlike ability only, and in time the distinction may have become wholly lost; the ancestral claim of the chief, which was never very strong, vanishing completely.
The Indian organization indicates an intermediate con- dition between the patriarchal and the Aryan village com- munity. In the sachem we have the patriarch, shorn of some of his powers, yet not reduced to the mere war-leader of the Aryan clan. One important remnant of his old power existed in his control of the public storehouse. As the latter appears to represent a partial survival of the original general communism of the patriarchal tribe, so the control of it by the sachem represents the original control by the patriarch of all the wealth of the tribe. In neither case was this an ownership; it was simply a control for the good of the community. The mico — or sachem — of the Creek communities had no claim to the treasures in the storehouse, but had complete control over them. These had assumed the shape of a general taxation for the public good, and he was the general executive officer of the com- munity, with a considerable degree of arbitrary power in his administration. His government, however, Avas con- trolled by the village council, which met to discuss every question of equity and to try every case of crime.
There was one further feature of interest in the Indian organization to which we must now advert, — that of their religious conceptions. Among the savage tribes of the North, Shamanism appears to have been the prevalent faith, and sorcery the prevalent practice. The medicine-man THE COURSE OF POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT. 165
was the religious dignitary, his influence over the tribe being that of fear rather than of awe and spiritual dignity. The worship of ancestors is not indicated, while no ele- vated religious conceptions are displayed. A vague poly- theism seems to have existed, with belief in a “Great Spirit ” and a series of lesser gods ; yet this was undefined, and nothing that can be called a mythology had arisen.
Among the southern tribes, however, a very different state of religious belief prevailed. They possessed a mythological religious faith, with the sun for supreme deity, while their worship was conducted with all the ostentation of temples, high-priest, and a considerable priestly establishment. The democratic religious system of the Aryans did not exist among them. Their religion was aristocratic in tendency, had a vigorous influence over the minds of the people, and afforded a ready instrument for their subjection. While, indeed, there was a high- priest, the mico was the real head of the religious hie- rarchy, and added to his temporal influence the power arising from spiritual dignity. The patriarchal position of spiritual head of the tribe adhered to him, though the ancestral worship, to which he may have owed his original religious authority, had vanished.
The final outcome of this condition of affairs appears in a tribe to the west of the Creeks, the Natchez. The gov- ernment of this tribe was an absolute tyranny, the power of the ruler being based on his religious dignity. He had become “The 81111,” a god on earth, and the people were slaves to his will. There was an intermediate class of nobles, — perhaps the remnant of the former council; but “ The Sun,” the earthly representative of the supreme deit}', was absolute over the entire community. The 166
THE ARYAN RACE.
organization of this tribe presented some other interesting features, which we have not space to describe, but which were in conformity with the principles above indicated. It constituted a patriarchal despotism in close conformity with those of Asia.1
As to the origin of this peculiar state of government and religion among the southern Indians, so different in some respects from those of the wild tribes of the North, we have much warrant to consider it a survival of the organization of that vanished race known as the “ Mound- Builders,” which at one time occupied the whole valley of the Mississippi and its tributaries, but which seems to have been dispossessed by the bordering savage tribes, partly annihilated, and perhaps partly crowded back into the southern range of States, wThere it left its descendants in the Natchez, the Creeks, and others of the southern tribes.
A brief glance at the Indian civilizations of Mexico and Peru will lead us to conclusions like those above reached. In Mexico absolutism was not fully declared. The Mon- tezuma, the spiritual and temporal superior, was controlled by a council, — the survival of the old tribal assembly. Yet he was rapidly advancing toward complete absolutism at the period of the Spanish invasion. The storehouse of the northern tribes was here represented by an extended sys- tem of taxation in kind, over which he had full control, while his position as supreme pontiff gave him an influence
1 For fuller information concerning these interesting institutions of the American Indians, the reader may be referred to Jones’s “ Antiqui- ties of the Southern Indians,” in which the organization of the Creeks and Natchez is fully described, and Morgan's “ Ancient Society,” which gives valuable information in regard to the Iroquois confederacy and th? general governmental relations of the Indian tribes. THE COUKSE OF POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT. 167
which threatened to overthrow the feudal power of the nobility.
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but a step beyoucl the archaic Aryan stage, in which these deities were yet clearly the powers of earth, air, and sky, and in which each was, for the time, the supreme being to his worshipper. Their deities had not yet been special- ized as we find them later among the Greeks.
As the branches of the Aryan race left their primeval home and sought new lands of residence afar, certain highly interesting modifications came over their systems of worship, to which some attention is requisite. We do not refer to the expansion of their simple ideas of the deific attributes of natural phenomena into the splendid phantasmagoria of mythology, but to the characteristics of their religious organization. In this there was a marked difference between the eastern and the western Aryans. With the eastern branch the national or mythologie wor- ship rose into supremacy, the priesthood became a power- ful body, and the people fell under that dominion of priestcraft which has ever been such an opponent of human liberty. This was particularly the case with the Hindu tribes, over whom the priests gained an extraordi- nary predominance, unequalled in the history of any other people. The Hindu nation is one without great kings or great heroes. Its only great men are the lawgivers, the founders of systems, the priests of the race. When the tribes first marched to victory over the aborigines of India it was with the priests at their head. The Vedas are the record of the stirring hymns of praise or invocation with which these priestly warriors led their soul-stirred hosts. And when the Hindus sank to rest upon their conquered territory it was under the dominion of the priests. No great warrior led them to new victories, no powerful kingdom-maker welded the scattered bands into a nation,
10 146
THE ARYAX RACE.
oo earnest thinker wrote the history of the people. It was the history of the gods, not that of man, with which their thinkers were concerned; and we have grand systems of religious philosophy instead of a record of the mighty doings of man. The story of Hindu civilization is a phenomenon without parallel upon the earth.
The story of the Persians begins under conditions strikingly similar to that of the Hindus. Here, too, we behold a people marching to conquest with a priestly leader at their head. The great figure of Zoroaster dwarfs all the heroes of the sword. And their antique literature is religion, not history. It yields us only the outlines of that Zoroastrian system of faith and philosophy which was gradually filled up by priestly successors. But the location of the Persians forced them into a very different channel of history from that pursued by the Hindus. Instead of the hot, moist, enervating lowlands of the Indus and the Gauges, so favorable to the ^growth of superstitious belief in the divine power of the elements, they inhabited the bleak and inspiriting highlands of Iran. And the trumpet-blast of war rang everywhere around them, forcing them into battle for self-defence, and finally rousing them to victorious aggression. Great warriors and kings arose. The history of man began, and that of the gods ceased to be written. Yet to the late days of the empire the priesthood continued a powerful body, and, in alliance with the Throne, aided strongly in the sub- jection of the people.
If now we examine the religious history of the western Allans a different phenomenon appears. In none of the western branches did a powerful and controlling priest- hood arise, with the possible exception of the Celtic, in THE DOUBLE SYSTEM OF ARYAN WORSHIP. 147
which the shadowy group of the Druids stands out with a prominence not attained by the priesthood of the Teutons, Greeks, or Italians As for the early history of the Slavs, we are utterly in the dark; but there is no trace of a priestly establishment, and but faint indication of the exist- ence of a mythology. In the religious, as in every other respect, the home-staying Slavs seem most fully to have preserved the antique Aryan system, their creed remaining that of worship of the ancestral gods of the house and the clan, while mythology with them failed to advance beyond its elementary stage.
With the Greeks a rich and varied mythology arose, and an active public worship of the gods of the whole people emerged. Yet it never attained dominance over the hum- bler house-worship. The priesthood always remained an obscure body, without power in Grecian history, or control over the Hellenic people. The prevailing rites were those of the clan, not those of the nation. The literature was largely devoted to the gods, but it was almost void of deific philosophy. It dealt with the elemental deities in a somewhat playful spirit, humanized instead of spirit- ualized them, and wrought the mythical stories of their lives into the neat embellishments of poetry, not into the ground-work of vast theological philosophies. The gods of mythology were brought down to earth, looked squarely in the face by thinking men, laughed at, and dismissed. The whole fabric of myth and fable fell prostrate in splendid disarray, its rich fragments only to be used thereafter as poetic simile and metaphor. The worship of the ancestral spirits alone survived, while the thinking men of Greece set themselves to work to devise a secular philosophy of the universe. And Greece moved with unyielding steadi- 148
THE ARYAN RACE.
ness toward democracy, largely through the lack of a priestly control of the public mind which usurpers could seize and wield.
In Rome priestcraft stood at no higher level than in Greece. The Roman people were from the first deficient in imagination, and mythology there attained but a stunted growth. The house and clan worship, on the contrary, shows itself more prominently than in Greece. We find traces of it everywhere in Roman liistoiy, as when Corio- lanus, deserting Rome, seats himself b}T the hearth of his Volscian foe, and claims the protection, not of the Latin Jupiter, but of the hearth-spirit of the household he has entered. Even when the literature of Greece invaded Rome, and was imitated with all the fervor of the Roman mind, its mythologie feature obtained no special promi- nence ; while the gods of the Roman mythology always re- mained vague and unspecialized, and little developed from their antique Aryan form. Priestcraft, in consequence, never gained any footing of power in Rome. The system of public worship was, indeed, mainly reduced to a phase of Shamanism, augury and divination replacing the creation of great religious ideas, which elsewhere ruled the minds of men. Thus in the development of the Roman State, re- ligion never enters as an important political element. We perceive only a steady struggle between the democracy and the aristocracy, fought with secular weapons alone, with the growing supremacy of the democracy ; until the inordinately powerful element of the army overthrew the whole ancient fabric of the State, and replaced it with a military despotism.
Teutonic history, so far as we are acquainted with it, tells the same story. There was plenty of imaginative fer- THE DOUBLE SYSTEM OF ARYAN WORSHIP. 149
vor, and mythology gained very considerable develop- ment ; yet but faint traces of a priesthood have survived. Possibly the worship of the household and the clan dwarfed that of the elemental deities. When the Teutons march to victory it is not with a priest at their head, nor even by the side of their military chief. No such figure makes its appearance, and the only Teutonic hero is the wielder of the sword. It was doubtless principally due to this rea- son that Christianity made such rapid progress with the Teutonic tribes. There was no one with a strong interest in preserving the mythologie faith, no one to control the tribes in matters of belief, no earnest clinging to the dei- ties of mythology. The tribenien vaguely dreaded the vast gods of the elements, but their main worship was paid to the deities of the household, on whom alone their af- fections were centred. This private worship was too deeply ingrained to be eradicated except by slow degrees ; but the weakly held mythologie faith was suffered to be replaced by the Christian creed with an ease that would appear frivolous did it not prove how shallow an impression my- thology had made upon the Teutonic mind.
If we examine the early legend and fable of the several Aryan branches, an interesting illustration of their differ- ence in religious condition appears. The ancient Hindu tradition has nothing to do with man. Only the gods appear in it, and its supernaturalism is wildly extravagant in character. Man is a creature not worthy to be named in a universe which contains the gods. Ancient Greek tradition tells a widely different story. In this, man is the central figure. The gods are present, it is true, and there is no lack of supernaturalism; but heroic man is their equal rather than their slave. He is displayed in steady 150
THE ARYAN RACE.
struggle against the terrible powers of Nature, and in combat even with the Olympian deities. He is usually overcome and punished, yet he always retains something of the heroic; and the most striking figure in Greek mythology is that of Prometheus, the defender of man against the gods, terribly punished, yet eternally un- submissive, and hurling threats from his rock of torture against Zeus, his deific foe. Nor are the gods always the victors. In the pages of Homer we find heroes dar- ing to wound the gods, and escaping punishment for the impious deed.
If now we come to the antique legend of Rome it is to find the gods utterly forgotten, and man alone the subject of thought. It is admitted that the so-called history of ancient Rome is a tissue of fable ; yet it long held its own as history from the fact that it dealt solely with human deeds. It is almost devoid of the supernatural. The gods hardly enter as agents. The old Roman saw only his hearth-spirits, or but vaguely beheld the elemental deities of ancient Ary a. His imagination dealt solely with man and his deeds, in a series of stories that are sober history as compared with the exploits of the Greek heroes, and that breathe the most rigid spirit of the practical, as com- pared with the exuberantly fanciful Hindu conceptions.
This lack of a powerful priestly organization in the history of the western Aryans is without a counterpart in the civilized nations of the earth, with the one exception of China. That it has had much to do with the strong ten- dency to democracy in these nations, as compared with the tendency to aristocratic government elsewhere, can scarcely be questioned when we remember how powerful a control- ling agent is religion upon the mind of man, and how THE DOUBLE SYSTEM OE ARYAN WORSHIP. 151
vigorous is the grasp of the ruler who can seize at once the spiritual and the temporal reins of dominion.
The facts here given of the slight hold upon the western Aryans of their system of national religion, and the lack of an organized and influential priesthood to develop the public worship and to create a strong sentiment in its favor, are of interest for a reason above briefly adverted to. No bulwark existed against the inflow of a foreign system of belief, and'we cannot be surprised at the rapid progress of Christianity. Rome was a fallow field to the seed of foreign religious thought.* Its native faith was but feebly held, and we behold successively the Persian, Egyptian, and Christian creeds making their way into the Imperial City, with scarcely a word of protest or. opposition, until the political danger from Christianity roused the dread of the Emperors and gave rise to spasmodic persecutions. Not a word of appeal for the old gods comes from the priests of Rome.
In Greece something similar appears. The systems of the philosophers there replaced the figments of mythology, and the opposition to this philosophy came from the conserva- tive class of the people rather than from the priests. The after opposition to Christianity came from the adherents of the philosophers, with their proud admiration of the great- ness of Greek thought. Mythology in Greece was dead before Christianity arose. Among the Teutonic clans the opposition to Christianity was nothing stronger than a vague distrust of strange gods. The voice of a chief in favor of the new faith carried with it his whole body of followers, who threw off their mythologie belief as easily as they might have discarded an ill-fitting cloak. No priest raised his voice in favor of the old gods. The hearth- 152
THE ARYAN RACE.
spirits were as yet left to the people, and these were the only deities which had a hold upon their hearts. This phenomenon is singularly contrasted to the persistence with which the same tribes afterward clung to the slightest shades of sectarian Christianity. Instead of being without a priesthood, they had now come under the control of the most completely organized priesthood in human history. VII.
THE COURSE OF POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT.
HE political organization of the ancient Aryans is one
of the most interesting features in the whole history of human institutions. It has had an extraordinary in- fluence upon the development of modern civilization, its basic conditions having maintained themselves with a remarkable persistence through long eras of tyranny and oppression. Finally, in the government of the United States we have what is in many respects a survival of the government of ancient Ary a, so far as the simple conditions of the antique tribe can be brought into analogy with the complexity of relations in the modern nation. For in the Republic of the United States we possess a system of
v
local self-government ranging upward through the famil}T, the township or ward, the city or county, and the State, to the nation, with its general supervisory power over all below it. This is a close counterpart of the family, the village, clan, or gens, the tribe, and the confederacy of the ancient Aryans, each with its self-government in all that immediately concerned itself. It is the system of non- centralization, as opposed to the centralization which forms the basic feature of despotic government. In religion the same phenomenon appears. There was no State religion in ancient Ary a, and there is none in modern America. The religion of the household or of the clan ruled in the one, as 154
THE ARYAN RACE.
that of the person or of the sect does in the other. In despotic government, on the contrary, a centralized or State religion is an essential feature, and few tyrannies have been established without its aid.
The development of human institutions has been very little considered from this point of view ; and before ex- amining the Aryan system particularly, a brief comparison of this with the other systems of civilized mankind is of importance. Such a comparison will reveal features in the Aryan organization differing from those of any other family of mankind, and show clearly that ancient Aiwa was the true cradle of human liberty. Yet it will show at the same time that Ary a was by no means the cradle of human civilization. Despite the very evident intellectual superi- ority of the Aryan race, its institutions acted as a strong preventive to political progress; and but for the activity of external agencies, and of influences at variance with its democratic organization, the Aryan peoples of to-day might be in the same state of stagnation that we find in the vil- lage communities of Russia and India.
In reviewing the early organization of human society, wherever advanced beyond the savage state, a remarkable uniformity makes itself apparent, indicating that the social .and political conditions of mankind unfolded under the unconscious action of general laws, on the same principle that appears in the development of languages. Yet as human language, after pursuing the same course up to a certain level of unfoldment, diverged from this point into several different channels, so in the development of insti- tutions a like phenomenon is manifest. Our purpose here is very briefly to glance at these lines of divergence.
The primal condition of man was undoubtedly a social THE COURSE OF POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT. 155
one. The lowest savages were combined in groups for various purposes. One of these was that aggregated for defence. A second was the family group, — probably definitely and firmly organized only at a late date. A third was the group for religious observance, — yet later in its concrete organization. Eventually these three groups appear to have become concentrated into one, that of the family. The family, with its secondary ex- pansion into the community of kinsmen, became at once the social, the political, the religious, and the military group of mankind. Such is the condition of developing man everywhere that we can perceive him after he has advanced from the savage into the barbaric stage of cul- ture. The family idea becomes the ruling principle in every interest of the tribe.
Early history, however, reveals to us two distinct stages in this unfoldment, —that of the patriarchal group, and that of the clan group; the latter an important step of advance beyond the former. The patriarchal system is that of Asia and northern Africa ; the clan system that of Aryan Europe and North America. The desert was the native home of the patriarchal group. In the broad and barren steppes of northern Asia, and the great sandy plains of Arabia and northern Africa, the pastoral nomadic habit naturally per- sisted, agriculture in its faint first efforts remaining sec- ondary to the interests of the wandering shepherd tribes. Communism reigned supreme. The flocks were the prop- erty of the tribe as a whole. Scarcely any individual property existed. The narrow confines of the tent, and the necessity of frequent movement, prevented the accu- mulation of any large amount of household treasures. Politically a like communism prevailed. There was no 156
THE ARYAN RACE.
clear line of family demarcation. Each community was a group of kindred, and was under the leadership of the patriarchal representative of the remote ancestor of the tribe. But this leadership was by no means an absolute control. The separate families declared themselves suffi- ciently to form an assembly of freemen, not nearly so distinctly formulated as that of the Aryans, yet with a proud sense of personal independence, and a voice in the management of tribal concerns. The organization, how- ever, was that of an army, with hereditary right in its leader, and subordination to his authority in all warlike affairs.
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The worship of ancestors seems to have been almost universal among mankind in a certain stage of develop- ment. Traces of it can yet be found in all parts of the earth. But, so far as appears, it became a well-defined aud THE DOUBLE SYSTEM OF ARYAN WORSHIP. 135
largely exclusive system only among the Chinese and the ancient Aryans. And it is in all probability to this wor- ship of its ancestors by the members of the Aryan house- hold that we owe the peculiar secrecy of family life, the supremacy of the house-father, and the strong resistance to intrusion upon the domestic domain. According to the theory of Cox, the original ancestor of the family became a deity whom the survivors had to worship and propitiate. His burial obsequies needed to be duly performed, and rites of sacrifice to be paid to him. This could be done only by the eldest son, his legal representative. Thus the house-father became the house-priest, and the continuance of the family a religious necessity. To let it die out from lack of offspring would have been impious, and to this was due the practice of adoption, in default of male heirs, which afterwards became so extended a custom in the Aryan clans. But the tendency was to reduce every kind of association to that of kinship ; and this idea was kept up long after the free adoption of strangers had rendered it an utter myth. To the position of the father as the family priest and the offerer of rites to the ancestral deity, whom he represented, we owe his supremacy as the family ruler. The family was a composite one, made up of sev- eral generations of the liviug and the dead, of all of whom the house-father stood as the central point. It was a sa- cred group, which it was his duty to keep together, and to suppress all insubordination that might threaten its integ- rity. Doubtless from the position he thus held gradually rose his absolute power and the unquestioning submission to his decrees. He spoke with the voice of the whole body of ancestral deities, and was responsible to the house-gods for the rightful performance of his sacred function. 136
THE ARYAN RACE.
Hearn, in his “ Aryan Household,” has given a highly interesting description of this ancient system, which we may here epitomize, at least in its more trustworthy de- tails. Kinship and community of worship and property were the ties which first bound men into definite groups, the family bond expanding into the first national bond, — that of industrial and religious communism. It began with the family, extended to the clan, and thence to the tribe, attaining a very considerable extension before it was replaced by the territorial system of civilized nations. Each family had its common burial-place. This in later times became the common burial-place of the clan or gens, in which it would have been sacrilege to inter a stranger. In very early times it is probable that the bodies of deceased ancestors were interred in the dwelling. At a later date they were kept for some time in the dwell- ing, and then interred outside. These customs are still in vogue in China. They gave the deceased a very close relation to the house, and to a very late period the hearth- stone seemed to be considered in the light of an altar to the ancestors, the sacred stone of oblation to the departed.
The common meal was apparently the symbol of the common worship, though probably this symbolic signifi- cance was only recognized in meals specially prepared in honor of the dead. Spirits could not be expected to come unless specially invited and their share set apart. Yet they did not consume the gross part of the food, but only its spiritual essence, — all objects being supposed to have souls. In this we seem to have the origin of sacrifice, while the after-consumption of the food by the priests was but a sharing in the holy banquet, of which the deities had regaled themselves on the spiritual portion. Many illus- THE DOUBLE SYSTEM OE ARYAN WORSHIP. 137
trations might be drawn from ancient history of such sacred feasts to the deities of families and clans, and feasts to the dead are celebrated in Russia to the present day.
The evidences of this ancestral worship are abundant. The Hindu Vedas distinctly recognize the worship of the Pitris, or fathers, and to this worship the Sama-Veda is specially devoted. “ The Piti'is are invoked almost like gods; oblations are offered to them, and they are believed to enjoy in company with the gods a life of never-ending felicity.” 1 A similar belief existed among the Iranians, who worshipped the Fravashis, or spirits of the dead, and especially of their own ancestors. The latter worship was conducted with strict privacy. With the Hellenes the family worship of the house-spirits — the “Gods of the Hearth,” or “ Gods of the Fathers ”—was common. On the Romans it had a specially deep hold, and reduced the public worship almost to a nonentity. For these house- spirits we have many names, — the Genius, Lares, Penates, Manes, and Vesta. Vesta was the hearth, with its holy flame. The Lares and Penates were the true house-spir- its, the ancestral gods so dear to the Roman heart. We know little about this family worship with the Slavs,2 Teutons, and Celts. AVe have no ancient literature from the pre-Christian days of these peoples. Strong efforts were made by the Christian Church to abolish every phase of heathen worship, yet it has not succeeded in suppress-
1 Max Müller, Chips from a German Workshop, ii. 46.
2 Ralston tells us that “the worship of the Slavonic Lares and Penates, who were, as in other lands, intimately connected with the fire- burning on the domestic hearth, retained a strong hold on the affections of the people even after Christianity had driven out the great gods of old.” — Songs of the Russian People, p. 84. 138
THE ARYAN RACE.
ing all traces of the ancestral deity, — which indeed has left its mark in the guardian or patron saint of the Catholic devotee, and in the feasts to the dead among the Slavs and elsewhere. With the Russians the ancient family god yet lingers as the Domovoy, —the house-spirit, or angel in the house; reproducing the “hero in the house” of the Greeks, the Roman “ man in the house,” and the Teutonic Hasing. Among the Teutonic nations, indeed, there are man}7 traces of the house-spirit in its later form of a half-demonic goblin. We have it in the Ilausgeist, the Kobold, the Brownie, the Robin Goodfellow, etc., — prank- ish elves, ready to do the house and hearth work of neat housekeepers during the night, but apt to leave annoyance for the idle and careless. These house-goblins could be propitiated by offerings left them,—probably a relic of the ancient sacrifice. But they became the foes of those who neglected them, as the ancient house-spirits became the deadly enemies of those who failed to offer them due libations. In short, as to the general existence of ances- tral worship, either as a persistent fact or as a transformed survival, we may quote from Tylor: “In our time the dead still receive worship from far the larger half of mankind.” 1 The Aryan house-worship seems to have been conducted with inviolable secrecy. Each family had its own ritual, which was a precious secret, never to be divulged, and which appears indeed to have had the force of an amulet. Thus in the Rig-Veda the antique poet sings: “I am strong against my foes by reason of the hymns that I hold from my family and that my father has transmitted to me.” In Greek legend we find that Polyphemus scorns the authority of Zeus; he will recognize no god but his 1 Primitive Culture, ii. 112.. THE DOUBLE SYSTEM OF ARYAN WORSHIP. 139
own father» Poseidon. So the Russian peasant of to-day draws a line of distinction between his own Domovoy and that of his neighbor. The former will aid, but the latter will seek to injure, him. The ancient house-spirit was the house-guardian, who repelled thieves and warned tres- passers. Little the ancient Aryan cared if the universe had one or many authors. The gods of his own hearth were nearer and dearer to him than these remote deities of all mankind.
As the Aryan family expanded into the Aryan clan, so did the house-worship into that of the clan, whose rites were paid to the remote ancestor of the group of kindred. It is a question of some interest to what limit of ancestry the family worship extended. Mr. Hearn thinks it was lim- ited to the great-grandfather, and that the household might be made up of six generations, three of the living, and three of the dead. At this point, in his view, the house unfolded into the clan, colonists being sent out to found new households, and the immediate kinship of the family being exchanged for the more remote kinship of the clan, while the common deity worshipped by the several families was the spirit of the ancestral founder of the clan. It is doubtful, however, if any such definite rule prevailed; and no doubt inclination or internal disorganization had much to do with the disintegration of families and the growth of the wider and less intimate association of the village or clan. The existing Chinese custom is of interest in this connection. As a rule the Chinese family worships the spirit of the father and the grandfather. But this home- worship never seems to extend beyond the third generation of the dead. The Chinese clan, on the contrary, worships its remote ancestor whenever known, and the grave of such 140
THE ARYAN RACE.
an ancestor, if preserved, forms a sacred centre for the religions services of the clan. The descendants of Confu- cius, for instance, worship their great ancestor to-day as the chief of the gods to them.
So the Aryan clan-worship was as devoted and as exclu- sive as that of the family. Special gods of tribes and clans existed among the Teutonic and Celtic tribes, while the worship of the ancestor of the gens was a common custom with the Greeks and Romans. Mr. Hunter tells us that it is the first duty of a good Hindu to worship his vil- lage god.1 Among the Semitic tribes evidences of the same custom exist. The Bible, in its story of the Hebrew patri- archs, yields testimony to this effect. With the Aryan clans this worship was secret and exclusive. A strong feeling existed against intrusion on the sacred rites of a Greek or Roman gens. We are told, indeed, that the presence of a stranger at the religious ceremonies of a Greek clan was intolerable. And these ceremonies seem to haAre been held at the common burial-place of the clan, — a strong indica- tion that the worship was paid to the original ancestor. All these ceremonies, however, were conducted with such secrecy that we know very little concerning them. There seems to have been a dread that a god might be stolen or seduced away if not guarded with strict care. For this reason, perhaps, the name of the tutelary deity of Rome was always kept a profound State secret.
On the other hand, the worshippers might reject or desert their god, if found weak to redress their wrongs or to pro- tect them from evil. Several amusing illustrations of this may be given. The Finns of to-day in time of need do not hesitate to neglect their gods and pray to the more
1 Orissa, i. 95. THE DOUBLE SYSTEM OF ARYAN WORSHIP. 141
powerful Russian deities. So we are told, as an incident in Roman history, that “ the statue of the Cumaean Apollo came near to being thrown into the sea, from an ill-timed fit of weeping. Fortunately it was considered that the tears were for his old friends the Greeks, not for his new friends the Romans.” 1 As a more modem instance we may quote : “ A prince of Nepaul, in his rage at the death of a favorite wife, turned his artillery upon the temples of his gods, and after six hours’ heavy cannonading effectu- ally destroyed them.”2
It was this secret, domestic, and clannish worship of the Aryans that hindered the public worship from gaining a controlling influence, and checked the growth of a power- ful priesthood in most branches of the race. There was not the almost complete hindrance to the growth of my- thology that we find in the early Chinese; yet the worship of ancestors was sufficiently strong to prevent mythology from becoming dominant as a religion. Beneath it, almost unseen by us, yet vital and vigorous, lay the more ancient s}Tstem, that of the worship of family and gentile ancestral gods. Yet ancient Arya was not without its other deities. Its people possessed an active imagination, and could not avoid being vividly impressed with the mighty powers and strange phenomena of Nature, which they naturally en- deavored to explain or comprehend. And, as in every ancient effort at such explanation, they arrived at the con- ception that these phenomena were the work of intelligent and powerful beings, the overruling gods of earth and heaven. In the primitive era they had nothing that can fairly be called a mythology. They worshipped Nature as
1 Saint Augustine, City of God, i. 101.
2 W. E. Hearn, The Aryan Household, p. 25. 142
THE ARYAN RACE.
they saw it, with no idea of symbolism and no miscon- ception of the meaning of their objects of reverence. It was yet summer and winter, daylight and darkness, the bright dawn and the terrible storm, thunder and sunshine, which they looked upon as the powerful deities of the uni- verse, and upon whom they called for protection, or whose dark wrath they deprecated in cases of peril beyond the power of their humbler domestic deities. Only by slow degrees did these elemental gods lose their original signifi- cance. Probably at an early period the Aryan imagination had begun to invest them with metaphorical significance. The Clouds became the cows of the gods, whose milk re- freshes the earth, but which at times are hidden in caves by robbers. The Dawn, the beautiful spirit, sends her glad eye-beams over the earth, and is speedily pursued by the glowing Sun. In winter the Earth mourns for the dead Summer, which lies buried in the dark prison of Hades. Or the Summer sleeps in the land of the Niflungs, the cold mists, guarded by the serpent Fafnir, while her buried treasures are watched by the dwarf Andvari. Hundreds of such metaphors gradually grew around the movements of the sun, the winds, and the clouds, the demon Night, and the bright god Day, the all-destroying "Winter and the all-restoring Summer. In time the origin of these meta- phors became obscured, and even the derivation of the names of many of the gods was forgotten. Anthology gradually rose out of the primitive worship of the powers of Nature, and the endless biographical details which surrounded the mythologie deities testify to the original activity of the Aryan imagination.
An interesting feature in the primitive Aiyan mythology is the selection of the bright, broad arch of the heavens THE DOUBLE SYSTEM OE ARYAN WORSHIP. 143
as the primal deity, the great father-spirit of gods and men. This deification of the sky was not peculiar to the Allans. We find traces of it in Babjfionian, Chinese, and American worship. But at a very remote period in the civilizations of Egypt and Babylonia, Mexico and Peru, the sun gained supremacy as the first and greatest of the gods, the prime spirit of the universe. With the Aryans the sun was much later in attaining acknowledgment, and the shining arch of the sky continued the deity supreme. This is the deity that descended to historic times as the great father-god, the object of highest reverence to most of the Aryan peoples when first they emerged into history. Varuna, the elder god of the Vedas, was the veiling heavens. He stands opposed to his brother Mitra, who is the deity of the noontide sky, while Varuna appears to represent the starlit firmament. We find this god again in the Uranos of Greek mythology. He sits, in the words of the Vedic poet, throned in splendor, clad in armor of gold, and in a palace supported on a thousand columns, while around him stand ready the swift messengers of his will. At a later date another heaven-deity arose, Dyaus, the god of the bright canopy of the day, before whose worship that of Varuna died away. We have the same god in the Zeus of the Greeks, the conqueror of his pre- decessor, Uranos. He again appears in the Teutonic Tib, the god of light. The Odin of the Scandinavians, with the sun for his single eye, seems to be another lieaven- deit}7. Again we have the heaven-god in his paternal aspect as the Dyaus-pitar of the Hindus, the Zeus Pater of the Greeks, the Jupiter of the Romans, — the kindly and beneficent progenitor of gods and men, the supreme par- ental deity of all that has life. 144
THE ARYAN RACE.
With the Hindus the sun was S3Tmbolized by a later deity, the golden-haired Indra, the god of light, whose arrows were each hundred-pointed and thousand-feathered. With the lightning for his beard, and brandishing a golden whip, he drove his flaming chariot across the heavens. The rains and the harvest were his gifts to mankind, while the demons which threatened the human race found in him a terrible foe. In Balder the Beautiful, the lord of light of the Teutons, we discover the Sun-god again, dying yearly at the winter solstice by the hand of the blind god Hödr, the demon of darkness, and rising again in his beauty as the shining summer returns.
But we cannot here attempt to name the interminable list of deities of the later Aryan worship, many of them, particularly in Greek n^tholog}7, borrowed from neighbor- ing nations, and fitted, often ve^ awkwardty, into the Olympian court of the Hellenic gods. It will suffice to say that this ancient S3Tstem of worship is preserved to us in its most archaic integrit3' in the Vedas, — the work which holds the oldest recorded thoughts of man on natural phenom- ena. In it we have the deific host as the Devas, the shining ones ; the dawn as Ushas, the bright, loving, gen- tle, white, and beautiful; the deities all simple in their attributes, and without the wide garment of m3Tth that afterward enfolded them, — plainty the elements half transformed into the immortals.1 We find ourselves here
1 A striking instance exists in tlie story of Agni, the Fire-god of the Hindus. The Vedas tell us that two sticks were the parents of this deity, who was no sooner born than he turned upon and devoured them. Here is the original method of obtaining fire by the friction of two sticks transparently displayed. Yet Agni soon became one of the mightiest of the gods. He grew rapidly from his humble origin, flaming upward, as it were, from earth to heaven. THE DOUBLE SYSTEM OF ARYAN WORSHIP. 145
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It is a striking evidence of the conservative persistency of institutions among agriculturists to find that similar conditions exist to-day in middle and south Germany, with but slight modifications. The main change is that communism in the arable lands has ceased, and the fields of the peasants are held in private ownership. The valu- able work on Germany by Baring-Gould gives some in- teresting information and suggestions on this point. He makes it clearly evident that the customs of the Aryans changed in accordance with the variation in the character of their soil. "Where the land was poor, as in northern Ger- many, it was incapable of supporting a dense population, and such regions became active centres of migration. The seeming general migrations were in reality only partial, and mainly consisted of the swarms of elder sons whom the paternal estates could not support. In such cases but one son remained under the paternal roof, perhaps in some cases the eldest, but oftener the youngest, — from which may have arisen the custom in some localities of inheritance by the youngest, as already mentioned. Such was probably the origin of the frequent invading movements of the Sax- ons, Angles, Franks, etc. Room for the surplus population was needed, and the}r obtained it by conquering a new home, or died by the swords of the invaded people. It was a system of the survival of the strongest which served to settle the Malthusian difficulty during long ages of human history.
In southern and middle Germany, where the land is richer, the communal conditions more fully prevailed. In the North the farm developed, descending to one son as the heir, — a condition which still prevails in that locality. In the South the village persisted, with its common lands. 124
THE ARYAN RACE.
This system was nearly universal among the Franks, Ale- manni, and Swabians, and survives unchanged in some places. Thus at Gersbacli, in the Baden Schwarzwald, all the tillage land is held in common and is periodically redistributed. In the Altmark all the land is common, and the agricultural work to be done the next day is de- cided every evening by the heads of households. Similar conditions exist in other places. The three-field system is yet universal in this region, and in numerous cases the pasture and forest land is still held in common. The Ge- tucmnen, the village arable fields, consist of somewhat nar- row strips, divided from each other by footpaths. These are subdivided into still narrower family strips, marked off by trenches or stones. They are usually rectangular, often not more than seven yards wide, and in extreme cases reduced to three or even one yard in width. In such cases they are longer in proportion to their narrowness. These fields are divided into the Felcl, the Flur, and the Zelg, the winter, summer, and fallow field, in accordance with imme- morial custom. The lots of peasant proprietors are thus divided into narrow strips scattered all over the parish, such a thing as a compact farm being very rare. Of recent years, however, efforts have been made by the Governments to end this state of affairs and redistribute the land so as to bring each peasant’s holdings together. The indications are that ere long the old and inconvenient system will vanish under the force of modern ideas and governmental initiative.
That the soil of England was originally divided in a similar manner by its Saxon conquerors we have abundant evidence in the many traces of communistic agriculture which still exist. Fields known as “ common fields” may THE HOUSEHOLD AND THE VILLAGE.
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yet be found in many of the English counties. These fields are nearly always divided into three long strips like the German Gewannen, separated by green baulks of turf. The separate farms consist of subdivisions of these strips, often very minute. There is evidence to show that the same owner once held a share in each strip, and that these shares were equal, or nearly so, though now many of them may be accumulated in single hands. The methods of agriculture closely reproduce those of old. One strip is left fallow, while unlike crops are cultivated in the other twro strips. The right of common pasturage for the cattle of the farmers often exists ; and the shares in the arable lands in rare cases shift owners annually, as in old Arya. This is frequently the rule with the meadows, rights in which are often redistributed annually by casting lots.1
In addition to these arable fields there are in many parts of England open or common fields, sometimes comprising more than half the area of certain counties. Mr. William Marshall, in his “ Treatise on Landed Property,” estimates that a few centuries ago nearly the whole of the lands of England lay in this open state, and formed the common property of cultivators. They seem to have been divided into arable and waste or pasture lands on a principle closely related to that of the Teutonic village. Similar conditions yet exist in Lowland Scotland, as in the borough of Lauder, already cited.
This persistence of the communistic village organization in England, after all the wars and revolutions in that land, shows a peculiar vitality in the ancient Aryan system of property holding. Significantly similar institutions were established in America, the yeoman settlers of New Eng- 1 Maine, Village Communities, pp. 78 to 89. 126
THE ARYAN RACE.
land dividing their new soil on the principle to which they had been accustomed at home. These American vil- lage communities, however, never took a deep hold on the soil. The flood of new emigrants soon drowned them out of existence.
In two Aryan lands, India and Russia, the village com- munity has been rigidty persistent, and exists at the pres- ent day in a form not widety different from that which must have prevailed in ancient Aiya. Only among the Hindus and the Slavonians does the archaic house com- munity persist, while they everywhere maintain the village system. The Indian village closely repeats the Teutonic, as above described. There is the arable domain, divided among the families, yet cultivated under minute laws of custom. "Where grass-crops can be raised, the meadows persist, on the verge of the cultivated ground. Outside appears the waste, the undivided pasture-ground of the villagers. Centrally lies the village, with its individual family plots and its strictty isolated households. And all is under the control of an elected headman or a village council which decides all questions. Two ancient ideas have died out, however. The periodical redistribution has disappeared, except as a tradition, and the villagers do not consider themselves kinsmen. Perhaps the abundant infu- sion of foreign blood has killed out this old conception.
The old system of government by an assembly of adult males, as found in the ancient Teutonic community, has partly vanished in India. In many cases the affairs of the community are managed by a council of village elders, but more generally this council is replaced by a head- man,— a feature of later origin. This office is sometimes hereditary, sometimes elective ; though in the latter case THE HOUSEHOLD AND THE VILLAGE.
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usually confined to a particular famity, and generally to the eldest male of that family.
The Indian villages are not solely cultivating communi- ties. Manufacturing interests are also included. There are families of hereditary artisans, as the blacksmith, the shoemaker, etc. There is a village accountant, a village police, and other necessary officers. But these persons are included in the communistic system, and are paid by an allowance of grain or a piece of cultivated land. All their wares have a price, fixed by usage, and to bargain with a Hindu tradesman for his goods is to insult him.
In central and southern India are certain villages to which is attached a class of persons who form no actual part of the community. These persons are looked upon as impure. Their touch is contaminating. They are not per- mitted to enter the village, or only a reserved part of it. Yet they have definite duties, one of which is the settle- ment of boundaries. They probably are descendants of the aboriginal population. Still, despite the rigid exclu- sion of these “ outsiders,” there can be no question that the alien population largely made its way into the village in past times, as is shown by the evident great mixture of race-characters in India, and by the loss of the idea of kindred in the village groups. In the Russian commu- nity this is avoided by the ease of swarming to new lands. But in densely peopled India the contest between the group of kindred and the alien class for a share in the land must have been severe and persistent, and to it is probably due the conditions we now find.
Of all modern Aryan nations, however, Russia is the one that has deviated least from the ancient customs, and 128
THE ARYAN RACE.
in the Russian mir we have the closest analogue of the antique Aryan village. This is in accordance with the view we have taken of Russia as the Aryan branch that has re- mained nearest to or yet occupies the primitive home of the race, and that has been least exposed to disturbing influences. Yet the unwarlike character of the Russian, as of the Hindu peasantry, and their close confinement to agricultural duties, have doubtless had much to do with their strict conservatism. In all lands and in all times the agriculturist has been the conservative, the citizen the radi- cal ; while but for the disturbing and destroying influences of war we might have to-day the most archaic of institu- tions persisting in their full vigor.
In ^Wallace’s admirable work on Russia is an interest- ing description of the Russian mir, or village community, which may be here epitomized. Ivanofka, a village in northern Russia, is offered as a typical instance of a culti- vating group. It embraces in its communal bounds about two thousand acres of a light sandy soil. In the cultiva- tion of this nearly all the women and about half the males of the village are habitually engaged. The land is sepa- rated into three portions, — arable, waste, and village ; the arable being divided into three large fields, after the imme- morial Aryan usage. The first field is reserved for the crop of rye ; the second for oats and buckwheat; while the third lies fallow, and is used as pasture-ground. This distribution changes from field to field annually, so as to make a rude rotation of crops and to give each field rest one year in three. The fields are cut into long, narrow strips, of which each family possesses, according to its needs, one or more in each lot. Many of the villagers are artisans, and live in the towns. Yet they cannot leave the THE HOUSEHOLD AND THE VILLAGE.
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village without consent of the council, must return to it when ordered, and must send part of their earnings home to the village treasury. Otherwise they forfeit their heredi- tary claims, and break a link of connection with the ances- tral home and kindred which is dear to the heart of every true Russian.
The chief person in the mir is the selski starosta, or vil- lage elder, whose office is elective, and presents no trace of heredity. The electing body is the selski skhocl, or village assembly, composed of the adult members of the commu- nity. This body settles all important affairs. As the power of the elder here is limited, so is that of the house- father. He has in recent times lost much of his ancient absolutism, and no longer rules with unquestioned author- ity over the adult members of the family. The affairs of the village are closely regulated by custom. No one can plough or mow until the assembly has met and passed a resolution, and no peasant dreams of disputing a decree of the assembly. These decrees are generally carried by accla- mation, though there is a counting of heads by the elder when any diversity of opinion appears. And it ma}' be said that no one desires the office of elder. It brings with it trouble and responsibility, with very little compensation. Efforts are made to avoid the empty honor, though no one dare dispute the decision of the electors.
In regard to the division of the fields among the house- holders, the principle of periodical redistribution is yet extant, and is practised whenever changes in the number and size of families make it desirable. And the idea of kinship still persists. The Russian villager believes him- self allied by blood-ties with the members of his village group. In the more fertile southern districts each peasant
9 130
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strives to obtain all the land he can get, — which is not the case in the North, where the land-tax renders too large a farm undesirable. All disputes thence arising are settled by casting lots. In these districts the meadow-lands are also divided into household shares ; but this division is made annually instead of irregular^, as in the case of arable lands. Occasionally the grass is cut in common, and then divided. It may be said, in conclusion, that the meetings of the assembly of the village are very infor- mal, and discussion is carried on in a free and easy way, though with considerable shrewdness. 'Wallace gives some very amusing instances of these debates, — the direct counterparts, probably, of the methods of government that prevailed in ancient Arya centuries before history was born.
The village community, however, while found univer- sally among the Aryans, cannot be claimed as a peculiar Aryan institution. It is one of the two forms under which all ancient agricultural societies seem to have been organ- ized ; the other being the more archaic patriarchal system. Village communities have been discovered in Java and among North African Semitic tribes, while they form the ordinary t}Tpe of the Indian clan groups of North America. It has been the custom to speak of the Indian tribes as in the hunting-stage of development. But the fact is that they were very largely agricultural. For one evidence of this the reader may be referred to a paper in the u Amer- ican Naturalist” of March, 1885. And their land-holding customs, together with their system of organization, bore a striking resemblance to those of the Aryans, though with some features of variance, as will be seen when we come to treat of their comparative political systems. This much THE HOUSEHOLD AND THE VILLAGE. 131
may be here said, — the idea of kinship in the clan was strongly held by the Indian tribes, bnt the isolation and rigid exclusiveness of the household was not maintained. The belief that “ every man’s house is his castle,” to be defended to the death if need be, is peculiarly Aryan. Its counterpart is found nowhere else in the world. VI.
THE DOUBLE SYSTEM OP ARY AX WORSHIP.
IX the religion of the ancient Aryans is displayed, to a more marked extent than in that of any other people, two distinct systems of worship, arising from unlike in- fluences, and struggling for precedence. This fact is of importance, as it has had a vital influence on the history of their descendants, and has done much for the preserva- tion of their democratic spirit. For of these two systems the one tended to aristocracy, the other to democracy ; and in nearly all the ancient Aryan communities the democratic religious system kept the ascendency.
YTe are apt, indeed, in considering the Aryan religions, to call up before our mental vision simply the rich picture of mythology, with its intricate and extraordinary details, its surprising variety of conceptions, the physical splendor of its deities and their habitation, and the crowding multi- tude in which they inhabited earth, air, ocean, and the over-arching skies. But these marvellous mythical deities were not the oldest or the most venerated gods of the Aryans. They grew into great prominence in the early literary period of Greece and India and of the Teutonic tribes, and became surrounded with a confusedly complex series of biographical details, in which the vestiges of their origin "were lost to their worshippers. But in ancient Arya the nature gods lacked this complexity of myth and variety THE DOUBLE SYSTEM OF ARYAN WORSHIP. 133
of forms and attributes, and their true meanings were plainly apparent. They were as yet the sky, the sun, and the planets, the winds and the clouds, the summer and the winter, the dawn and the darkness, and those varied ele- mental phenomena which are of supernatural significance to the simple fancies of all uncultured peoples. They had not yet unfolded into the Supreme Deity of heaven and earth, with his brilliant and marvellous court of sec- ondary immortals.
Less striking, yet more ancient and more persistent, than this system of worship was another, of which we see and hear but little, yet which formed the most generally ob- served religion of our far-off progenitors, so far as indi- cations prove. This was the worship of ancestors, the home-worship of the Aryan family, the exclusive worship of the Aryan clan, the religion of the hearth and of the ancestral tomb, —the only worship that really reached the hearts of the earty Aryans.
Something very similar to the Aryan religious system exists to-day in China as a phenomenon that has utterly died out elsewhere in civilized lands. There, too, we find a double system, — the worship of ancestors underlying the more public systems of belief. But the Confucian phi- losophy has never taken deep root as a popular religion, while ancestral worship has a stronger hold on the public heart than Taoism or Buddhism. On the Western conti- nent, among the Indian tribes of the southern United States, appears a similar double system. Here, however, it was not an ancestral, but a demonic system, a developed Shamanism, that was mingled with the worship of the elemental gods. But while the worship of ancestors held the supremacy in China, that of the solar deity and of 134
THE ARYAN RACE.
later mythical gods did so in America. Among the Aryans it is probable that there was a closer balance of influence between the two systems of worship. Very prob- ably in ancient Arya ancestral worship was strongly in the ascendant. Later it became to some extent balanced by the growing prominence of lithological -worship. But the latter attained supremacy only in India and perhaps among the Celts. Elsewhere the indications seem to show that the former continued the dominant system.
In considering this question we are dealing with one of which the history is somewhat obscure. The Aryan house and clan worship did not attract the attention of the poets, whose verses are filled with the marvels of mythical legend. The family worship was in no sense public, like that of the elemental deities. It was conducted in secrecy and mys- tery. Strangers were not admitted to the sacred rites of house and clan. And every family had its own ritual, which was a secret never to be divulged. In consequence very little testimony concerning this system of worship has made its way into literature. It is only alluded to inci- dentally, in vagrant paragraphs ; and what little is known of it has been recovered only by patient research and by piecing together flitting fragments of evidence. Neces- sarily, to some extent, doubt creeps in. Vre can rebuild the ancestral worship only in outline. It has nowhere in the past been made the subject of brilliant essays and the groundwork of great poems, like those devoted to the mul- titudinous deities of mythology.
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modern Indian law. Originally it may have been as per- manent as that of the Slavonic group. An interesting instance of a similar character, in a non-Aryan Indian tribe, is that of the Kandh hamlet, described by Dr. Hunter in his “ Orissa.” This people is still a nomadic one, and its institutions are strikingly like what those of the Aryans must have been in their specially pastoral age. The Kandh hamlet is a household unit in which individual rights are unknown. The house-father exercises supreme control, and the maxim is held that “ a man’s father is his god.” Disobedience is the greatest of crimes. No son can pos- sess property till the death of his father. Then a division is made of the land and stock, and each son becomes the head of a separate family.
The condition of society here reviewed is a highly ar- chaic one, a survival from a very ancient period of Aryan existence when it was yet in the nomadic pastoral state. In its subsequent agricultural phase a different organization arose ; but vestiges of the more ancient condition, in which the family was the state, persisted throughout this later period, and have, in the instances described, continued unto our own times. It is the patriarchal stage of political development, the stage which still persists generally among nomads, and which has played a remarkable part in the history of civilization, as we shall hereafter point out. The nomadic tribes of northern Asia and of the desert of Arabia are }Tet in this stage of organization. The princi- ple of a single, supreme house-father has been there ex- panded into the head of the clan, the chief of the tribe, the ruler of the nation, through a direct process of develop- ment which has been modified by no secondary principle.
. The only Aryan people in which this archaic system has to
8 114
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any extent held its own in clan-government are the High- landers of Scotland under their recent S3Tstem of chieftain- ship. The Highland clan was a distinctively patriarchal organization, sustained by a people largely pastoral, and to some extent nomadic in habit. It was an expanded family group, in which the chief was the direct representa- tive of the original ancestor, and was looked upon with a partly superstitious reverence by his ignorant and faithful followers. It seems to indicate a reversion to archaic political conditions.
In ancient Arya — probably when agriculture had begun to tie the former nomads to fixed locations, and to bring new interests into the foreground of men’s thoughts — a new principle of organization gradually declared itself, a highly interesting outgrowth from the more ancient pa- triarchal system. This was the system of the Village Community, one of the most important stages in the de- velopment of human institutions. It must be borne in mind that with the acquirement of property iu land indus- trial relations assumed a very different phase from that governing property in flocks and herds. In all these, ancient cases the idea of community in property was firmly established. The common property of the family expanded into the common property of the clan, which was }ret re- garded as a single famity, of common descent and common name. However greatly foreign elements came in, through adoption or otherwise, this fiction was maintained, and in several localities has not yet died out. There was no diffi- culty in sustaining this idea of community in the case of pastoral property. The herds were under the care of the whole group, and there was nothing to call for individual- ism in labor. And though they were held for the good THE HOUSEHOLD AND THE VILLAGE. 115
of all, the patriarchal head of the group claimed certain supreme rights of ownership and management, and certain controlling powers over the clansmen, which were but a development of the original supremacy of the house-father. An interesting instance of such an organization is that of the patriarch Abraham and his followers and flocks as given in the Scriptures.
This generalism of duties could not so well be exercised in agricultural labor. Such labor could not properly be performed in common, and it became necessary to break up the tilled land into separate lots, each to be cultivated by a single family. This was attended or followed by the ownership of the product of its own lot by each family, although the land as a whole continued to be the property of the community. Instances of the growth of this s}ts- tem may be found in American institutions. In the Inca empire of Peru the system of agriculture and government continued patriarchial in great part. The population as a whole cultivated the lands of the Inca and the Church ; the products, though held in part for the good of the people, being under the supreme control of the ruler. But the remainder of the lands, those specially appertaining to the people, were divided into separate lots, each cultivated for its own use by a single family. In the Aztec empire of Mexico the supremacy of the Montezumas was much less absolute. The lands were partly claimed by the Throne and the Church; but the work on these lands was done by dependants, not by the people as a whole. The remaining lands belonged to the separate cities or districts, and were divided among the people. But a part of all produce went into the public storehouses, and was under the con- trol of the government. Among the partly civilized tribes 116
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of the southern United States — the Creek confederacy and the adjoining tribes — all the land was the property of the people, and was divided into separate lots, apportioned to the separate families, though some degree of individual ownership was also exercised. But a portion of all pro- duce, alike of agriculture and of hunting, was obliged to be placed in certain public storehouses for the use of the people in case of necessity. These public stores -were under the supreme control of the mico, or village head- man, in whom we have a close representative of the similar officer in Aryan communities, though the mico had besides an important spiritual authority.
Coming now to the Aryan organization, we discover the final stage in this gradual separation of interests. Here also the land as a whole is the property of the community; but it is divided among the families for their separate use, and all trace of community in its produce is lost. The wise system of public storehouses of the Indian village does not exist, and the product of each separate field is the sole property of the family cultivating it, to be dis- posed of without supervisal. Thus in these several peo- ples every stage of growth, from the pastoral complete community in cattle to the Aryan partial community in land, can be traced.
It is to this separation of interests in the common prop- erty that we must look for the origin of that peculiar clan-organization which is, in nearly a complete sense, a special characteristic of the Aryan people. In this organi- zation the individuality of the family persisted. There was no merging of the smaller into a larger patriarchal family group. Each household became an equal unit of the vil- lage group, with equal rights in the common property, and THE HOUSEHOLD AND THE VILLAGE.
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with an equal voice in the decision of all questions relating to the general interests. The head of each family was a full member of the community, and the government was in the hands of these freemen, organized into a council. So far as we can discern, this was the archaic condition of the village community. The tendency to continue the patri- archal organization had been checked by the division of in- terests, and the separate yet equal rights of every freeman in the common property. The principal questions necessary to decide related to industrial affairs, and in the disposal of these every house-father had acquired an equal right.
Yet the patriarchal tendency was checked, not killed. Old ideas have a persistent vitality in barbarian commu- nities. The members of each village viewed themselves as kindred, descendants of a common ancestor, and in each village there were certain families which were regarded as more directly in the line of descent from the ancient ancestor. A certain gradation of rank existed, dependent on honor, not on privilege ; and when it became necessary to choose a leader in war, or to elect some umpire in vil- lage disputes, the choice most naturally fell on those deemed to have a hereditary claim to authority. The offices of chieftain and of village head-man thus arose. The vil- lage was constituted on the type of the family. In the latter a council was called to decide important affairs, and in certain cases to elect a family head. It was the same with the village. The council of freemen held the rights of decision and of election ; but in both family and village the choice usually fell on those having the best claim of hereditary right, and the election often became a mere ac- clamation in favor of the person recognized as the natural chieftain. 118
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All this is not mere conjecture. There is abundant historical evidence of the organization of the ancient Ar- yans. It was evidently at once a communistic and a highly democratic society. In its latter characteristic it was markedly different from the patriarchal society, which was aristocratic in tendency, and which naturally tended to despotism ; while in all Aryan communities the ancient claim of equality of rights and privileges has had persist- ent vitality, even under grinding despotisms. All modern democratic governments are direct outgrowths of the an- cient organization of the Aryan village, while the despot- isms of Asia are as direct resultants of the patriarchal system.
One statement more is necessary in regard to the division of property in ancient Arya ere we adduce the historical testimony. Each village claimed the right of eminent domain over a landed district of definite extent. But in the management of this landed property there were three separate interests to be considered, — the pastoral, the agri- cultural, and the domestic. It is interesting to observe the disposition of these. The pastoral interests retained their old generalism. The pasture-lands were held in common, for the feeding of the flocks of the villagers. The arable lands, on the contrary, were equally divided among the several families for cultivation. But, as if to prevent any claim to individual ownership, these lands were periodi- cally redistributed. This system of redistribution is still maintained in Russia. Finally, the village plot was di- vided into house-lots, which were the absolute domains of their proprietors. Each family held separate ownership in its house and the plot of ground surrounding, and perhaps partly for that reason jealously guarded it. Each man’s THE HOUSEHOLD AND THE VILLAGE. 119
house was liis stronghold; it was the only spot of earth in which he could claim individual ownership ; and every man who attempted to intrude on it without his permission was an enemy whom he might repel as he would his dead- liest foe. Possibly this may have had something to do with the growth of that isolation of the household which became so strongly developed in all Aryan communities.
If now we come to look for the historical evidences of this assumed industrial and social status of the ancient Aryans, it is remarkable, considering the numerous and radical changes in human institutions since the opening of the historic period, what clear traces of it remain. We have already described the extant relics of a yet older Aryan condition, — that of the patriarchal family. The clan sys- tem has been equally persistent, and exists with little change in Russia and India to-day, while historic traces of it can be found in every other Aryan communit}7, with the exception of that of Persia; and even in Persia the ancient demo- cratic organization of the people can be clearly traced.
There is considerable evidence that the ancient Hellenes and Romans were organized in village clans, with common landed property. Morgan says that the Athenian gens, or clan, in some cases, at least, held property in common. Thucydides speaks of such communities as independent systems of local government, and there was seemingly a period in which there was no city of Athens, but many village communities in Attica. The Roman gens was sim- ilarly in possession of common lands, of a common clan- name, and of common religious rites, burial-place, etc. Mommsen describes “ village communities by the Tiber,” out of which Rome arose. There is no doubt of the exist- ence of such clan villages. The hills of Rome and the 120
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Acropolis of Athens formed originally centres of refuge for the villagers in periods of invasion, and it is supposed that in such hill forts we have the germ of many of the ancient cities. The modern city of Calcutta had its origin in an aggregation of several separate village communities.
The Celtic Aryans present similar indications. The sense of kinship is deeply stamped on the Brehon laws of ancient Ireland, and the Irish sept probably repeated the joint family or the village clan of the Hindus. Private ownership in land was common at the earliest historic period, yet the rights of private owners were limited by the communal rights of a brotherhood of kinsmen. Apparently the original right to cultivate a fixed plot was then growing into a claim of private ownership in that plot, as became the case elsewhere. The power of the lord of the manor over the communal lands was also beginning to show itself. The fine or sept bore the name of its supposed ancestor, and its territory also bore his name, — a condition which has not yet died out. As elsewhere, the sept received strangers by adoption; but this did not destroy the fiction of kinship.
In Scotland the village community was a much more persistent institution. It left its marks as late as the time of Sir 'Walter Scott, who discovered traces of such an institution in the islands of Orkney and Shetland. Very recently, in the Lowlands of Scotland, in the borough of Lauder, a condition of affairs has been discovered closely analogous to the antique village community system.1 Sir Henry Maine has also traced in France an indication of a like condition of affairs, despite the violent revolutions to which that country has been subjected.
1 Maine’s Village Communities, p. 95. THE HOUSEHOLD AND THE VILLAGE.
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The facts relating to the Teutonic village communities, as traced by Von Maurer in his valuable series of works on the subject, and of vestiges of the same institution in Eng- land, as shown by Nasse, may be here epitomized. The ancient Teutonic agricultural group consisted of a number of families holding a certain well-defined tract of land. This tract was divided into three portions, known as the mark of the township or village, the common mark, or waste land, and the arable mark, or cultivated area. These three sections were held under very different conditions. The waste was the common property of the community, held for purposes of pasturage, for gathering fire-wood, and the like. It was the analogue of the old pastoral domain.1 The village section was divided into house and garden plots, each the sole property of the family occupying it. No one, not even the officers of the law, had the right to intrude upon the family domain. There the house-father was absolute lord. The arable mark seems in almost every case to have been divided into three great fields, only two of which were cultivated in any one year, the third lying fallow. But tillage was not in common. Each house-
1 The waste formed the line of demarcation between different com- munities,— the wooded region of the hunter, the hostile border-land which the foot of the invader müst traverse. We have survivals of the word which designated it in Denmark, or the Danes’ Mark ; in the March or battle-border between England and Wales ; and in the marquis or markgraf, the guardian of the mark. The waste mark was also the seat of exchange of products between villages, the region of the market. The forest of the waste was the temple of the Teutons, the home of the unknown and uncanny, of ghost and goblin. It was the least-known and most-dreaded of their dominions. Here dwelt Odin, the god of the mark, the spirit of the tree and the forest breath, the god of the wind and the tempest. Within the village domain dwelt order and peace ; there man was master. But in the waste land beyond, terror was lord, and the supernatural held high carnival. 122
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holder had his family lot in each of the three fields, which he tilled by his own labor and that of the members of his family, while he had absolute rights in the disposal of its produce. But he could not cultivate as he pleased. He must sow the same crop as the rest of the community, and observe fixed rules as to modes and times of cultivation. Nor could he interfere with the rights of other families to sheep and cattle pasturage in the fallow lands, or in the cultivated lands after the harvest. The rules of custom governing the common interests were very intricate, and extended to minute details. Many of them had come down from very ancient times, while others were formed as new questions arose. There was little difficulty in enforc- ing them ; they had almost the force of sacred laws. The main evidence of gradual change we can discover is that from the antique periodical redistribution of family lots to the continued cultivation of a single lot, and finally to the restrictive ownership of this lot.
As to ancient evidences of this condition, we may quote from Caesar, in his description of the Suevi (Swabians) : “ They have no private and separate fields,” and “none have fixed fields and private boundaries, but the magistrates and princes in assembly annually divide the ground in proportion and in place among the people, changing the arable land every year.” 1 Tacitus gives testimony to the same effect, saying that the lands were held by the farmers in common, and the fields occupied in rotation. “They change their tillage land annually, and let much lie fal- low. . . . They do not hedge their meadows, nor water their gardens, and they cultivate only com.” 2
1 De Bello Gallico, iv. 1, and vi. 22.
2 Germania, 25-26. THE HOUSEHOLD AND THE VILLAGE.
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mighty cbjaush-pitar, the father of heaven, the guide and ruler of the universe.
Y\re shall say as little here of his political as of his religious system, since we must deal with these more fully in future sections. It will suffice to observe that the family was the germ of the village comm uni tj’, which was constituted on the model of the household, and governed by the vispciti, or head of the clan, or by the clan council. Over the larger political group ruled an elected chief of the tribe, who was assisted in his duties by a court or council, composed of patara9, or fathers of families. The landed property was held in common, the only individual property being the house, its court, its goods, and its cattle. The houses were grouped into villages, but the chief seems to have had his special residence and domain marked off from the common property. Each such community formed part of a larger group,—a township, to use a modern name. The separate townships were connected by roads, on which pedlers travelled with their wares. These commu- nities had their laws, mainly the growth of ancient custom, for the prevention or punishment of crime. Justice was ctivci, the path of right. Right was ycius, what one is bound to. A person accused of crime had to procure sureties, those who knew him, or members of his clan. As yet there were only freemen in the community ; the dire curse of slavery had not arisen. Yet free laborers seem to have worked for hire. The community was on its road toward slavery. The system of human bondage has always made its appearance as an accompaniment of the growth of industry, the increase of fixed property, and the recognition of the value of labor as an element of wealth. Slaves would be useless to hunting tribes, and THE ARYANS AT HOME.
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warlike hunters are apt to slaughter or burn their prison- ers. To pastoral tribes they are of little more value. Their great use has always been to agriculturists. With the progress of agriculture prisoners speedily became too valuable to be slaughtered, and slavery steadily grew in its proportions, until in the great nations of Greece and Rome all the labor of the fields was performed by men of this class, and the noble art of war degenerated into a great slave-hunting raid. With the growth of commerce slavery has become again unprofitable, and a sentiment has been roused against it which promises soon to banish it from the earth. But the ancient community with whose history we are now concerned was. as yet at the beginning of this great cycle which is now approaching its end. Only freemen existed in its midst.
We need not pursue this inquiry farther. We have sought to present a graphic picture of a vanished commu- nity whom we know mainly by our partial knowledge of the words it used. We have looked, through the lens of language, upon a primitive society, dwelling in barba- rian rudeness and brutality, yet slowly advancing toward civilization, — a vigorous, energetic, strong-bodied, and ac- tive-minded race, stirring in body and soul, and destined to play a most important part upon the stage of the world. That we have given the whole story of their lives, cannot be affirmed. It was doubtless much richer than we can learn from our scanty stock of words. And much that we have said is open to doubt. Very likely many of the ancient Aryan words have died out of the languages of the modern nations and been replaced by other terms. Of those that have survived it is not always easy or possi- ble to regain the original meaning, and it is quite probable 104
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that some of the interpretations adopted are incorrect. The ancient tribe lived a simple life, thought simple thoughts, and doubtless gave but a narrow and limited significance to its words. l"et that the picture we have presented is on the whole a faithful one there is little rea- son to doubt. _ And in the annals of mankind there is cer- tainly nothing more remarkable than this rehabilitation of an antique community which had vanished ages before a thought of writing its history existed.
After the separation of the eastern and the western Aryans both branches advanced in knowledge and in the arts of life, and new words caiiie into use. We may con- clude with a brief glance at these new ideas and accom- plishments as gained by the western branch. There arose among them extended ideas of family relationship. Words now came into use to designate the grandfather, the sister- in-law, and the sister’s son. Terms of affection for old people arose. There was a similar advance in civil rela- tions, and the lines of the community were drawn more closely. The citizen appeared as opposed to the stranger. A special act became necessary for members of one com- munity to enter into friendly relations with those of another. In their industrial relations larger and better boats were produced. The sea acquired a name, and sea-animals, such as the lobster, the oyster, and the seal, became known. New plants and animals received names, —the elm, alder, hazel, fir, vine, willow, and nettle ; the stag, lynx, hedge- hog, and tortoise. Some of these were probably known before, but they had left no names. The duck seems to have now become domesticated; agriculture greatly im- proved. Millet, oats, and rye were cultivated. Peas, beans, and onions became common garden-plants. Terms THE ARYANS AT HOME.
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for sowing, harrowing, and harvesting came into use. Yeast was used in bread-making. Glue and pitch be- came known ; leather-work improved ; the stock of tools increased; hammers, knives, shields, and spears were employed.
Yet withall these steps of progress the Aryans continued barbarians of no high grade. Manners were still rude, life coarse and hard, domestic relations harsh and oppres- sive, war bloody and brutal. The custom of tattooing and of painting their partly naked bodies with the blue dye of the woad-plant may have been common. They were yet rude barbarians, who had made scarce a step toward civilization. Such was probably the condition of the western Aryans when their later divisions took place and the existing peoples of Europe entered upon the his- torical path of their national development. V.
THE HOUSEHOLD AND THE VILLAGE.
IT is our task now to review, so far as it can be traced, the general organization of the primitive Aryans, social, political, and religious. Our knowledge of the existence of this people has been gained mainly by the aid of language. But later research has opened several new lines of investigation, and taught us far more of the Aryan organization than that relating to its industries, habits, and possessions. Not only common words exist in all the branches of the Aryan race, but also common institutions, ideas, and beliefs; and by a co-ordination of these latter we are enabled to gaze deeply, through the shadows of time, into the very heart of that long-vanished community.
Not to go too far back into the origin of human institu- tions, modern research has made it plainly apparent that the germ of all existing social and political organization is the family. The domestic group appears everywhere as the seed of civilization, as it yet constitutes the unit mass of its organization. There is, it is true, another vital ele- ment in political development: but its influence has been of later date, and the family appears as the first clearly defined stage of condensation in the long upward progress of man from his very rude archaic condition. As to the gradual development of the family through its varied THE HOUSEHOLD AND THE VILLAGE. 107
phases, embracing those of polygamy and polyandry, and monogamy with descent in the female line, to its final stage, with paternal headship and descent in the male line, the reader must be referred to works on that special sub- ject such as those of L. H. Morgan and McLennan. It is sufficient for our present purpose to know that the Aryan family, at its earliest discoverable date, had attained the last-named stage of development, and as such formed the definitely constituted unit of the Aryan industrial and political organization.
Passing beyond the savage to the barbaric state of human development, we find the latter everywhere based on the family group. Alike in the agricultural tribes of ancient Asia and Europe, and in the hunting and agri- cultural tribes of America, this wras the case. The mo- nogamous family, composed of husband, wife, and their descendants, formed the unit of organization and the type of the clan and the tribal groups. In the pastoral tribes of Asia and the nations derived from them some degree of polygamy has always prevailed. Yet the first wife retains a position of special respect and authority, and monogamy is the rule with the great mass of the population.
In the early state of all the Aryan branches the family was organized under conditions of considerable similarity, — conditions doubtless inherited from ancient Arya. Each family, indeed, constituted a despotism on a small scale. The house-father was the head of the domestic group, and represented it in the community. "Within the house pre- cincts he possessed the governing power, and the right — if we may judge from the Roman example — to banish any member of his household, to sell his sons or daughters into slavery, to command them to marry whom he would, to 108
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seize on all their personal possessions, and to kill them at his -will. It may be said, however, that some recent writ- ers question the general absolutism of the Aryan house- father. It is certain, at all events, that his house was his castle. No one had the right to enter it without his per- mission, not even an officer of the law. It was his private kingdom, and for the acts of the members of the household he alone stood responsible to the community. The idea of personal individuality had not yet clearly arisen. The household was the primitive Aryan individual.
Such was the constitution of the family in ancient Rome, as declared in the extant Roman laws. The Roman father had the power of life or death over his children, and could banish them, sell them, or slay them at his will, and no man had the right to interfere. All the acquisitions of the son, all legacies left him, and the benefit from all contracts he made, were at the father’s discretion ; while he was bound to marry at his father’s command. In the house- hold the gradation of rank passed downward from father successively to mother, to sons, to daughters, to depend- ants, and to slaves ; but the father was an absolute tyrant over all. In Greece the same conditions prevailed. K. O. Müller tells us that in Sparta the family formed an indi- visible whole, under the control of one head, who was privileged from his birth. Cox, the historian, says that the house of each man was to him what the den is to the wild beast, into which no living thing ma}T enter except at the risk of life, but which his mate and offspring are allowed to share.1 In the Hindu family of to-day this in- violate character of the household is strictly maintained. A m}Tstery overlies all its operations, — a remarkable se-
1 Greece, p. 13. THE HOUSEHOLD AND THE VILLAGE.
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crecy, which is maintained in the humblest households, and is probably a survival of a very ancient system of family isolation. With the Celts and the early Greeks there existed the right to expose or sell their children. This had become obsolete among the Teutons, though the right was recognized in case of necessity. With the Russians the power of the house-father, says Mr. Dixon, is with- out any check. He arranges the marriage of his son, makes the son’s wife a servant, and stands above all law in his own house. His cabin is not only a castle but a church, and every act of his done within that cabin is supposed to be not only private but divine.1
Over one point alone the authority of the house-father was not absolute. He could do what he would with the movable property of the household and the labor of its inmates, but he could not sell or encumber the landed property. This was not individual, but corporate wealth. It belonged to the family as a whole, and was held invio- lable. This was the law in all Aryan regions, from India to Ireland, with the possible exception of Rome, whose ancient laws relating to such matters are lost.
The heir to the family headship was usually the eldest son, though by no means always so. In Wales and in some other districts this office seems to have descended
1 According to Wallace, this is rather the old theory than the modern practice. He remarks that “the relations between the head of the household and the .other members depended on custom and personal character, and consequently varied greatly in different families. If the Big One was intelligent, of decided, energetic character, there was proba- bly perfect discipline in the house. If not well fitted for his post, there might be endless quarrel lings and bickerings.” But there is every reason to believe that in earlier times the patriarchal power was absolute. “Russia,” p. 88. no
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to the youngest son ; and this is yet the rule among some of the southern Slavs. In default of a male heir one might be received by adoption.1 The adopted son left his own household and became a full member of the new one, changing his tutelar spirits for those of his new family. The principle of adoption, indeed, was sometimes so ex- tended in the clan as to make the claim of common descent extremely mythical. The whole Aryan system rested upon marriage and the birth of a male heir, who became eventu- ally the head of the household, the system of family government being the type of the public organization. The ties of blood were scrupulously respected, and mar- riage among blood-relations forbidden to a greater extent than to-day. The wife became in every respect a member of the family group into which she entered, changed her household gods, and lost all obligations of duty to her former family, replacing them by hew ties.
Such was the Aryan family, the antique political group from which outgrew the later clan organization of Arya. ITow it arose, with its peculiar feature of absolute domina- tion of the head of the household, is not very clear. No such absolutism exists in the family group of the Ameri- can Indians, which otherwise bears a very interesting re- semblance to that of the Aryans, and Cox and Ï learn trace it to a religious origin, — a duty resting upon the house-father, as representative of the departed ancestors, to pay due worship to their spirits and to manage the inheritance left him under responsibility only to these ancestral spirits.
1 Under certain conditions the wife succeeded to the family govern- ment and care of the property, sometimes during the minority of the male children, sometimes during life if there were no direct male descend- ants. Maine’s “ Village Communities,” p. 51. THE HOUSEHOLD AND the village.
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This subject will be dealt with in the next section; and it will suflice to say. here that the family group was appar- ently not limited to the living members, but included the dead ones as well, to whom sacrifice was offered, —perhaps as their share of the family food and wealth.1
Jn this religious duty we find a powerful check to the absolutism of the house-father. He represented the de- parted ancestors, and was answerable to them for a proper discharge of his duty. For any wrongful act he was liable to the vengeance of these powerful spirits, and might be exposed to dreadful calamities or become an accursed felon to the gods. It may here be said also that the power of public opinion was by no means absent from these ancient communities, and that it doubtless exercised a salutary influence over the acts of the domestic despot. The house- father was not expected to act by caprice, but to call a council of the family and of its near relatives to decide upon important matters ; and very likely he was ordinarily governed by their decision. In this respect the family was the prototype of the clan.
Ancient as is the period to which we here allude, and vital as arc the changes which have since taken place, the antique Aryan family, as a distinct political and industrial group, has not yet died out. It still exists in India and among the southern Slavonians, —the least progressed, politically, of the Aryan peoples. In India, in addition to the village communities, which form the ordinary industrial group, there exists a group known in Hindu law .as the Join! Undivided
1 The most dignified of the Indian courts has recently laid it down, after nn elaborate examination of all the authorities, that “the right of inheritance, according to Hindoo haw, is wholly regulated with reference to the spiritual benefits to he conferred on the deceased proprietor.” — Village Communities, p. 53. 112
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Family. In this the system of co-ownership is carried to its fullest extent. It is composed of the members of a single family, usually including several generations, by whom all things are held in common, — food, worship, and estate, — under the control of an elected head. This represents the primitive socialistic institution. The domain of the family is cultivated in common, the produce is held in common, and a common hearth and common meals are preserved through several generations. Significantly, in a region far to the west of this a closely similar institution survives. Among the southern Slavonians, in Croatia, Servia, and Dalmatia, the House Community is an ordinary institution. Here a single roof covers the family, which often comprises sev- eral generations and many individuals. The hearth and the meal are enjoyed in common, the lands cultivated by the common labor of the household, and all the produce held as the common wealth; the whole being controlled by an elected manager. These associations are not of recent formation and dissolvable at will, like their Hindu ana- logues, but have descended from far past time, each fam- ily continuing its organization, but sending out its surplus members, when they grow too numerous, to found other families. We can scarcely doubt that some of these Sla- vonian family groups have descended without a break from primitive Aryan times, and that they preserve to us, per- haps on original Aryan territory, the most antique form of the Aryan industrial group, which became replaced in later Arya by the institution of the village, next to be considered.
It may be here said that the limited duration of the Indian House Community — which rarely lasts beyond two generations — is due to the facility of dissolution under the THE HOUSEHOLD AND THE VILLAGE.
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indicates that certain branches of the Aryan race, after breaking off from the main stem, again divided after their special dialect had made considerable progress. Such was the case with the eastern branch, and thus we may account for common words in the Indian and Iranian tongues which do not extend to the other branches of the race. This special community between the languages of the two great divisions of the eastern branch is paralleled by sim- ilar special resemblances in the west, as between the Greek and Latin. Efforts have been made, in consequence, to divide the Aryan race up into secondary, or sub-races, the product of a primary division, each of which sub-races made considerable progress before a new division took place. But from these efforts no very satisfactory result has been achieved. Several unlike schemes have been proposed, each of which has been contested and denied. We need, therefore, concern ourselves here only with the original Aryans, without heed to their assumed but as yet unproved sub-branches.
The persevering and critical labor of the students of language has, as we haATe said, isolated numerous words which must have been in use by the Aiyan family before its separation, since they are still in use by all, or nearly all, its descendants. This work has gone so far that we have now a dictionary of the ancient Aiyan in three stout octavo volumes.1 And August Sleieher has taken the trouble to write a short story in this prehistoric language. It is quite likely, indeed, that the ancestral Aryans would have had some difficulty in reading it, since it cannot be supposed that the exact form of any of their words has been preserved; yet it is curious, as showing the great
1 Fick’s Comparative Dictionary of Indo-Germanic Speech, 1S71—76. THE ARYANS AT HOME.
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progress which has been made during a few decades of persistent study.
Words indicate things and conditions. No people has ever invented a vocal sound without the purpose of nam- ing something which they had or knew. It cannot be supposed, however, that the Aryan words conveyed to the minds of their early speakers the exact meaning which they do to ours. The words of our languages have be- come as full of mental as of physical significance. Philo- sophical conceptions spread like a network through the substance of our speech. But we have now to deal with a people who had not devised a philosophy and had little conception of mentality. They knew what they saw. They named what their eyes beheld or their hands encoun- tered. Their world existed outside them. The vast world of the mind was as yet scarcely born. Numerous evi- dences of this might be quoted. The names of the family relations, for instance, originated in physical conceptions. The Sanscrit _p?Yar, “ father,” comes from pa, “ to pro- tect.” The original meaning of bhratar, “ brother,” was “he who carries or assists.” Svasar, “ sister,” signified “she who pleases.” Dahitar, “daughter,” is derived from duh, a root which in Sanscrit means “ to milk.” The daughter of the primeval household was valued mainly for her use as a milkmaid. Thus what seem to us the most primitive of words were really derived from prece- ding physical terms. As yet no general or abstract con- ceptions existed. Indeed we may come to far more recent times without much improvement in this respect. Old Anglo-Saxon, for instance, is far richer than old Aryan. Yet if we should seek to converse on philosophy or science in Anglo-Saxon speech we should soon find ourselves in 94
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difficulty. Only by a free use of metaphor, and mental applications of words which have only a material signifi- cance, could any progress be made in such a task. It is very probable, however, that the antique Aryans had long forgotten the derivation of their words ; they were mere technical symbols to them as to us. Their language had been developed probably many long centuries before the era of their dispersal, and linguistic decay had already set in. We know far more than they did of the origin of their words, from our method of isolating the roots of lan- guage, and reaching down to the deepest-buried seeds of meaning.
Let us seek to rehabilitate this ancient Aryan community^, so far as our knowledge of their words enables us to do so. For this purpose we shall mainly follow Professor Sayce 1 in his graphic rebuilding of old Arva from the words given in Fick’s u Comparative Grammar.” If we look far back through the revealing glass of science we seem to behold these active aborigines on their native plains engaged in all the vocations of a simple life. We see them em- ployed in a twofold duty, — that of pastoral, and that of agricultural life. Abundant flocks are scattered over their grassy commons attended by the diligent herdsman. Of domesticated animals the cow was their most valued pos- session, as it still is with the pastoral tribes of northern Asia. But in addition they had the horse, the sheep, the goat, and the pig. There is nothing to show that the horse was ridden. If we judge alone from the indications of language, we must believe that it was, in common with the ox, used only for drawing. Nor is there anything to show that the dog was known in other than its wild state.
1 Introduction to the Science of Language. A. H. Sayce. THE ARYANS AT HOME.
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And yet the exigencies of pastoral life may have required the modern use of these animals. To their sheep and cattle pastures the Aryan herdsmen added the shelter of stables, sheepcots, and pigsties. Of other domesticated animals may be mentioned the goose and fowl as proba- ble, while the bee was undoubtedly one of their valued possessions, its honey being made into mead, — then and long afterwards a favorite Aryan beverage. Their chief ordinary drink, however, was the milk of the cow, sheep, and goat; and the morning milking scene by the daughters of the tribe doubtless closely resembled that still seen on the Asiatic steppes among the pastoral no- mads of that region.
The community with which we have at present to deal was not a nomadic one. It had doubtless passed through that stage of existence ; but at the time in which we behold it the development of agriculture had tied it to a fixed locality, and the interests of agriculture were steadily rising into prominence. There are indications to show that in the early days of the development of Aryan speech the pastoral interests were largely in the ascendent. But at the period immediately preceding the Aryan dispersal, agriculture had become considerably developed, the tribes were settled in definitely arranged communities on a fertile region, well watered and wooded, and farming and herding had become common industries of the people, without the wide di- vision between these interests which we now find in the desert regions of Arabia and Turkestan, with their fertile ooses alternated with scant}7 pasture regions.
The antique language has abundant indications of such a primitive supremacy of pastoral interests. The names for many of the family and tribal relations, for property, 96
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trade, etc., for inn, guest, master, and king, were taken from words that applied to the herd. Dawn signified the mustering-time of the cows. Evening was the time of bringing home the herds. In the word “ cow ” itself we have “ the slow walker; ” in ox, “ the vigorous oue ; ” in dog, “speed;” in wolf, “destroyer,” etc. All this indicates that the era of development of the language was an era when pastoral interests were very prominent in men’s minds.
But evidently at the period of the Aryan dispersion the interests of agriculture were becoming dominant, and those of a pastoral life secondary. TVe have warrant for this in the plentiful survival of common agricultural terms, and in the word by which the eastern Aryan migrants called them- selves at their first appearance on the stage of history, — Aryas in the Vedas, Airyas in the Zend literature, — and from which their modern title has been derived. This word comes from a root which signifies “ ploughing.” It grew eventually to mean “honorable,” or “noble.” The Ar- yans, not without warrant, considered themselves the noblest of human races.
If we now turn our mental gaze from the pastures to the farming lands we see indications of a different mode of activity. Here the earth is being turned up with a rude plough drawn by the slow moving ox, or possibly the horse. There the hay is bemg cut with the sickle. Yonder are fields of ripe and waving grain of at least two kinds. Just what grains these were, we cannot be quite sure. One of them seems to have been barley, — the cereal of cold cli- mates. The other may have been wheat, though this is far from certain. These, with a few garden vegetables, are all we can perceive through our highly imperfect observing- glass. We can, however, see wheeled vehicles of some THE ARYANS AT HOME.
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sort, drawn by yoked oxen, and bringing the harvests from the field. We can likewise perceive these antique farmers threshing and winnowing their grain and grinding it in mills. We have their words for wagon, wheel, and axle, and also for hammer, anvil, and forge, —? the latter showing that the smith was an active member of the community.
In the woods around them grew the pine and the birch, — trees of cold regions ; and probably the beech and the oak, though this is not positive. As to what fruit-trees they possessed, we are in doubt; nor are we certain as to their knowledge of the grape. They appear to have had three metals, — gold, silver, and bronze. Their possession of iron, copper, and lead is more doubtful, and there is rea- son to believe that stone tools were still used. In fact, when we consider that metals may have been articles of commerce at an early date, and their names have travelled with them, the existence of common Aryan names for any metal is not as sure evidence of its early possession as in the case of many other articles, and it is possible that their actual ac- quaintance with metals was very slight. There is reason to believe, however, that the class of smiths was held in high honor, and that they sometimes had supernatural powers attributed to them, as among other barbarian communities.
The people whose life in the dim depths of time we are thus observing had left behind them the tent-stage of exist- ence. They dwelt in houses of wood, with regular doors, instead of the hole through which the tenants of many northern habitations crawl. We cannot identify any win- dow. Straw seems to have been used to thatch the roofs. It is possible that these houses were but rude huts. They were combined into villages, whose name still survives in
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the icich or wick now often used as a termination of the names of towns. There seems also to have been a fortress, with protecting wall-or rampart.
As for domestic life and comforts, we know that baked pottery was in common use, formed into vases, jars, pots, and cups, some with the ends pointed so as to be driven into the ground. This pottery may have been ornamented by painting in colors. Vessels of wood and leather were also probably in use. The hours of relaxation seem to have been softened by music, derived from some stringed instrument. The food used appears to have included baked or roasted meat, and the eaters of raw flesh were looked upon as utter barbarians. Quails and ducks were eaten, and a black broth was apparently a principal article of food. Their meal was baked into bread, and apples may have been one of their edible fruits. Salt was used as a condi- ment. Quite likely their diet was considerably more varied than this, since many names of articles of food may have died out of use, or been replaced by others in the long course of time. Of the other household treasures may be mentioned mcikshi, “ the buzzer,” our common fly. With him was associated the less desirable flea, while the prowl- ing mouse made up a trio of domestic pests. The art of medicine was as yet in embryo, but our ancestral clan was by no means free from the ravages of disease. Two names of diseases have survived, — consumption and tetter. As for cure, the power of charms seems to have been mainly relied on.
In these households strict monogamy prevailed. There was but one husband and one wife, and the family rela- tions were clearly defined. In addition to words for father, mother, son, daughter, brother, sister, etc., they had sepa- THE ARYANS AT HOME.
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rate words for a wife’s sister, syali, and for a brother’s wife, yaiaras. The father was lord of the household, and the wrife its mistress ; the subordination of the younger members of the family to parental authority being far greater than in our era. The names of these antique Aryans were composed of two -words, as now. We may instance Deva ’smta, “ heard by God,” as the title of one of our extinct ancestors. As for their domestic industries, they seem to have possessed the arts of sewing and spin- ning. Wool was shorn and woven, and linen was known, though probably little used. The art of tanning was prac- tised, and leather was much used for clothing and other purposes. Their dress apparently consisted of a tunic, coat, collar, and sandals, made of leather or of woven and sewn wool. But if we may judge from what we know of the early Germaus, Slavs, and Celts, they were not greatly protected by clothing from the cold.
If now we leave the domestic and industrial conditions of the Aryans, and seek to follow them in the more stir- ring details of their active lives, we behold them engaged in what to them were doubtless nobler pursuits. Here we perceive our ancestor actively engaged in the chase and daringly entering into combat with the savage bear and wolf. Of smaller game he seems to have pursued the hare, beaver, and badger, and probably the fox. The wild duck was one of his game-birds, and he knew several other birds, such as the vulture, raven, starling, and goose. He had the custom, preserved till a much later period, of divining the future from the flight of birds, particularly of the falcon. The serpent was known, and probably both hated and revered for its deadly and mysterious power. Of his water-dwelling game we may name the otter and the eel, 100
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the crab and the mussel. But his knowledge of fish must have been very limited if we take language for our guide.
Changing our field of observation, we behold him boldly embarking on the waves of the great salt lake which ad- joined his native land. The name he gave this watery ex- panse is still preserved in meer, — a word which has been since applied alike to sea and lake, moor and morass. Here he launched his boat, guided it by a rudder, and pro- pelled it by means of oars. His barbaric intellect was not yet equal to the device of the sail, — or at least he has left no word to signify that he had learned to spread the broad sheet to the winds, and by their aid to avoid the laborious straining of the muscles.
A glance in still another direction shows him to us en- gaged in what he probably considered the noble pastime of war. That he was of belligerent disposition we have every reason to believe, judging from the irascible temper he has transmitted to his descendants ; and doubtless his peaceful labors were frequently broken by warlike raids upon neighboring tribes or by fierce defence of his home and fields against hostile invaders. In this stirring duty the axe was apparently his chief weapon; but he fought also with the club and the sword, while lie wore the helmet and the buckler for defensive armor. The bow was also probably one of his implements of offence. With these weapons the blue-eyed and stout-hearted champion doubt- less fought sturdily for home and freedom, or for fame and spoil, doing doughty deeds of valor which may have roused to noble inspiration the minstrels of his tribe, yet which have vanished in the night of time and thrown not a ray of their lustre down to our remote age. As yet THE ARYANS AT HOME.
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no Homer had arisen to make imperishable the deeds of warlike glory.
As for the acquirements of this strong-limbed and active barbarian, beyond the requisites of industry and war we know very little. He was acquainted with the decimal system of numeration, counting by fives and tens, with his fingers and toes as guides, at least up to a hundred. The year was divided into lunar months, the moon being to him the measurer of time. He doubtless had abundant super- stitions. The evil spirits of night and darkness pursued and affrighted his shrinking soul. Their symbol to him was the serpent. Night was the demon, aj-dahaku, the biting snake. Then was strongly felt the consciousness of sin, when the gloom of midnight had densely gathered, and ghosts and witches held high festival in the air. But with the upspringing of the cheerful sun, and the forth- flowing of its gleaming rays over the earth’s surface, these forms of terror shrank cowering to their dens and caves, and the Aryan stepped forth again in the proud conscious- ness of strength and valor, fearing nothing living or dead, and ready to cope with all the forces of the universe.
From such terrors and such deliverance, from the alter- nation of day and night, of summer and winter, arose his simple system of religious views. lie worshipped the objects and the phenomena of Nature, and particularly the dawn and the other bright powers of the day. The broad blue sky was his supreme deity, to whom the stars and the moon were sons and daughters. To these he prayed and ad- dressed his hymns, —the seeds of the complex mythologies into which his simple beliefs were destined to unfold. Of the many gods devised, he probably thought of and prayed to but one at a time; and supreme over them all was the 102
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This geographical record, however, appears to indicate the region of ancient Bactria as the point of common resi- dence of the Hindus and Iranians ere yet they had divided into two sub-branches and begun their final migration. It was a land adapted to their needs, with its mountain-slopes, its tracts of rich soil and fine pasture-land, its abundance of oxen and horses, its warm summer airs on the north- west terraces of the Hindu-Kush. But that it formed the original Aryan home there is not a shred of evidence, while such an idea is surrounded by insuperable difficulties. In all probability it was the halting-ground of the vanguard THE ARYAN OUTFLOW.
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of the Aryan march to the East, a land in which they may have long rested, and where their numbers may have greatly increased.1 All we really know is that, after prob- ably a long residence in this locality, during which the primitive Aryan ideas became much modified, a division took place. Some claim that this was a religious schism. Of this we have no evidence other than the strong religious fervor manifested in their literature, and the diversity of opinion concerning the gods that appears in the most ancient documents of the Hindus and Persians. It is as- sumed that a group of sectaries, under the leadership of Xarathustra or Zoroaster, broke off from the main stock and made their way towards the highlands of Iran, retra- cing, as we assume, their original path, probably long for- gotten. Here they established themselves, developed the distinctive Zoroastrian faith, and became the root-bed of the future great empire of Persia.
There is nothing surprising in such a reverse movement. The whole of the Aryan population of Bactria seemed to be in motion, and expanding in all available directions. The Indie branch was pushing toward the rich plains of the South, and there was but one path left open for the Iranic, — that leading to the Persian highlands. The march of the fathers of the Hindu race can be traced writh some clearness. They seem to have pushed out from
1 A study of the map of A?yi shows a comparatively short route, by way of the southern shores qi the Caspian, from the region of the Cau- casus to that of the Hindi).-I|Insh. It may be conjectured that the original Aryan migrants were forced to pursue this route by the hostile resistance to invasion of the -primitive mountaineers of Persia, and that only after they had greatly increased in numbers and warlike strength in Bactria were they able to return and to cope with the foes whom they had avoided in their original march.
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the western borders of Iran and made their way by slow stages and in successive tribes into the rich, warm, and moist valley of the Indus, seeking a new home in these fertile plains. We can almost see them, in the pages of the Vedas, marching resolutely south, singing their stirring hymns of praise and invocation to their deities, led by their priestly chiefs, and calling down the vengeance of the gods on their enemies, the Dasyns, the u raw-eaters,” the “ godless,” the “gross feeders on flesh/’ the “ disturbers of sacrifices,” the “ monsters ” and “ demons ” who dared resist the arms of the god-sent, the Ary a, the noble and ruling race.
This movement was in no proper sense a migration. It was, as we conceive was the case with all the Aryan move- ments, an expansion caused by increasing numbers and aided by hostile pressure from the rear. There are no signs of a march in force, but rather of the movement of successive tribes, each pushing the preceding one forward, and the whole slowly gaining possession of the broad re- gion of the “ five rivers,” and extending to the great plain of the Ganges. We can trace the line of march in the Yedic hymns. The earliest ones disclose the Hindu tribes to the north of the Khyber Pass, in Cabul. The later ones were written and sung on the banks of the Ganges. Along the base of the'''Himalayas they pushed, and far down into that fertile and enervating land, driving the dark-skinned aborigines everywhere before them into the mountains and the jungles, and probably, despite 'their religious dis- taste, mingling their noble blood to* some extent with that of these despised aborigines.
How long ago this was, can be conjectured with some degree of probability. The first occupation of the valley THE ARYAN OUTFLOW.
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of the Indus, with its five tributaries, has been estimated, from what we know of the subsequent history of the Hindus, to have taken place about 2000 b. c. It could hardly have been more recent, yet it may have been more remote. According to the list of Babylonian dynasties given by Berosus, the western part of Persia was occupied by Aryans as early as 2500 b. c. All such estimates, however, must be taken with many grains of allowance.1
As to the physical and mental character of these east- ern Aryans, something may be said. The Hindu type is decidedly Melanochroic. The Brahmin of the Ganges is marked by a high, well-developed forehead, oval face, horizontal eyes, a projecting nose, slightly thick at its extremity, but with delicately shaped nostrils, a fair but readily bronzed skin, and abundant black hair. Farther south the mixture with the aborigines has been so great that it is not easy to trace the typical Aryan. In fact there has never been a Hindu conquest of the southern half of India. There the Dravidian population still exists to the number of fifty millions, though all race-purity has vanished through the abundant mingling of types that has seemingly taken place. The mentality of the ancient Hindus was such as we might deduce from this mixture of blood, one with highly acute powers of reasoning, but
1 This possibility of limiting the era of the Hindu-Tranian movement within historic times, in connection with the remotely prehistoric char- acter of the early European movements, is a strong argument against the Bactrian locality for ancient Arya. No one can be asked to believe that Aryan enterprise began with difficult and distant migrations, and left the rich valleys of India, within easy reach, for its latest field of action. Such a. reversal of the order of nature is inconceivable, and the prob- ability is that the invasion of India was the final stage in a long-con- tinued eastward migratory movement. 84
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with perhaps the most developed and exuberant imagi- nation that has ever appeared upon the face of the earth.
The Iranian populations of to-day — the Kurds, the Armenians, and the Tadjicks of Persia—are marked by black eyes and brows. The Tadjicks, the purest descend- ants of the old Persians, are described as of oval face, broad, high forehead, large eyes, black eyebrows, straight, prominent nose, large mouth, thin lips, complexion fair and rosy, hair straight and black, beard and mustache black and plentiful, and abundant hair over the whole body. In Afghanistan the pure Aryan type is frequently found. The Patans, or Afghan soldiers, are commonly brown like the Iranians, but many of them have red hair and blue eyes, with a florid complexion. This is particu- larly the case with the Siali Posh of Kaffiristan, a tribe which speaks a dialect derived from the Sanscrit. Thus in the Iranian branch of the eastern Aryans the Xantho- cliroic character has been much more fully preserved than with the Hindus. It is possible that the separation of the combined race may have been due to ethnic rather than to religious causes. The Iranians are highlanders to-day, and may always have been so. They may represent the moun- taineer section of the original migrating horde, and there- fore the one that had originally least of the Melanochroic element. Possibly they occupied in Bactria the highland region, and the Hindus the lower districts. If such were the case, we should have an additional reason for the Iran- ian movement towards the Persian highlands, and that of the Hindus towards the Indian plains. It is a case parallel to that of the Doric and Ionic peoples of Greece. In ancient Arya the Dorian and Iranian tribes may have been mountaineers, the Ionian and Hindu tribes lowlanders, and THE ARYAN OUTFLOW.
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each may have been governed by this original habit in all subsequent movements. The Persians are distinguished from the Hindus by characteristics not unlike those sepa- rating the Dorians from the Ionians. They have the mental character of mountaineers, are brave, enterprising, earnest, and truthful, with a strong love of liberty, and much warlike energy. They lack the highly active imagi- nation of the Hindus, but have a sound common-sense and vigor of thought which make them essentially practical in their religious systems. The Persian myths have had a profound influence over the practical religious history of mankind, while the Hindu belief forms the basis of all the involved figments of metaphysical philosophy.
But one thing more need here be said. Despite their many differences, there is a remarkable degree of ho- mogeneity among the early conditions of the several branches of the Aryans, — alike in language, in religion, in political and social institutions, and in physical and mental character. This indicates an original great uni- formity, a state of stagnant barbarity of long continu- ance, during which the Aryans greatly extended the borders of their primitive home without changing in any important degree their primitive institutions. For the second stage of progress a breaking-up and widespread migration were requisite, — contact with alien peoples, war, life in new lands, ethnic minglings, and all the varied influences which play upon an actively moving people, but to which a settled population is not exposed. To this di- versity of influences, together with the inspiration of the old civilizations with which the outspreading race came into contact, we owe the highly developed Aryan enlight- enment of the present age. 86
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Briefly to summarize some of the conclusions of this chapter, it may be affirmed that the original Aryan migra- tion had the character of an agricultural outpush similar to that which exists in Russia to-day. It was the natural expansion of an increasing race, at first of small, but of gradually growing enterprise, spreading from a central region in all directions to which fertility of soil invited. It was the onward step from farm to farm, with hostile aggression where this became necessary, the forward movement occasionally accelerated by a hostile push of other Aryan tribes from behind. These movements took place to all parts of the compass except that leading to the desert regions of Asia, and the whole intermedi- ate region continued in Aiyan hands. In their advance through Europe the Aryans have loosed their hold on no land which they once occupied, except where forced to do so by the invasions of the Huns and the Turks. In the East they have left communities in Armenia, Kurdistan, and other districts on their line of march, while the Aryan tribe of the Caucasus known as the Iron or Ossetes sig- nificantly occupies the path by which these southward movements must have taken place, — the Gorge of Dariel, the only natural road through the great mountain-chain. This tribe seems to have been left behind as the rear-guard of the Aryan army on its march to empire, while the Caucasus generally has been occupied by alien peoples.
It was only at a later period, when migration and war had consolidated and given new energy and enterprise to the Aiyans, that they ventured on bolder movements. We can perceive the gradual growth of this enterprise and power of warlike massing in the German tribes, to whom the immense wealth of Rome offered the strongest incite- THE ARYAN OUTFLOW.
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ment to hostile aggression. Yet at no time did they make movements en masse like those of the nomadic Ilunnish invaders. While crossing the borders into the Roman Empire, they held on persistently to their fields and forests at home.
The Aryan migration was evidently followed by an ex- tensive intermarriage with the original inhabitants of the conquered territories. There is no evidence to the con- trary, except in the case of the settlers in Scandinavia, who may have felt a strong antipathy to the widely differ- ent Lapps. Elsewhere, however, they found their new possessions occupied by tribes of Melanochroic blood, to whom the Xanthocliroi have never shown any antipathy. Instead of annihilating or dispossessing these, they appar- ently simply subjugated them, and later on freely intermar- ried with them. Only thus can we understand the great change in physical characteristics of the Celts and Ger- mans within the last eighteen centuries. In the former case the conquered must have much exceeded the conquer- ors in number, to judge from the strongly declared Melan- ochroic character of the modern Celts. As regards the Greeks and Latins, the Hindus and Persians, it is quite piobable, as we have already conjectured, that they had gained a strong infusion of Melanochroic blood before their migration. This was undoubtedly largely added to after reaching their new homes, and particularly so in the case of the Hindus, who must have been greatly out- numbered by the aborigines of their conquered territory.
Yet in all these cases the Aryan type of language held its own persistently, doubtless adopting many words from the dialects of the conquered races, but vigorously main- taining its structure, and forcing out all the aboriginal 88
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tongues. This indicates that the aborigines were in every instance subordinated to the conquerors, who retained their ascendency firmly during the subsequent period of amalgamation. Of variations of linguistic structure the most marked were those which took place in the Celtic dia- lects, which seem to have had impressed upon them some of the characteristics of the aboriginal tongues, yet not sufficiently so greatly to affect their Aryan type. IV.
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HAT can we know about the mode of life of a
group of barbarians who have become extinct as
a primitive community without leaving a trace of their ex- istence upon the face of the earth, who have written no books, carved no monuments, built no great works of architecture? The early Chinese and Egyptians, prob- ably their contemporaries, have left abundant monuments, — written, carved, erected, and excavated ; but the Aryans ate, drank, fought, lived, and died without a thought that the world to come might be curious about their doings, and without an effort to stamp in stone, brick, or earth the story of their existence. They had not yet reached that stage of development in which men begin to think they are doing great things and living great lives, and become anxious to astonish the future world with a knowledge of their prowess. This wish to astound posterity is a feature of one stage of every advancing civilization. Primitive barbarism troubles itself but little about the curiosity of the future. High civilization is more concerned in work- ing for the needs of the present. But the intermediate stage of budding civilization has always wasted its strength in building great tombs, pyramids, temples, and the like, as monuments of its greatness, toiling with the strength and blindness of the Cyclops to leave a message of empty wonder for the world to come. 90
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The antique Aryans had not reached this stage of devel- opment. And yet they have, withont knowledge or in- tention, left a record of their lives and institutions hut little less complete than that of their fame-seeking civilized contemporaries. The political relations of the modern world are the growth of the seed which they planted. The religions of the mythological age were the unfoldment of their germ of faith and worship. The languages of mod- ern times are full of words which this antique group spoke in their primeval homes. All these lines of development have become great trees; but they can be traced back to their roots, and in these roots we possess the life-conditions of our ancestral clan.
As we have already said, all the languages of modern Europe, the English, the Romanic, the German, the Celtic, the Slavonic, and the Lithuanian ; those of ancient Europe, the Greek, the Latin, the Teutonic; those of southern Asia, the Sanscrit, the Persian, and their several minor dialects, — are not alone closely similar in grammatical structure, in skeletal type, as it were, but also are full of verbal affinities. Erom Ireland on the west to India on the east we find words essentially the same used to desig- nate the same things. Very many such words exist, — far too many to suppose that these languages could have gained them by borrowing from one another. And these words are not the terms employed by civilization to desig- nate its newly acquired treasures, but they are the names of things and ideas of simpler and more antique character, the titles of the possessions and conditions of barbaric life, for which every nation, if it had no primitive names, would have been forced in the early stage of its existence to invent names for itself. The conception, therefore, that THE ARYANS AT HOME.
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these common terms were acquired during the process of national development by borrowing or, like articles of commerce, by interchange, cannot be entertained for a moment. But if this explanation be thrown aside as in- adequate, there remains only that of a common origin. We are forced, in fact, to believe that all these widely separated nations are descendants of a single primitive people who once occupied a single, limited area, from which they have outspread over the earth, and who spoke a single and simple language, from which have come the complex and varied systems of Aryan speech.
We have already sought to trace the origin, the primitive locality, and the early migrations .of this people. A yet more interesting inquiry is before us, —that of their mode of life. What did they know ; how did they live ; what was the character of their possessions? — such are the queries which we must now seek to answer. We look back far into the darkness of the past as into a mist-shrouded val- ley, and perceive at first only impenetrable gloom. But finally a ray of light of growing strength makes its way through the thinning vapor, and by degrees a broad scene of busy life is revealed to our eyes, — not with much clear- ness, it is true ; not without wisps of shadow clinging to and half enveloping its objects ; yet sufliciently clear to yield a very considerable knowledge of the conditions of that long-clouded scene of ancient life. This revealing ray has sprung from several sources, one of the most important of which is that of comparative philology.
In isolating the words common to the Aryan languages, it has been necessary to place them in two divisions. One is of words common to a part only of these languages ; the other of words common to the whole. The former series 92
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