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« on: July 20, 2022, 09:06:37 PM »
It is only when we turn to tropical and sub-tropical regions that we find variations of temperature unable to account for increased glaciation. Not only were the changes of land and sea distribution on a very much smaller scale than further north, but the Appendix shows that the temperature value of a corresponding change of land area is also very much less. But the high inter- tropical mountains—the Andes and Kenya and Kiliman- jaro in central Africa—which to-day bear glaciers, in Quaternary times carried much greater ones. We cannot call in a fall of temperature, for the reason above stated, and also because at lower levels there is no evidence of colder conditions. In the Glacial period the marine fauna was the same as to-day, and mountains 30 THE EV0LUTI0N OF CLIMATE
which now fall short of the snow-line by a few hundred feet were still unglaciated even then. The only alter- native is increased snowfall on the higher mountains Fortunately this fits in well with meteorological theory. The rain and snowfall of tropical regions depends, first of all, on the evaporation over the oceans. But evapora- tion is profoundly influenced by the velocity of the wind; and the wind, which in the Tropics represents the strength of the atmospheric circulation, depends on the thermal gradiënt between the equator and the poles; since there is no evidence of any appreciable change of temperature over the Tropics as a whole, while there was a very great fall in cold-temperate and polar regions, the thermal gradiënt, and therefore, ultimately, the tropical and sub-tropical, rain and snowfall must have been very greatly increased. Hence the increased glaciation of high mountains near the equator, and hence also the evidence of “ Pluvial periods ” in the sub-tropical arid regions on either side of the equator.
Thus during Glacial periods we have :
(1) Elevation in high latitudes caused a great increase of land areas there.
(2) Both elevation and increase of land area resulted in a lowering of temperature, materially increased by the gradual development of great ice-sheets.
(3) These ice-sheets caused the development of sub- sidiary ice-sheets on their Southern and western borders.
(4) The lowering of temperature in high latitudes increased the thermal gradiënt between equator and poles, resulting in:
(a) Increased snowfall, and hence increased glaciation on high mountains near the equator.
(b) Pluvial periods in the sub-tropical arid regions.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Humphrey», W. J. “Physics of the air.” Phüadelphia, 1920. [Pt. 4, pp. 556-629.] FACTORS OF CLIMATE
3i
Chamberlin, T. C. “ An attempt to frame a working hypothesis of the cause of glacial periods on an atmospheric basis.” Journal of Geology (American), Vol. 7, 1899, pp. 545-84» 667-85, 751-87. [Carbon di-oxide theory.]
Croll, J. “ Climate and time in their geological relations.” London, 1875. “ Discussions on climate and cosmology.” London, 1889. [Eccen- tricity of earth’s orbit.]
Spitaler, R. “ Das Klima des Eiszeitalters.” Prag, 1921. Lithographed. [Eccentricity of earth’s orbit. Reviewed in the Meteorological Maga- zine, London, September, 1921.]
Simroth, H. “ Die Pendvdationstheorie.” Leipzig, 1908.
Kreichgauer, P. “ Die Aequatorfrage in der Geologie.” Steyr, 1902.
Wegener, A. “ Die Entstehung der Continente und Ozeane.” Die Wissen- schaft, Bd. 66, Braunschweig, 1920.
Koppen, W. “ Ueber Aenderungen der geographischen Breiten und des Klimas in geologischer Zeit.” Stockholm, Geografiska Annaler, 2, 1920, 1 p. 285-99.
Brooks, C. E. P. “ Continentality and temperature.” Quarterly Journal of Royal Meteorological Society, Vol. 43, 1917, p. 169 ; and 44, 1918, p. 253. [Influence of land and sea distribution.]
Enquist, F. “ Eine Theorie über die Ursache der Eiszeit und die geographis- chen Konsequenzen derselbe.” Buil. Geol. Inst., Upsala, 13, 1915, No. 2. [Influence of land and 'sea distribution.]
Hobbs, W. H. “ Characteristics of existing glaciers.” New York, 1911. [Glacial anticyclone.]
TABLE OF GEOLOGICAL FORMATIONS
Quaternary
Recent
Pleistocene
Pliocene
Tertiary or Cajnozoic
Mesozoic or Secomdary
Permian
Carboniferou8
Palasozoic
Devonian
Silurian
Ordovician
Cambrian
Proterozoic
Pre-Cambrian CHAPTER II
THE CLIMATIC RECORD AS A WHOLE
It is a remarkable fact that one of the oldest known sedimentary rocks is glacial in origin, and indïcated the
presence of an ice-sheet at a very early stage in the earth’s history. This is a “ tilKte,” or boulder-clay, discovered 1 ""af. Coleman at the base of the Lower Huronian
Proterozoic) of Canada. It extends in an east
and west direction for 1000 miles across northern Ontario, and northward from the northern shore of Lake Huron for 750 miles. It rests on a scratched or polished surface of various rocks, and the included boulders are not always local, but some have been brought from a considerable distance. AH these characters point to a large ice-sheet.
Tracés of Proterozoic glaciations have been discovered in various other parts of the world, and some of these may be of the same age as the Canadian ice-sheet, but they cannot yet be dated exactly. An interesting example is western Scotland, which J. Geikie considered to have been glaciated by ice from the north-west which has since sunk into the North Atlantic. Other glacial remains have no doubt been destroyed or deeply buried, while some may stiH await discovery, and at present we must be content to note the occurrence of a glacial period at this time without attempting any description of the distribution of climates over the globe. ‘
FoHowed a long period of milder climate indicated in America by thick deposits of limestone with the remains of reef-buüding organisms and other marine Hfe. This
32 CLIMATIC RECORD AS A WHOLE 33
period may have been interrupted at least once by the recurrence of gladal conditions, but the evidence for this is doubtful. It must be remembered that the duration of the Proterozoic was very great, at least as long as all subsequent time, while the relics of it which are now known to us are few and scattered, so that much which happened during that time is a closed book. It is not until the very close of the Proterozoic that we again find indisputable evidence of widespread gladal action.
This second great glaciation was placed originally in the earliest Cambrian (see table of geological formations at the end of Chapter I), but later evidence shows that it is slightly older than the oldest deposit which can be referred to this series, and it may be designated the Pre- Cambrian glaciation. Tillites of this age have been found in the middle Yangtse region of China and in South Australia (where they extend from 20 miles south of Adelaide to 440 miles north, with an east-west extension of 200 miles). Gladal deposits which probably refer to this period have been found also in India, both in the Deccan and near Simla, over a wide area in South Africa, and in the extreme north of Norway. This distribution suggests the presence of two centres of gladation, one between China, India and Australia, and the other north- west of Europe. The south-eastem of these was the most extensive, and probably indicates a ring of gladated continents surrounding the pole, rather than a single enormous ice-sheet.
During the Cambrian all evidence of gladal action ceases, and we have, instead, evidence of a warm, fairly uniform climate in the abundant marine life. This continued during the Ordovidan and became accentuated during the Silurian period, when reef corals lived in the seas of all parts of the world. Terrestrial deposits are curiously lacking in all this series, and this suggests that in the absence of any great mountaïn building and elevation shallow seas extended over almost the whole 34 THE EVOLUTION OF CLIMATE
of the surface, accompaniè'd by mild oceanic chmates extending to high latitudes.
At the close of the Silurian there was a period of mountain building and the formation of continents. The extinction of numerous species of marine organisms and the rapid evolution of others point to the seas becoming cooler and the stress of life more acute. In the succeeding Devonian period there is evidence of glacial conditions in South Africa in the form of a thick series of quartzites with striated pebbles up to fifteen inches long, but no typical boulder-clay has been dis- covered. There are also some doubtful tracés from England. The most noteworthy development of the Devonian in the British Isles is, however, a thick deposit of red sandstone (Old Red Sandstone) of the type that is formed in shallow lagoons or inclosed basins, and suggesting desert conditions, so that the rainfall of the British Isles was probably slight.
These Continental conditions passed away towards the close of the Devonian period, and once again extensive warm oceans appear to have spread over a large part of the globe, associated with the development of reef- building corals. Climate continued warm and equable throughout the greater part of the Carboniferous. The important feature of this period is the great System of coal-beds which extends through North America and Europe to China, with northem and Southern limits in 8o° N. (north-east Greenland and Spitzbergen) and 150 S. (Zambesi River). Wegener, summing up the evidence, and considering especially the absence of annual rings in the trees, concludes that the coal-beds are the remains of the tropical rain-forest when the equator lay across Europe some 30 degrees north of its present position.
Towards the close of the Carboniferous period great mountain-building set in, resulting in the formation of the famous Gondwanaland, including south and central Africa, Southern Asia, part of Australia and possibly CLIMATIC RECORD AS A WHOLE 35
Brazil. From a consideration of the glacial evidence, however, it appears, as will be seen later, that this was probably a ring of neighbouring and partly adjoining land areas rather than a single enormous continent. At the same time the climate became cooler, and a hardier vegetation, known as the Glossopteris flora, developed in the Southern hemisphere, including woody trees with annual rings indicating seasons. The large insects of the coal forests which did not undergo a metamorphosis were replaced by smaller types which did pass through such a stage ; this change of habit is considered to be due to the winters having become severe, so that the insects learnt to hibernate through them. In the early Permian, Gondwanaland was occupied by great ice- sheets, remains of which in the form of tiUites of great thickness, ice-wom surfaces and striated boulders have been found in South Africa, Belgian Congo, and Togo- land, Tasmania and widely separated parts of Australia, peninsular and north-westem India, and probably also Afghanistan. In India the glacial striae show that the ice-sheet was moving north, while in South Africa it was moving south, i.e. away from the present equator in both cases. Widespread glacial remains have been found also in Brazil, northem Argentine and the Falkland Islands, and there are probable tracés near Boston in North America, in Armenia, the Urals and the Alps, and possibly also in England.
Wegener’s reconstruction of the geography of this period places the south pole a little to the south-east of South Africa, surrounded by a great continent composed of the junction of Africa, South America, Antarctica, Australia, and an extended Deccan added to by smooth- ing out the folds of the Himalayas. This great circum- polar continent he considers to have been the site of an immense ice-cap. The North Pole lay in the Pacific Ocean, so that almost all the remaining land areas enjoyed temperate or tropical climates.
It is admitted that this peculiar distribution of glacial 36 THE EVOLUTION OF CLIMATE
remains apparently necessitates a position of the pole somewhere near that described by Wegener, but the theory of a single polar ice-cap extending beyond 50° latitude on nearly all sides presents difficulties. From the mechanism of the supply of snow to an ice-sheet described in the precedlng chapter it follows that, except close to the edges, all the moisture precipitated must be brought in by upper currents. But even if we take into account the increase in the strength of the atmospheric circulation due to the introduction of an ice-cap, there is a limit to the supply of moisture by this process. All such mbisture has to cross the periphery, and with increasing radius; the number of square miles of area to each mile of periphery becomes greater, slowly at first, then more and more rapidly. We shall see in Chapter VIII that even the North American Quaternary ice-sheet became unwieldy from this cause, and sufïered several changes of centre.
Hence it seems that the rapprochement of the continents in Permo-Carboniferous times need not have been so complete as Wegener supposes, the glacial phenomena being more readily explicable by a ring of continents surrounding a polar sea, as in the case of the Quaternary glaciation of the northern hemisphere. The local Permian glaciations of Europe and North America, some of which feil close to Wegener’s equator, are easily ex- plicable as due to mountain glaciers similar to those of Ruwenzori and other tropical mountains during the Quaternary. There were interglacial periods in South Africa, Brazil and New South Wales, which increase the resemblance between the Permian and Quaternary Ice Ages.
In Upper Permian times there was a widespread development of arid climates, especially in the present temperate parts of North America and Europe. Wegener attributes this to the northerly position of the equator bringing the sub-trppical desert belt (Sahara, Arizona) to these regions. In the Trias these conditions CLIMATIC RECORD AS A WHOLE 37
gradually gave place to another period of widespread warm shallow seas, with abundant marine life and corals extending over a large part of the world, even to Arctic Alaska. In the United States there are the remains of the forests of this period, in which the tree-trunks show very little evidence of annual rings, indicating that the seasonal changes were slight, so that the elfmate had again become mild and oceanic.
In the Lias (Lower Jurassic), there was crustal move- ment and volcanic action accompanied by land-formation and a gradual lowering of temperature. There yvas a great reduction in the abundance and geographical range of corals, and most of the species of insects are of dwarf types. There is, however, no evidence of glacial action.
The Upper Jurassic period appears to have been warmer than the Lias. Insects of a large size and corals again attained a very wide distribution, but there is enough difference in the marine faunas of different regions to indicate a greater development of climatic zones than in the extremely oceanic periods such as the late Triassic. Schuchert points out that the plants of Louis Philippe Land in 63° S. are the same, even to species, as those of Yorkshire.
In the Cretaceous period the elfmate was at first similar to that of the Jurassic, and trees grew in Alaska, Greenland and Spitzbergen. These trees, however, show marked annual rings, indicating a considerable differentia- tion of seasons, while trees of this age found in Egypt are devoid of rings. Towards the close of the Cretaceous there were many crustal movements and great volcanic outbursts, accompanied by a considerable reduction of temperature, which led to the extinction of many forms of life and the rapid evolution of others. There is no evidence of glacial action during the Cretaceous, however, though at the beginning of the Eocéne there was a local glaciation of the San Juan Mountains of Colorado. According to W. W. Atwood this glaciation was doublé, the first stage being of the Alpine mountain glacier type, 38 THE EVOLUTION OF CLIMATE
separated by an interglacial from the second stage, which was of the Piedmont type (mountain glaciers spreading out on the plain at the foot of the mountain). This Eocene gladation has been found nowhere else, however, and the climate of the Tertiary, which is discussed more fully in the next chapter, was in general warm and oceanic, becoming rigorous towards its close.
Summing up, we find that in the geological history of the earth two main types of climate seem to have alter- nated. Following on periods of great crustal movement, and the formation of large land areas, the general climate was cool, with a marked zonal distribution of temperature, culminating during at least four periods in the develop- ment of great sheets of inland ice. It is in such a period, though, fortunately, not at its worst, that we are living at present. During quiescent periods, on the other hand, when these continents largely disappeared beneath the sea, climate became mild and equable, and approached uniformity over a great part of the world. At these times, as soon as the surface water of the sea in high latitudes began to cool, it sank to the bottom, and its place was taken by warmer water from lower latitudes. The oceanic circulation was very complete, but there were practically no cold surface currents. Instead, there was probably a general drift of the surface waters from low to high latitudes (with an easterly trend owing to rotation of the earth), and a return drift of cooled water along the floor of the ocean. The formation of sea-ice near the poles became impossible, while the wide- spread distribution of marine life was facilitated.
The alternation of periods of crustal deformation with periods of quiescence has frequently been noticed, and has been termed the “ geological rhythm.” It may be attributed to the gradual accumulation of small strains during a quiescent period until the breaking point is reached, when earth-movements take place until equi- librium is restored, when the process is repeated.
The gradual erosion of the land by river and wave- CLIMATIC RECORD AS A WHOLE 39 .
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« on: July 20, 2022, 09:04:44 PM »
Brief mention may be made here of a theory put • forward by Humphreys, who attributed gladation to the presence of great quantities of volcanic dust in the atmosphere. It would require an enormous output of volcanic dust to reduce the temperature sufficiently; but in any case the relation, if any, between vulcanicity and temperature during the geological ages is rather the reverse of that supposed by Humphreys, periods of maximum volcanic action coinciding more frequently with high temperatures than with low. Perhaps the best comment on Humphreys’ theory is that in 1902 F. Frech produced its exact opposite, warm periods being associated with an excess of vulcanicity and cold periods with a diminution.
The theory which attributes climatic changes in various countries to variations in the position of the poles has been adduced in two mam forms. The first is known as the Pendulation Theory, and supposes the existence of two “ oscillation poles ” in Ecuador and Sumatra. The latitude of these points remains un- changed, and the geographical poles swing backwards and forwards along die meridian of 10 E. midway between them. Varying distances from the pole cause changes of climate, and the movements of the ocean, which adjusts itself to the change of pole more rapidly than the land, causes the great transgressions and regres- sions of the sea and the elevation and subsidence of the land.
An alternative form put forward by P. Krdchgauer, and recently brought up again by Wegener, explains the apparent variations in the position of the pole, not through a motion of the earth’s axis, but by the assump- tion that the firm crust has moved over the earth’s core FACTORS OF CLIMATE 21
so that the axis, remaining firm in its position, passes through different points of the earth’s crust. The cause of these movements is the centrifugal force of the great masses of the continents, which are distributed sym- metricaUy .about the earth. Imagine a single large continent resting on a sub-fluid magma in temperate latitudes. Centrifugal force acting on this continent tends to drive it towards the equator. There is thus a tendency for the latitude of Europe to decrease. Similar forces acting through geological ages have caused the poles and equator to wander at large over the earth’s surface, and also caused the continents to shift their positions relatively to one another. According to Wegener, in the Oligocene there was only a single enormous continent, America being united to Europe and Africa on the one hand, and through Antarctica to Australia on the other; while the Deccan stretched south-westwards nearly to Africa. The poles were in Alaska and north of the Falkland Islands. The treat- ment in Kreichgauer’s original book is speculative and at times fanciful ] Wegener’s treatise appears to demand more respectful attention, but is open to some vital objections. In the first place, theories of this class demand that the glaciation occurred in different regions at widely different times, whereas we shall see in the following pages that the evidence points very strongly to a doublé glaciation during the Quaternary occurring simultaneously over the whole earth. This objection, which was fatal to Croll’s theory in its original form, is equally fatal to theories of pole-wandering as an explanation of the Quaternary Ice Age. Secondly, we know that the last phase of this glaciation, known as the Wisconsin stage in America and the Wurmian in Europe, was highly developed only 20,000 years ago, and probably reached its maximum not more than 30,000 years ago. In the last 5000 years there has been no appreciable change of latitude, at least in Eurasia; and it seems impossible for the extensive alterations required in the 22 THE EVOLUTION OF CLIMATE
geography of the world by Wegener’s theory to have taken place in so short a time.
The great glaciation of the Permian period, referred to in the next chapter, is a totally different matter. During this time the ice-sheets appear to have reached their maximum area, and to have extended to sea-level, in countries which are at present close to the equator, while lands now in high latitudes remained unglaciated. It is true that at the present day glaciers exist at high latitudes under the equator itself, and given a ridge sufficiently steep and a snowfall suffidently heavy such glaciers would possibly extend to sea-level; but even these conditions would not give rise to the enormous deposits of true boulder-clay which have been discovered, and there seems no way of avoiding the supposition of an enormous difference in the position of the pole relatively to the continents at this time.
Wegener’s theory alone, however, requires that glacia- tion should always have been proceeding in some part of the globe (unless both poles were surrounded by wide expanses of ocean), which is hard to reconcile with the extremely definite and limited glaciations which geolo- gical research has demonstrated. In these circumstances we may tentatively explain the pre-Tertiary gladal periods by combining Wegener’s theory of the move- ments of continents and oceans as a whole with the theory of changes of elevation and of land and sea distribution which is outlined below. That is to say, we may suppose that the positions of the continents and oceans have changed, relatively both to each other and to the poles, slowly but more or less continuously throughout geological time; while at certain periods the land and sea distribution became favourable for extensive glaciation of the regions which at that time were in high latitudes.
The geographical theory, which States that the Ice Age was brought about by elevation in high latitudes, and by changes in the land and sea distribution, though FACTORS OF CLIMATE
23
never seriously challenged, has sufïered until recently from a lack of precision. The present author attempted to remedy this by a close mathematical study of the relation of temperature to land and sea distribution at the present 'day. The method at attack was as follows: from the best available isothermal charts of all countries the mean temperature reduced to sea-level was read off for each intersection of a ten-degree square of latitude and longitude, for January and July, from 70° N. to 6o° S. latitude; this gave 504 values of temperature for each of these months. Round each point was next drawn a circle with an angular radius of ten degrees, divided into east and west semicircles. The area of each semi- circle was taken as 100, and by means of squared paper the percentage of land to the east and land to the west were calculated; finally, in each month the percentage of the whole circle occupied by land, ice, or frozen sea was calculated, this figure naturally being greater in winter than in summer. The projection used was that of the “ octagonal globe,” published by the Meteoro- logical Office, which shows the world in five sections, the error nowhere exceeding six per cent.
These figures were then analysed mathematically, and from them the effects on temperature of land to the east, land to the west, and ice were calculated. The detailed numerical results are set out in an Appendix; it is sufficiënt here to give the following general con- clusions :
(1) In winter the effect of land to the west is always to lower temperature.
(2) In winter the effect of land to the east is almost negligible, that is to say, the eastern shore of a continent is almost as cold as the centre of the continent. The only important exception to this rule is 70° N., which may be considered as coming within a belt of polar east winds.
(3) In summer the general effect of land, whether to the east or west, is to raise temperature, but the effect 24 THE EVOLUTION OF CLIMATE
is nowhere anything like so marked as the opposite effect in winter.
(4) The effect of ice is always to lower temperature.
(5) For every latitude a “ basal temperature ” can be found. This is the temperature found near the centre of an ocean in that latitude. This “ basal temperature ” is a function of the amount of land in the belt of latitude. Poleward of latitude 20° an increase of land in the belt lowers the winter basal temperatures very rapidly and raises the summer basal temperature to a less extent. The “ basal temperature ” is important, since it is the datum line from which we set out to calculate the winter and summer temperatures of any point, by the addition or subtraction of figures representing the local effect of land in a neighbouring 10° circle.
As an illustration of the scale of the temperature variations which may be due to geographical changes, suppose that the belt between 50° and 70° N. is entirely above the sea. Then we have the following theoretical temperatures; for a point on 6o° N. at sea-level: January — 30° F.; July 720 F.
Data for calculating the effect of ice are rather scanty, but the following probable figures can be given, supposing that the belt in question were entirely ice-covered : January — 30° F. (as for land); July 230 F.
Supposing that the belt were entirely oceanic, the mean temperature in 6o° N. would be :
January 290 F.; July 410 F.
These figures show how enormously effective the land and sea distribution really is. From Appendix it is easy to calculate the probable temperature distribu- tion resulting from any arrangement of land and water masses. Since the geography of the more recent geolo- gical periods is now known in some detail, we have thus a means of restoring past climates and discussing the distribution of animals and plants in the light of this knowledge. Of course it is not pretended that no other possible causes of great climatic variation exist, but no FACTORS OF CLIMATE 25
others capable of seriously modifying temperature over long periods are known to have been in operation. As we shall see later, there are solar and other astronomical causes capable of modifying climate slightly for a few decades or even centuries, but these are insignificant compared with the mighty fluctuations of geological time.
In applying the results of this “ continentality ” study to former geological periods the method adopted is that of differences. The present climate is taken as a Standard, and the temperatures of, for instance, the Glacial period are calculated by adding to or subtracting from the present temperatures amounts calculated from the change in the land and sea distribution. This has the advantage of conserving the present local peculiarities, such as those due to the presence of the Gulf Drift, but such a pro- cedure would be inapplicable for a totally different land and sea distribution, such as prevailed during the Carboniferous period. That it is applicable for the Quaternary is perhaps best shown by the following comparison of temperatures calculated from the distri- bution of land, sea and ice with the actual temperatures of the Ice Age as estimated by various authorities (inferred fall) :
Locality. Author. Inferred Fall. Calculated Fall. Jan. July. Mean. «F. °F. •F. •F. Scandinaria J. Geikie More than 20 36 18 27 East Anglia C. Reid 20 18 »3 IS AIpi Penck and Brückner 11 13 9 Japan Simotomai 7 9 5 7
It is seen that the agreement is quite good.
There is one other point to consider, the effect of height. The existence of a great land-mass generally implies that part of it at least has a considerable elevation, 26 THE EVOLUTION OF CLIMATE
perhaps 10,000 or 20,000 feet, and these high lands have a very different climate to the neighbouring low- lands. Meteorologists have measured this difference in the case of temperature and found that the average fall with height is at the rate of i° F. in 300 feet. In the lower levels the fall is usually greater in summer than in winter, but at 3000 feet it is fairly uniform throughout the year. Consequently, quite apart from any change in climate due to the increased land area, an elevation of 3000 feet would result in a fall of temperature of 10° F., winter and summer alike. This reinforces the effect of increased land area and aids in the development of ice-sheets or glaciers.
The effect of geographical changes on the distribution of rainfall are much more complicated. The open sea is the great source of the water vapour in the atmosphere, and since evaporation is very much greater in the hot than in the cold parts of the globe, for considerable precipitation over the world as a whole there must be large water areas in the Tropics. In tempera te latitudes the water vapour is carried over the land by onshore winds, and some of it is precipitated where the air is forced to rise along the slopes of hills or mountains. Some rain falls in thunderstorms and similar local showers, but the greater part of the rain in most tem- perate countries is associated with the passage of “ depres- sions.” These are our familiar wind- and rain-storms; a depression consists essentially of winds blowing in an anti-clockwise direction round an area of low pressure.
These centres of low pressure move about more or less irregularly, but almost invariably from west to east in the temperate regions. They are usually generated over seas or oceans, and, since a supply of moist air is essential for their continued existence, they tend to keep to the neighbourhood of water masses or, failing that, of large river valleys. In a large dry area depressions weaken or disappear. Their tracks are also very largely governed by the positions of areas of high pressure or anticyclones, FACTORS OF CLIMATE 27
which they tend to avoid, moving from west to east on the polar side of a large anticyclone and from east to west on the equatorial side. Since anticyclones are developed over the great land areas in winter, this further restricts the paths of depressions to the neighbourhood of the oceans at that season.
For all these reasons the tracks of depressions, and therefore the rainfall, are intimately connected with the distribution of land and sea. In winter there is little rain- fall in the interior of a great land mass, except where it is penetrated by an arm of the sea like the Mediterranean ; on the other hand, the coasts receive a great deal of rain or snow. The interior receives its rain mostly in spring or summer ; if the Coastal lands are of no great elevation this will be plentiful, but if the coasts are mountainous the interior will be arid, like the central basins of Asia.
The development of an ice-sheet is equivalent to introducing perpetual winter in the area occupied by the ice. The low temperature maintains high pressure, and storm tracks are unable to cross the ice. At the present day depressions rarely penetrate beyond the outer fringe of the Antarctic continent, and only the Southern extremity of Greenland is afïected by them. Since the total energy in the atmosphere is increased by the presence of an ice-sheet, which afïords a greater contrast of temperature between cold pole and equator, storms will increase in frequency and their tracks must be crowded together on the equatorial side of the ice- sheet. In the southem hemisphere we have great storminess in the “ roaring forties ” ; south of Greenland the Newfoundland banks are a region of great storminess. Hence, when an ice-sheet covered northem and central Europe the Mediterranean region must have had a marked increase of storminess with probably rain in summer as well as in winter.
But if snow-bearing depressions cannot penetrate an ice-sheet, it may be asked how the ice-sheet can live. The answer depends on the nature of the underlying 3 28 THE EVOLUTION OF CLIMATE
country. A land of high relief such as Antarctica is, and as Greenland probably is, rising to a maximum elevation of many thousand feet near its centre, draws its nourishment chiefly from the upper currents which flow inward on all sides to replace the cooled air which flows outwards near the surface. These upper currents carry a certain amount of moisture, partly in the form of vapour, but partly condensed as cirrus and even cumulus cloud.
At low temperatures air is able to hold only a negligible amount of water vapour, and this current, coming in contact with the extremely cold surface of the ice, is sucked dry, and its moisture added to the ice-sheet. Probably there is little true snowfall, but the condensa- tion takes place chiefly close to the surface, forming a frozen mist resembling the “ ice-mist ” of Siberia. Even if the central land is not high enough to reach into the upper current at its normal level, the surface outflow of cold air will draw the current down to the level of the ice. This will warm it by compression, but the ice-surface is so cold that such warming makes little difference in the end. This process of condensation ensures that after the ice reaches a certain thickness it becomes independent of topography, and in fact the centre of the Scandinavian ice-sheet lay not along the mountain axis, but some distance to the east of it.
It is probably only on the edges of the ice-sheet, and especially in areas of considerable local relief, that snowfall of the ordinary type takes place, associated with moist winds blowing in the front section of depressions which skirt the ice-edge. But when conditions are favourable this source of supply is sufficiënt to enable these local ice-sheets to maintain an independent life, merely fusing with the edges of the larger sheet where they meet. Examples of such local centres in Europe were the Irish and Scottish glaciers, and at a later stage the Lofoten glaciers of the west of Norway, and in America the Cordilleran glaciers of Columbia. FACTORS OF CLIMATE
29
Penck and Brückner have demonstrated that in the Alps the increase of glaciation was due to a fall of tem- perature and not to an increase of snowfall. The argument is threefold: firstly, the lowering of the
snow-line was uniform over the whole Alpine area, instead of being irregular as it would be if it depended on variations of snowfall; secondly, the area and depth of the parent snow-fields which fed the glaciers remained unchanged, hence the increased length of the glaciers must have been due to decreased melting below the snow-line, i.e. to lower temperatures; thirdly, the upper limit of tree-growth in Europe sank by about the same amount as the snow-line. The same conclusion holds for the great Scandinavian and North American ice- sheets, the extension of which was undoubtedly due to a great fall of temperature. In the case of the Alps the interesting point has come to light that the fall of temperature, though due in part to increased elevation, is mainly accounted for by the presence of the Scandi- navian ice-sheet, which extended its influence for many miles beyond the actual limits of glaciation, so that its waxings and wanings are faithfully reproduced in those of the Alpine glaciers, even to the details of the final retreat after the last maximum.
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The late-glacial and post-glacial history of the Baltic continues to be actively studied, and a number of papers on the subject have appeared in the past two years. E. Antevs (11) has contendëd that the Ancylus elevation in the south-west Baltic region has been over-estimated. He considers that during Ancylus time the Baltic was never a true lake, but was an inland sea connected with the Atlantic by a narrow channel, and kept fresh by the enormous volume of water supplied by the melting Scandinavian ice-sheet. This view is accepted by G. de Geer, but is denied by H. Munthe. It is admitted that the water was fresh, and if there was free com- munication with the Atlantic it seems improbable that the amount of thaw water during the cold dry winter would be sufficiënt to keep out the sea water. From the climatological point of view, however, the important point is that die inflow of sea water at a higher tempera- ture was interrupted, and it does not seem to matter greatly which view is correct. I. Hogbom (12) has reinvestigated “ fossil dunes ” of northern Europe, and concludes that they were formed by dry winds from west-north-west during Finiglacial time (ca. 7000-6000 b.c.) and not to periglacial easterly winds, as formerly supposed. The type of pressure distribution reconstructed from the dunes and other evidence resembles that prevailing during the cold spell of spring. G. de Geer (13) has been investigating the annual clay-varves of the late-glacial period in North America. It will be remembered that by an examination of similar annual layers in Sweden he arrived at an absolute 10 THE EV0LUTI0N OF CLIMATE measure of the age of various stages of the retreat. He considers that the succession of different thicknesses in certain groups of annual layers in North America bears so close a resemblance to parts of the Swedish succession that they must refer to the same groups of years, and on these grounds he has dated parts of the final stages of the glacial period in North America. The ice left the eastern end of Lake Champlain about I,loo years before the end of the Ice Age in Sweden (ca. 5000 b.c.). In Timiskaming (northern Ontario) the recession was traced for over 600 years, the ice leaving the district 297 years after the close of the Ice Age in Sweden. This indicates that the melting of the inland ice lasted somewhat longer in Canada than in Sweden ; but de Geer considers that there can be no more doubt as to the exact agreement between the climatic conditions in the two regions. It is greatly to be hoped that de Geer will publish a table showing the relative thicknesses of each of his annual layers, similar to that published by A. E. Douglass of the width of annual tree-rings. Sir T. W. Edgeworth David (14) has discovered similar banded clays associated with the pre-Cambrian and Carboniferous tillites of Australia, indicating a duration of 12,000 years in the former case and about 4,000 years in the latter. The fourfold division of the Quaternary Ice Age adopted by Penck and Bruckner for the Alps is graduafly being extended beyond the limits of Europe. Sir T. W. Edgeworth David (15) accepts it for the glaciation of Australia and Tasmania; he States that Tasmanian man is now considered to date back probably to the Rissian. The Australian type came later, but the Talgai skull from near Warwick, Queensland, which is placed in the Riss-Wurm interglacial, has Australian affinities. As a result of Dainelli’s researches in the Himalayan region, F. Loewe (16) has delineated a four- fold glaciation of the western Himalayas. The second ice-extension was the greatest, the positions of the INTRODUCTION n snow-line being: Glaciation I, unknown; II, 11,500 feet; III, 12,300 feet; IV, 12,550 feet. The fourth glaciation was followed by retreat stadia as in the Alps. No fossiliferous interglacial deposits are known, so that the correlation with the Alpine stages is problematical. Finally, I have to mention an important publication by H. Gams and R. Nordhagen (17), deahng primarily with the post-glacial climatic changes in central Europe, but summarizing also the results of recent researches in other parts of the Continent. Their summary commences with the “ Great Interglacial ” (following the Mindelian glaciation), in which they place the Chellean industry. After this they intercalate a new glacial stage, the Mühlbergian, followed by the short Rabutz interglacial, in which they place the Acheulian. This additional glaciation certainly clears up some difficulties, and facilitates correlation with the (possibly) five-fold American series (H. F. Osborn and C. A. Reeds ignore the Iowan and so make the American series four- fold); but much field-work will be required before geologists will consent to such a modification of Penck and Bruckner’s classic scheme. Gams and Nordhagen consider the Rissian glaciation to have been the greatest, instead of the Mindelian; it was followed by the Rixdorf interglacial, also short. The Würrn glaciation is divided into a number of stages—Schaffhauser Advance, Laufen Oscillation, Mecklenburgian End Moraine, Alleröd Oscillation, Fennoscandian End Moraine, fol- lowed by the other familiar retreat stages. For the post-glacial period the pioneer work of Axel Blytt is regarded as thoroughly confirmed, and his terminology is accepted. The temperature is considered to have risen steadily through the dry Boreal Period (Continental Phase, Azilian-Tardenoisian), the moist Atlantic Period (Maritime Phase), and the dry sub-boreal Period (Later Forest Phase), reaching a maximum 40 F. above the present near 1000 b.c. It was at this period that the hazel reached its greatest extension in northern Scan- 2 12 THE EVOLUTION OF CLIMATE dinavia, and not during the boreal period, as formerly believed. About B.c. 850 occurred a sudden deteriora- tion of climate, which in the Alps had almost the appear- ance of a catastrophe. This begins the sub-Atlantic Period (Later Peat-bog Phase) which in the opinion of the authors corresponds with the Daun readvance of the Alpine glaciers; after this the climate of Europe passed by a series of oscillations to its present level. If the results of all the remaining papers published in the past two or three years were discussed, this preface would grow to the size of another book. In the face of such an outpouring of material one’s views require constant adjustment, and the most urgent need at the moment, as pointed out by Osbom and Reeds (2), is a stable framework of classification for the Quaternary period, which shall embody at once the glacial advances and retreats, the river terraces and raised beaches, the succession of faunas, both land and marine, and of floras, the human industries and the waves of climate. Unfortunately we seem now to be farther than ever from such a framework. Let us hope that this is the darkest hour which precedes the dawn, and that some generally accepted framework will soon emerge. C. C. P. B. January, 1925. BIBLIOGRAPHY (1) Mayet, Lucien. “ Corrélations géologiques et archéologiques des tempi quaternaires.” Paris, C.-R, Ass. frattf. avanc. sci., 44 Session, Stras- bourg, 1920, pp. 481-490. (2) Osbom, Henry Fairfield, and Chester A. Reeds. “ Old and new stan- dards of Pleistocene diyision in relation to the prehistory of man in Europe.” Buil. Geol. Soc. America, 33, 1922, pp. 411-490. (3) Moir, J. Reid. “ The Ice-age and Man.” Man, 1922, p. [52]. . “ The antiquity of man in East Anglia.” Science Progress, July, 1924, p. 129. See also The Times, August 22, 1924. BIBLÏOGRAPHY 13 (4) Palm er, L. S. “The Ice-age and man in Hampshire.” Man, 1922, p. 106. -------------, and J. H. Cooke. “The Pleistocene deposits of the Portsmouth district and their relation to man.” London, Proc. Geol. Ass., 34, 1923, p. 253. (3) Huntington, Ellsworth, and S. S. Visher. “ Climatic changes, their nature and cause.” New Haven, 1922. (6) British (Terra Nova) Antarctic Expedition 1910-1913. “ Glaciology,” by C. S. Wright and R. E. Priestley. London (Harrison & Sons), 1922. (7) Kerner-Marilaun, F. “ Untersuchungen über die morphogene Klima- komponente der permischen Eiszeit Indiens.” Wien, Sitzungsber. Akai. Wiss., Matb.-nat. KL, Abt. x, 126 Bd., 1917, pp. 177-228. ( ------------------. “ Das akryogene Seeklima und seine Bedeutung für die geologischen Probleme des Arktis.” Wien, Sitzungsber. Akai. Wiss., 131, 1922, p. 133. (9) Brooks, C. E. P. “ The problem of mild polar climates.” London, Q. J. R. Meteor. Soc., 31, 1923. (10) Dwerryhouse, A. R. “ The glaciation of north-eastern Ireland.” London Q. J. G. S., 79, 1923, p. 332. (11) Antevs, Ernst. “On the late-glacial and post-glacial history of the Baltic.” New York, N. Y., Geogr. Ren., 12, 1922, pp. 602-612. (12) Hogbom, I. “ Ancient inland dunes of northern and middle Europe.” Stockholm, Geogr. Ann., 3, 1923, pp. 113-243. (13) Geer, G. de. “ Correlation of late-glacial annual day-varves in North America with the Swedish time scale.” Stockholm, Geol. Foren. Forb., 43, 1921, p. 70. (14) David, Sir T. W. Edgeworth. “The ' Varve Shales’ of Australia.” Amer.J. Sd. (5), 3, 1922, p. 115. (15) -------------------------. “ Geological evidence of the antiquity of man in the Commonwealth, with especial reference to the Tas- manian aborigines.” Hobart, Papers and Proc. R. Soc. F asmania, 1923, pp. 109-150. (16) Loewe, F. “ Die Eiszeit in Kaschmir, Baltistan and Ladakh.” Berlin, Zs. Ges. Erik., 1924, p. 42. (17) Gams, H., and R. Nordhagen. “ Postglaziale Klimaanderungen und Erdkrustenb ewegungen in Mitteleuropa.” München, Geogr. Geseüscb., Landesk. Forscbungen, H.25, 1923. THE EVOLUTION OF CLIMATE CHAPTER I FACTORS OF CLIMATE AND THE CAUSES OF CLIMATIC FLU CTUATI ONS T he climate of any point on the earth’s surf ace depends on a complex of factors, some of them due to influences arriving from outside the earth, and others purely terrestrial. Since any variations of climate must be due to a change in one or more of these, it is necessary, before we can discuss changes of climate, to consider briefly what the factors are. The only important extra-terrestrial factor of climate is the amount of radiant energy which reaches the borders of the earth’s atmosphere from the heavenly bodies—that is, from the sun, for the moon and stars can be ignored in this connexion. The only other conceivable factor is the arrival of meteorites, bringing kinetic energy, which is converted into heat, and intro- ducing cosmic dust into the atmosphere; but it is highly improbable that this is of appreciable effect. The amount of solar radiation1 which reaches the earth depends in the first place on the total radiation emitted by the sun, and in the second place on the distance of the earth from the sun, both of which quanti- ties are variable. It has been calculated that if other factors remained unchanged an increase of ten per cent. in the solar radiation would raise the mean temperature of the earth’s surf ace by about 70 C., or between 12° 1 By this term we shall in future understand only that part of it which is responsible for thermal effects. 15 16 THE EVOLUTION OF CLIMATE and 130 F., with, of course, a corresponding fall for a decrease. After the sun’s radiation reach.es the outer limits of the earth’s atmosphere its nature and intensity are modified by the composition of the air through which it passes. In general the air itself is very transparent to the small wave-lengths which make up the solar rays, but the presence of fine dust, whether of volcanic or of cosmic origin, has been shown by Humphreys to be a distinct hindrance to their passage, so that volcanic eruptions of an explosive nature, such as that of Krakatoa in 1883, La Soufriére (St. Vincent) in 1902, or Katmai (Alaska) in 1912, may result in a fall of temperature over the world as a whole. The temperature of the earth is determined by the balance between the radiation received from the sun and the terrestrial radiation to space, and a decrease in the latter would be as effective in raising the mean temperature as an increase in the former. The use of glass for greenhouses depends on this principle; for glass is transparent to heat rays of small wave-length, but is largely opaque to the rays of greater wave-length which make up terrestrial radiation. Certain constituents of the atmosphere, especially water-vapour, carbon dioxide and ozone, are effective in this way, and varia- tions in the amount of these gases present may affect the temperature. The angle at which the sun’s rays strike the earth’s Surface is a highly important factor. Within the Tropics the sun at midday is nearly vertical throughout the year, and the mean temperature in these regions is correspondingly high; on the other hand, during the long polar night the sun is not seen for half t;he year, and very low temperatures prevail. There is thus a seasonal variation of the heat received from the sun in middle and high latitudes, the extent of which depends on the “ obliquity of the ecliptic,” i.e. the inclination of the earth’s axis to the plane of its orbit round the FACTORS OF CLIMATE 17 sun, and any changes in this factor must alter the seasonal variation of climate. Further, since the climate of any place depends so closely on its latitude, it follows that if the latitude changes the climate will change. A ship can change its latitude at will, but we are accustomed to regard the position of the “ firm ground beneath our feet ” relatively to the poles as fixed within narrow limits. This stability has, however, been questioned from time to time, mainly on evidence derived from palaeoclimatology, and theories of climatic change have been based on the wanderings of continents and oceans. Finally, local climate is intimately bound up with the distribution of land and sea, and the marine and atmospheric currents resulting therefrom, and on elevation above sea level, both of which factors, as we shall see, have suffered very wide variations in the geological past. Nearly all the theories which have been put forward to account for geological changes of climate, and espe- cially the occurrence of the last or Quaternary Ice Age, are based on the abnormal variation of one or other of the above factors, and we may consider them briefly in turn. Very few have ever been taken seriously. In the first place, we can at once dismiss fluctuations in the radiation emitted by the sun as a cause of great changes of climate. It is true that many small fluctua- tions are traceable directly to this cause, such as the eleven-year periodicity of temperature and rainfall; but these fluctuations are, and must be, greater at the equator than at the poles, while the fall of temperature during the Glacial period reached its maximum near the poles and was least at the equator. Moreover, there is not .the slightest direct evidence in support of such a theory, and it can only be admitted when all other hypotheses have failed. The “ astronomical ” theory of the cause of climatic fluctuations is associated chiefly with the name of James Croll. Croll’s theory connects abnormal variations of 18 THE EVOLUTION OF OLIMATE climate with variations, firstly of the eccentricity of the earth’s orbit, and secondly of the ecliptic. In periods of high eccentricity the hemisphere with winter in aphelion is cold because the long severe winter is far from being balanced by the short hot summer; at the same time the opposite hemisphere enjoys a mild equable climate. This theory commanded instant respect, and still finds a place in the text-books, but difficulties soon began to appear. The evidence strongly suggests that glacial periods did not alternate in the two hemispheres, but were simultaneous over the whole earth; even on the equator the snow-line was brought low down. Moreover, on Mars the largest snow-cap appears on the hemisphere with its winter in perihelion. Although Croll’s reasoning was beautifully ingenious he gave very few figures ; while the date which he gives for the conclusion of the Ice Age, 80,000 years ago, has been shown by recent research to be far too remote, 15,000 years being nearer the mark. Croll’s theory has recently been revived in an altered form by R. Spitaler, a Czecho-Slovakian meteorologist, who calculated the probable alteration in the mean temperature of each latitude under maximum eccen- tricity 6^7775) and maximum obliquity (270 48'), the distribution of land and water remaining unchanged. The results are shown in the attached table, where — means that the temperature was so much below the present mean, and + that it was so much above. Aphelior i December. Aphelion June. Winter. Summer. Year. Winter. Summer. Year. °F. °F. °F. °F. "F. °F. N. 600 - 9 + 15 -1 -s -4 -1 30° -13 + 13 -2 + 1 -8 -2 Equator - 8 + 4 -2 + 1 -6 -2 S. 30° - 6 + 1 -2 +3 -s -2 6o° “ 2 - 1 -1 + 1 — 2 —1 FACTORS OF CLIMATE 19 Spitaler claims that these differences are sufficiënt to cause a glacial period in the hemisphere with winter in aphelion, but from. this point his theory départs widely from Croll’s. During the long severe winter great volumes of sea water are brought to a low temperature, and, owing to their greater weight, sink to the bottom of the ocean, where they remain cold and accumulate from year to year. But the water warmed during the short hot summer remains on the surface, where its heat is dissipated by evaporation and radiation. Thus, throughout the cold period, lasting about 10,000 years, the ocean in that hemisphere is steadily growing colder, and this mass of cold water is sufficiënt to maintain a low temperature through the whole of the following period of 10,000 years with winter in perihelion, which would otherwise be a genial interval. In this way a period of great eccentricity becomes a glacial period over the whole earth, but with crests of maximum intensity altemating in the two hemispheres. Unfortunately the numerical basis of this theory is not presented, and it seems incredible that a deficiency of temperature could be thus maintained through so long a period. Further, the difficulty about chronology remains, and the work brings the astronomical theory no nearer to being a solution of the Ice Age problem than was Croll’s. The theory which connects fluctuations of climate on a geological scale with changes in the composition of the earth’s atmosphere is due to Tyndall and Arrhenius, and was elaborated by Chamberlin. The theory sup- posed that the earth’s temperature is maintained by the “ blanketing ” effect of the carbon dioxide in the atmosphere. This acts like the glass of a greenhouse, allowing the sun’s rays to enter unhindered, but absorbing the heat radiated from the earth’s surface and returning some of it to the earth instead of letting it pass through to be lost in space. Consequently, any diminution in the amount of carbon dioxide present would cause the earth to radiate away its heat more freely, so reducing 20 THE EV0LUTI0N OF CLIMATE its temperature. But it is now known that the terrestrial radiation which this gas is capable of absorbing is taken up equally readily by water-vapour, of which there is always sufficiënt present, and variations of carbon dioxide cannot have any appreciable effect.
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« on: July 20, 2022, 09:03:15 PM »
From https://archive.org/details/ldpd_11151278_000/page/13/mode/1upThe evolution of climate 1925 climatehistory . . THE EVOLUTION OF CLIMATE . PREFACE Geologists very early in the history of their Science, in fact as soon as fossils began to be examined, found indisputable evidence of great variations in climate. The vegetation which resulted in the coal measures could have grown only in a sub-tropical climate, while over these are vast remains of ice-worn boulders and scratched rocks which obviously have been left by ice existing under polar conditions. Such records were not found only in one region, but cropped up in juxta- position in many parts of the world. Remains of sub-tropical vegetation were found in Spitzbergen, and remains of an extensive ice-sheet moving at sea-level from the south were clearly recognized in central and northern India. At first it was simply noticed that the older fossils generally indicated a warmer climate, and it was considered that the early climate of a globe cooling from the molten state would be warm and moist, and so account for the observed conditions. It was recognized that the ice remains were relatively recent, and so far as a cause for the Ice Age was sought it was considered that astronomical changes would be sufficiënt. It was only when geologists began to find records of ice ages far anterior to the Carboniferous Age, and astronomers proved by incontrovertible observations and calculations that changes in the earth’s orbit, or its inclination to that orbit, could not account for. the ice ages, that the importance and inexplicability of the geological evidence for changes of climate came to be clearly recognized. VI THE EVOLUTION OF CLIMATE During the last few years much study has been given to “ palseoclimatology,” but such a study is extremely difficult. Only a very small fraction of the total surface of the earth can be geologically examined, and of that fraction a still smaller proportion has up to the present been studied in detail. There has been a great tendency to study intently a small region and then to generalize. The method of study which has to be employed is extremely dangerous. A geological horizon is deter- mined by the fossils it contains. Wherever fossils of a the strata are given the same found in different parts of the world, and it is frequently assumed not only that these rocks were laid down at the same time, but that the conditions which they indicate existed over the whole of the earth’s surface simultaneously. Thus geologists teil us that the chmate of the Carboniferous Age was warm and damp; of the Devonian Age cool and dry; of the Eocene Age very warm ; of the Ice Age very cold. But has the geologist given sufficiënt attention to the climatic zones during the various geological climates ? It is true that the geologist has definitely expressed the view that in certain ages climatic zones did not exist; but from a meteorological point of view it is difficult to see how the climate could have been even approxi- mately the same in all parts of the world if solar radiation determined in the past as in the present the temperature of the surface of the earth. The climatic zones of the various geological periods will need much closer study in the future; the data hardly exist at present, and the great area covered by the ocean will always make the study difficult and the conclusions doubtful. Admitting, for the saké of argu- ment only, large changes in average conditions, but with zonal variations of the same order of magnitude as those existing to-day, the slow changes from period to period will cause any given climatic state to travel slowly over correlated by their fossils are PREFACE vii the surface of the earth, and this will so complicate the problem as to make it doubtful whether any conclusions can be reached so long as the same criteria are used to determine both the geological epoch and the climatic conditions. These considerations apply more particularly to the earlier records, while Mr. Brooks has confined his work chiefly to the later records, beginning with those of the Great Ice Age, in which climatic zones are clearly indi- cated by the limits of the ice; but in this problem one cannot confine one’s attention to a portion of the record, for the test of any explanation must be its sufficiency to explain all the past changes of climate. One will not be satisfied with an explanation of the Great Ice Age which does not explain at the same time the records of earlier ice ages, of which there is indubitable evidence in the Permo-Carboniferous and Pre-Cambrian periods, and the records of widespread tropical or sub-tropical conditions in the Carboniferous and Eocene Ages. Whether Mr. Brooks’ theory for the cause of the recent changes of climate satisfies this criterion must be left to each reader to decide. As Mr. Brooks says, the literature on this subject is now immense, and it is most unsatisfactory literature to digest and summarize. In the first place, many of the original observations which can be used in the study of past climates are hidden away in masses of purely geolo- gical descriptions, and a great deal of mining has to be done to extract the climatic ore. Then, again, most of the writers who have made a special study of climatic changes have had their own theoretical ideas and most of their evidence has been ex parte. To take a single example, for one paper discussing dispassionately the evidence for changes in climate during the historical period, there have been ten to prove either that the climate has steadily improved, steadily deteriorated, changed in cycles or remained unchanged. It is ex- tremely difïicult to arrivé at the truth from such material, viiï THE EVOLUTION OF CLIMATE and still more difficult to summarize the present state of opinion on the subject. It may be complained that Mr. Brooks has himself adopted this same method and has written his book around his own theory. But was there any alternative ? There are so many theories and radically different points of view that no writer could confine himself to the observations and say what these indicate, for the indications are so very different according to each theory in turn. And new theories are always being propounded; since Mr. Brooks commenced to write this book, Wegener has put forward his revolutionary theory according to which the polar axis has no stability, and the continents are travelling over the face of the globe like debris on a flood. Where is there solid ground from which to discuss climatic changes if the continents themselves can travel from the equator to the pole and back again in the short period of one or two geological epochs ? Mr. Brooks has studied deeply geology, anthropology, and meteorology, and he has considerable mathematical ability. By applying the latter to the results of his studies he has developed a theory for the cause of climatic ehanges based on changes of land and sea area, and on changes of elevation of land surfaces, and naturally he has made this theory the basis of his work. That there will be some who are not able to agree with him as to the sufficiency of the causes he invokes, or who may even question whether he also has not taken for granted what others dispute, goes without saying ; but all will agree that he has presented a difficult subject in a clear and condse way, and that meteorologists (and may I add geologists ?) owe to him a deep debt of gratitude. G. C. Simpson CONTENTS Prefaci ....... y Introduction to thi Second Edition . . .4 I. Factors of Climate and the Causes of Cumatic Fluctuations i 5 II. The Cumatic Record as a Whole . . . 32 III. CONDITIONS BEFORE THE QüATERNARV IcE AgE . . 4* IV. The Great Ice Age . . . . • 47 V. The Glacial History of Northern and Central Europe 55 VI. The Mediterranean Regions ddring the Glacial Period 68 VII. Asia ddring the Glacial Period . . . .76 VIII. The Glacial History of North America . . .86 IX. Central and South America . . . . 97 X. Africa ........ 103 XI. Australia and New Zealand . . . .109 XII. The Glaciation of Antarctica . . . . 114 XIII. The Close of the Ice Age—The Continental Phase . 118 XIV. The Post-Glacial Optimum of Climate . . .127 XV. The Forest Period of Western Edrope . . .136 XVI. The “ Classical ” Rainfall Maximum, 1800 b.c. to a.d. 500 140 XVII. The Climatic Fluctuations since a.d. 500 . . 149 XVIII. Cumatic Fluctuations and the Evolution of Man . . 159 XIX. CUMATE AND HlSTORY . . . . .102 Appendix—The Factors of Temperature . . . i6fl 169 INTRODUCTION TO THE SECOND EDITION On the whole, the first edition of “ The Evolution of Climate ” met with a good reception. The meteoro- logical interpretation of the succession of climatic stages during the Quaternary Ice Age and subsequently was especially welcomed, and it appears that with the spread of our knowledge of the climatic conditions of different parts of the world during the various geological periods there will be increasing scope for work of this kind. An important beginning has already been made by F. Kerner-Marilaun (see later). The climatic sequence should be a valuable guide to the complicated stratigraphy of the Quaternary, and mainly on climatic grounds it appeared to me most probable that the Chellean industry, with its warm fauna, occupied the Mindel-Riss interglacial. This conclusion was severely criticized by several British archaeologists, on the ground that work in France, especially by H. Obermaier, showed that the Chellean industry probably feil in the Riss- Wurm interglacial. The age of the Chellean is likely to remain controversial for some time, but it may be noted that the French archaeologist L. Mayet (i)1 places the Chellean in the Mindel-Riss interglacial and at the beginning of the Riss glaciation. A similar view is now adopted by H. F. Osbom and C. A. Reeds (2) in a valuable synthesis of the standards of Pleistocene classi- fication; this is a reversal of the view which they expressed in 1914. On the other hand, J. Reid Moir (3) on the basis of his researches in East Anglia, and L. Palmer (4) from work in south-east England, place the 1 These numbers refer to the Bibliography on page 12. 4 INTRODUCTION 5 Chellean in the Gunz-Mindel interglacial. There are thus three views to choose from, andfuture researches alone can show which is correct. The question is of climatic importance, because the greater part of the Chellean is admitted to have been warm. With regard to the climatic effect of volcanic dust, Dr. W. J. Humphreys informs me that his suggestion was that volcanic dust may act in conjunction with mountain building and increased elevation of the continents to produce glaciation. On page 18 the figure for the maximum eccentricity should of course have been 0.07775. H. Gams and R. Nordhagen have made a number of helpful criticisms and suggestions. Most of these are referred to in the summary of their recent book (17); they will be introduced into the main text when opportunity offers. The past two or three years have seen great activity in the study of past climates, and only a few of these researches can be alluded to here. Ellsworth Huntington and S. S. Visher (5) have published a new hypothesis of the main cause of climatic variations. According to their view the climate of the earth is largely governed by changes in solar activity, acting on the position and intensity of the storm beits. An increase in solar activity, represented by an increase in the relative sunspot numbers, is considered to result in an increase of storminess, together with some displace- ment of the storm tracks. When such a period of increased solar activity occurs with extensive and high continents, and perhaps with other favourable con- ditions, such as a paucity of C02, a glaciation results. This is considered to account for the Quaternary glacia- tion and probably also for that of the Permo-Carbon- iferous period, in which the storm tracks lay very far south, and higher latitudes remained unglaciated because they were occupied by deserts. Periods of slight solar activity and few sunspots had slight storminess and steady winds from the equator towards the poles, hence 6 THE EVOLUTION OF CLIMATE they were periods of mild and equable climate over the whole earth. The variations of solar activity are con- nected with changes in the distance of the nearest fixed stars. The theory is attractive, but it presents several very great difficulties. In particular the relationship, if any, between sunspots and storminess at the present day is still very obscure, and does not provide an adequate basis for the enormous superstructure. In this country at least it has not been well received. A valuable summary of the palseoclimatological evidence from the Antarctic has been presented by C. S. Wright and R. E. Priestley (6). According to this summary, the pre-Cambrian climate of Antarctica was mainly warm temperate, with, however, indications of frost action. In the Cambrian warm temperate to tropical conditions prevailed ; in the Devonian possibly temperate. In the Permo-Carboniferous period, during the glaciation of the tropics, it appears that the high land of Antarctica was an arid windswept desert, but in sheltered lowlands a rich Glossopteris flora flourished. There was a considerable seasonal range, but there is no definite tracé of glacial conditions. In the Jurassic a sub-tropical to warm temperate climate prevailed, growing cooler through the Cretaceous, until in the Eocene moraine-like deposits doubtfully suggest the first Antarctic glaciation. In the Oligocene sub- tropical to temperate conditions reappeared, followed by the first undoubted glacial evidence. The Miocene may have been a temperate interglacial period, but in the Pliocene glacial conditions again appeared, and persisted until the present, though with diminishing intensity in recent times. This evidence must be taken into account in future discussions of the causes of climatic change. F. Kerner-Marilaun (7) has studied the influence of Permo-Carboniferous geography on the temperature distribution, assuming a supply of solar energy similar to that of to-day and the present position of the poles. INTRODUCTION 7 He finds that under these conditions a high Coastal range of hills or plateau in northern India would pro- bably be glaciated. His assumptions include a cold Arctic ocean, and it is doubtful if this is vahd, but the paper is a useful indication of the extent to which geo- graphical changes might modify the present more or less Zonal distribution of climates. The climatic conditions of Permo-Carboniferous time are peculiar and now appear to be well defined. There was a large expanse of ocean in the northern hemisphere, with several large islands or small continents, in the Coastal regions of which the climate of the Coal Measures prevailed, moist and probably rather warm. Isolated mountain areas in the northern hemisphere, however, bore glaciers. In the southem hemisphere, in which the equatorial continent extended much farther south, the hardier Glossopteris flora developed in high latitudes, and the climate was probably equable but cool. Thus there was a considerable temperature difference between the two hemispheres, and this would lead to winds Crossing the equatorial continent from south to north, similar to the south-west monsoon of India. These winds would deposit great quantities of moisture on the hills, which at altitudes of about ten thousand feet would fall as snow, originating the great ice-sheets of this period. An investigation along these lines appears to present the only possibility of accounting for the inversion of zones in the Permo-Carboniferous period, apart from displacements of the poles or Continental drift. The theory of mild polar climates has also been investigated by F. Kerner-Marilaun ( . He found that the land and sea distribution prevailing in the Upper Jurassic and Middle Eocene periods would lead to winter temperatures in the Arctic many degrees above the present ones. He also found that the cooling effect of the floating ice in the Arctic Ocean is so great that if it could be cleared away the temperature over an open ocean near the pole in January would be only a few 8 THE EVOLUTION OF CLIMATE degrees below freezing point. For some reason he did not put these two results together, and apparently he failed to realize that his researches showed that during the two periods chosen the Arctic Ocean must have been free of ice. A recalculation of his figures on this basis (9) gave for the Upper Jurassic a January tempera- ture in 750 N., approximatdy equal to that now found in the Scilly Isles, while in the Middle Eocene it was only a few degrees lower. The probable winter tem- peratures calculated on climatological grounds thus fall into very good agreement with those required by palaeobotanists from the evidence of fossil floras. The views of M. Depéret on the correlation of the various Quaternary stages by means of changes of level have attracted a great deal of attention. According to Depéret the various changes of level which he traced in the Mediterranean during the Quaternary were due mainly to movements of the sea and only locally to movements of the land, and he tracés the Mediterranean raised beaches round the Atlantic coast to the Baltic and also up the river valleys to the glaciated regions, where they pass into glacial moraines. I accepted Depéret’s system as applied to the Mediter- ranean, but did not take seriously his extension of it to the glaciated regions. Osborn and Reed (2), after a careful examination, also find difficulty in accepting Depéret’s correlation of the northern drifts. On the other hand, it has been widely accepted in Europe as a great advance. An objection to die scheme is that each stage except the last includes both a glacial and an interglacial phase; thus the Sicilian includes the Gun- zian or Scanian glaciation and the Gunz-Mindel inter- glacial, the Milazzian includes the Mindelian and the Mindel-Riss, the Tyrrhenian includes the Rissian and the Riss-Wurm, ^and the Monastirian includes the Wurmian. A. R. Dwerryhouse (10) has reinvestigated the glacia- tion of north-eastern Ireland. He finds that this area INTRODUCTION 9 was covered first by Scottish ice from the Firth of Clyde, and later by Irish ice from the hills of Donegal. The two glaciations form part of a single maximum, and the ice-sheets from the two centres were probably in contact during part of the retreat of the Scottish ice. The earlier work of Kilroe is mainly confirmed, with some corrections of detail.
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84
« on: August 04, 2019, 11:11:03 PM »
Chapter IX
1. Euripides, Trojan fFomen^ 11. 632-33 (translated by Gilbert Murray).
2. Swinburne, Atalanta in Calydon.
3. It was customary to explain as Charon's fee the obol which the Greeks put into the mouth of a corpse, but the account is plainly aetiological, for the custom is really a survival of the belief that the metal of the coin had power to avert evil influences. Allegorically the obol might be interpreted as a ferry fare.
4. Can the howling of the wind at the cavernous entrances to the underworld have helped in giving rise to the canine conception of Kerberos?
5. Pausanias, III. xxv. 5.
6. "The mythical Ixion, if I am not mistaken, typifies a whole series of human Ixions, who in bygone ages were done to death as effete em- bodiments of the sun-god" (A. B. Cook, ZeuSy i. 211). By this argu- ment the wheel is the circle of the sun.
7. "Men say that he by the music of his songs charmed the stub- bom rocks upon the mountains and the course of rivers. And the wild oak-trees to this day, tokens of that magic strain, that grow at Zone on the Thracian shore, stand in ordered ranks dose together, the same which under the charm of his lyre he led down from Pieria" (ApoUo- nios of Rhodes, Argonautika^ i. 25-31, translated by R. C. Seaton, London and New York, 1912).
8. Ovid, Metamorphoses, x. 41 ff. (modified translation).
9. Homer, Odyssey , iv. 563-68 (translated by Butcher and Lang).
328 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY
PART II
Chapter I
1. Gruppc, p. II02.
2. Sec A. B. Cook, 2^euSj i. i-8.
3. In time this process of generalizing the personal characteristics of the gods practically neutralized all other processes of their devel- opment.
4. Hera's power in this sphere was doubtless derived from her union with Zeus, while that of Poseidon came from his traditional association with the sea.
5. The unqualified use of the epithet 'OXiiAxtoi in Homer invariably designates Zeus.
6. Porphyrios, Life of Pythagoras^ i?; cf« Tatian, Upds T!kkripas, 27 (Migne, Patrologia Graeca^ vi. 865).
7. Most of these mythical marriages can probably be explained as attempts to secure sanction for the recognition of Zeus in localities into which he was newly introduced and in which the chief native divinity was a goddess. The identification of the new god as the husband of the old goddess immediately gave the former a standing with the local worshipper.
8. Idylb, iv. 43 ; cf . xvii. 78.
9. Only in this sense can he be regarded as the Creator; in the Orphic philosophy he was life itself.
10. This school would see the same earth goddess in the original of the Eleusinian Demeter. For a discussion of the problem see Famell, CultSy i. 192, and The Higher AspectSy etc., p. 14.
11. A. B. Cook, "Who was the Wife of Zeus?'' in CR xx. 365-78, 416-19 (1906).
Chapter H
1. If this derivation is correct, it may possibly go back to a mjrth which set forth one or other of these characteristics of Athene.
2. Homeric Hymn to Athene^ xxviii. 9-16.
3. Euripides, Trojan fFonun^ 11. 801-02 (translated by Gilbert Murray).
Chapter IH
1. Homeric Hymns ^ iii.
2. Cf. THj$€<T$ai, "to become rotten, to rot."
3. See Swindler, Cretan Elements ^ etc.
4. Through its famous enigmatic reference to wooden walls, which Themistokles interpreted to mean ships, the oracle foretold the suc- cessful defence of Greece against the Persians.
NOTES 329
5. The statement that Apollo "is the solar word of Zeus conceived as the eternal and infinite god and through him the revealer of the ar- chetypes of things" (Schure, "Le Miracle hellenique. L'ApoUon de Delphes et la Pythonisse," in Revue des deux Mondes^ 6th per. vii. 344-45 [191 2]) ignores the progressive development of Apollo from a simple to a complex personality.
6. Occasionally Artemis was a goddess of counsel, that is to say, of health of mind, an extension of her function as the goddess of health of body,
7. Hekate's association with sorcery is ample explanation of the fact that she figured more prominently in private than in public cult.
Chapter IV
I. The same kind of magical imprisonment seems here to be in- volved as that to which the genie was subjected in the story of Alad- din and the Wonderful Lamp.
Chapter V
1. This was presented by Professor A. L. Frothingham in a paper read before the Archaeological Institute of America at its annual meet- ing held at Haverford College, Dec. 1914. So far as the present writer knows, the paper is not yet in print.
2. Shelley's translation of the Homeric Hymn to HermeSj ix.
3. ib. xlv.
4. ib. xcvii.
5. The union of Hermes with both Herse and Pandrosos in Attic legend probably signifies that at least in Athens he had a connexion with certain phases of the weather, but such an association does not seem to have been general.
Chapter VI
1. Since the manuscript has left the author's hands he has come to the conclusion that Famell is right in regarding the name as wholly foreign. In the forthcoming volume of the Transactions and Proceed- ings of the American Philological Association the writer presents a pre- liminary statement of what he believes to be the correct derivation, and later he hopes to publish an article supporting the etymology in detail.
2. The affinity is due to Aphrodite's primitive connexion with vege- tation.
3. The matter-of-fact mind can easily detect an overlapping of the
330 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY
functions of Aphrodite on those of other divinities of fertility. Yet this need disturb no one, for the Greek gods were not mechanical creations. To insist upon a precise differentiation among the Greek divinities is to miss the Greeks' religious point of view and to be insensitive to the myth-making spirit.
4. A. Lang, The New Pygmalion.
5. In philosophical circles the epithets Ourania and Pandemos were thought to signify the relations of Aphrodite to pure celestial love and degrading sensuality respectively; and common knowledge of the licentious character of certain rites of the goddess gave colour to this interpretation of the second epithet.
Chapter VII
1. Iliady i. 591 ff.
2. Murray, Four Stages of Gr, Rel.y p. 66. 3- «JV.
4. V. 21 ff.
Chapter VIII
1. See Blinkenberg, The Thunderweapon; Powell, Erickthonius and the Three Daughters of Cecrops^ p. 12.
2. The tidal wave which submerged Helike in the fourth century B.C. was regarded as a demonstration of Poseidon's power.
3. If the name of Poseidon's son Boiotos means anything at all in this connexion, it implies that Poseidon was in the form of a bull when he begat this son.
Chapter IX
1. Iliady vi. 130 ff. (translated by Lang, Leaf, and Myers).
2. See infray p. 221.
3. This myth contains unmistakable evidence of human sacrifice in certain of the earlier Dionysiac rites.
4. Vll.
5. It is still a moot point whether the appearance of the ship in this myth of Dionysos reflects the influence of certain Oriental vegetation- rites in which a ship was a prominent feature.
6. See infraj p. 224.
7. The use of the phallic emblem in the rites of Demeter to arouse fertility in the earth was one of a number of factors in bringing about an association of Demeter and Dionysos.
8. To regard Dionysos unqualifiedly as a rain-god is to exaggerate the influence of Osiris on his development.
9. Euripides, Bacchaiy 11. 379-81.
NOTES 331
Chapter X
1. Theogonyy 11. 969 ff.
2. Whether Demeter was originally connected with these rites or whether they were a product of sympathetic magic primarily unre- lated to any divinity, it is clear that during the height of the Demeter- cult the woman was the representative of the goddess.
3. Demeter's power to fructify human beings was the thought underlying the ceremonies of the Thesmophoria, a festival in which only matrons of good civic standing took part.
4. See Homeric HymnSj ii.
5. For the invocation of Hades (or Plouton) in curses see A. Audol- lent, Tabellae Defixionuniy Paris, 1904, Index, pp. 461 ff.
Chapter XI
1. OdeSy I. iv. 5-8 (translated by J. Conington, London, 1909).
2. Famell, CultSy v. 434.
3. In Memoriamj v. 5-6.
4. "In early days the Muses were to Zeus what the mountain- roaming Maenads were to Dionysos" (A. B. Cook, ZeuSy i. iii). J. Wackemagel {Zeitschrift fUr vergleichende Sprachforschungj xxxiiL 571-74 [1895]) expresses his belief that the relation of the Muses to mountains was original, and accordingly he would trace their name back to *iJL0VT'j "mountain."
5. V. 202 ff.
6. Those who see in the fall of Phaethon and his car the sun's ap- proach to earth at sunset ignore those details of the myth which em- phasize the effect of the sun's heat.
7. For the most recent discussions of the Dioskouroi consult A. B. Cook, ZeuSy i. 760 ff., and Harris, Boanerges.
8. In the clear air of the east Venus shines so brightly as to cast a faint shadow and to render her successive phases visible to the naked eye.
9. The stars of this group seemed to outline the figure of a man driving a yoke of oxen in the Great Wain. It is difficult for us modem city-dwellers, who seldom really see the stars and for whom they have little or no practical significance, to understand how the Greeks and their neighbours could find a world of living creatures in the night heavens.
Chapter XII
1. I. xxxiii. 4.
2. Swinburne, Atalanta in Calydon.
3. Homer, Odyssey ^ i. 52-54.
332 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY
4. This association of Proteus with Egypt is secondary; his native habitat seems to have been Chalkis.
5. Homer, Odyssey^ xii. 39-54.
6. Theogonyy 1. 871.
7. A. E. Zimmern, The Greek Commontveahhj Oxford, 191 1, p. 35.
8. Odesy I. iii. 14.
9. A. B. Cook {ZeuSy i. 302 ff.) holds the one-eyed Kyklopes to be monstrous incarnations of the disk of the sun.
10. Homeric HymnSy xix. 6-21.
Chapter XHI
1. Charles L. O'Donnell, Ode for Panama Day.
2. iv. 10; see also vs. 11.
3. Euripides, Iphigeneia in Taurisy 11. 285-91 (translated by Gilbert Murray).
Chapter XIV
1. n. xxvi. 4-5 (translated by Frazer, ist ed.).
2. On this rite see L. Deubner, De incubationey Leipzig, 1900, and Mary Hamilton, Incubationy London, 1906.
3. So in Hesiod, Theogonyy 1. 904; but ib. 1. 217 they are the daugh- ters of Nyx.
4. So Usener, GotUmameny p. 371. A. B. Cook {ZeuSy i. 273), how- ever, holds Nemesis, like Diana, to have been first of all a goddess of the greenwood (cf. vkfun, "glade," vkfMip, "to pasture").
5. Swinburne, AuUanta in Calydon.
PART HI
1. It has long been the practice to assume that virtually all Italic myths were corruptions or adaptations of Greek myths. Now, how- ever, there is a growing tendency to account for them as independent products of Italian religious experience. See especially Ettore Pais, Ancient Legendsy etc.
2. De Rerum Naturay v. 655-56.
3. King, Devel. of Rel.y p. 130.
APPENDIX
1. p. 27. 4. ib. pp. 132-33- 7- ib. pp. 37-38.
2. Lawson, p. 75. 5. ib. pp. 77-78. 8. ib. p. 69.
3. ib. p. 43. 6. Leland, p. loi. 9. ib. p. 61.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
BIBLIOGRAPHY
I. ABBREVIATIONS
A A . . . Archaologischer Anzeiger (see J BAT),
ABSA . . The Annual of the British School at Athens.
AJA . . . American Journal of Archaeology.
AJP . . . The American Journal of Philology.
AM . . . Mittheilungen des kaiseriich deutschen archaologischen Instituts: athenische Abtheilung.
AR . . . Archiv fiir Religionswisscnschaft.
AtR . . . Atene e Roma.
BAAR . . BoUetino dell' associazione archeologica romana.
CP . . . . Classical Philology.
CQ . , , . The Classical Quarteriy.
CR . . . . The Classical Review.
diss. . . . dissertation.
DL .... Deutsche Literaturzeitung.
DR .... Deutsche Rundschau.
£ . . . . Eranos, Acta philologica Suecana.
ERE . . . Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics. James Hastings, editor.
H . . . . Hermes, Zeitschrift fiir classische Philologie.
JBAI . . Jahrbuch des kaiseriich deutschen archaologischen In- stituts mit dem Beiblatt Archaologischer Anzeiger.
JHAI . . Jahreshefte des osterreichischen archaologischen Insti- tutes in Wien.
JHS . . . The Journal of Hellenic Studies.
JP .... Jahrbiicher fiir classische Philologie (see NJ).
JRS . . . The Journal of Roman Studies.
MAH . . Melanges d'archeologie et d'histoire.
MB . . . Le Musee beige.
Mnem. . . Mnemosyne, Tijdschrift voor classieke Litteratuur.
MVG . . . Mitteilungen der vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft.
NJ . . . Neue Jahrbiicher fiir das klassische Altertum, Ge- schichte und deutsche Literatur und fiir Padagogik (Continuation of Jahrbiicher fiir classische Philologie) .
OL .... Orientalistische Literaturzeitung.
PhU, . . . Philologus, Zeitschrift fiir das klassische Altertum.
336 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTH0LCX5Y
RA . REA . RHLR RHR . RM . RMiu
SIFC S . . SSAC WS .
Revue archeologique.
Revue des etudes ancicnncs.
Revue d'histoire ct de litterature religieuse.
Revue de Thistoire des religions.
Rheinisches Museum fiir Philologie.
Mittheilungen des kaiserlich deutschen archaologischen
Instituts: romische Abtheilung. Studi italiani di filologia classica. Socrates, Zeitschrift fiir Gymnasialwesen. Studi storici per Tantichita classica. Wiener Studien.
II. GENERAL WORKS
Dareiiberg and SAGhiOyDictionnairedes antiquitisgrecquesetromaitus d^apres Us textes et Us monuments. Paris, 1892 flF.
FoRRER, R., ReaUexikon der praehistorischen^ kUissischen und fruA^ christlichen AlUriumet. Beriin and Stuttgart, 1907 ff.
Hastings, Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics. Edinburgh and New York, 1908 ff.
LiCHTENBERGER, Encyclopidie des sciences religieuses. Paris, 1877-82.
Pauly-Wissowa, Real'Encyclopddie der classischen Altertumswissenn schaft. Stuttgart, 1901 ff.
R08CHER, W. H., Ausfuhrliches Lexikon der griechischen und romischen Mythologu. Leipzig, 1884 ff.
ScHRADER, O., ReaUexikon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde. Strassburg, 1901.
Siiith-Marindin, a Classical Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biog- raphy ^ Mythology J and Geography. London, 1899.
III. SPECIAL WORKS (a) Greek
Adam, J., The Religious Teachers of Greece. London, 1908. Allen, T. W., "The Date of Hesiod,'' in JHS xxxv. 85 ff. (1915). Allen, T. W. and Sikes, E. E., The Homeric Hymns. London, 1904. Allinson, F. G. and A. C. E., Greek Lands and Letters. Boston, 1909. Alpers, J., Hercules in bivio. Gottingen, 1912 (diss.). Aly, W., Der kretische Apollokult. Leipzig, 1908.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 337
Aly, W., "Zur Methode dcr griechischen Mythologic," in DL xxxi,
261-67 (1910). "Ursprung und Entwickelung der kretischen Zeusreligion,"
in PhU. kx. 457-78 (1912). Ancey, G., "Questions mythiques," in RA xxi. 209-13, 376-82 (1913). Andres, F., Die Engel- und Ddmordehre der griechischen Apologeten
des 2. Jahrhunderts und ihr Verhaltnis zur griechisch-romischen
Damonologie. Bresiau, 1913 (diss.). AuBERT, H., Les Legendes mythologiques de la Grece et de Rome, Paris,
1909. Baker, E. K., Stories of Old Greece and Rome. New York, 191 3. Bapp, K., Prometheus^ Ein Beitrag zur griechischen Mythologie. Olden- burg, 1896 (Osterprogramm des Gymnasien). Bassi, D., Mitologia greca e romana ad uso delle scuole e delle persone
colte. Florence, 191 2. Baumeister, a., Denkmdler des klassischen Altertums zur Erlduterung
des Lebens der Griechen und Romer in Religionj Kunst und Sitte.
3 vols. Munich and Leipzig, 1885-88. Baur, p. V. C, Centaurs in Ancient Arty the Archaic Period. Beriin,
1912. Bender, W., Mythologie und Metaphysik. Stuttgart, 1899. Bennett, Florence M., Religious Cults associated with the Amazons.
New York, 191 2. BiRARD, v., De Porigine des cultes arcadiens {Bibliotheque des ecoles
franqaises d^Athenes et de Rome^ livii). Paris, 1894.
Les Pheniciens et FOdyssee. 2 vols. Paris, 1902-03.
Berge, R., De belli daemonibus qui in carminibus Graecorum et Roma^
norum inveniuntur. Leipzig, 1894 (diss.). Berger, E. H., Mythische Kosmographie der Griechen (Supplement to
Roscher's Lex.). Leipzig, 1904. Bethe, E., Homer^ Dicktung und Sage^ i (Jlias). Leipzig, 1914. Blinkenberg, C, The Thunderweapon in Religion and Folklore.
Cambridge, 191 1. Blum, G., "MEIAIXIOS," in MB xvii. 313-20 (1913). BoDRERO, E., / Giardini di Adonide. Rome, 1913. BoEHM, J., Symbolae ad Herculis historiam fabularem vasculis pictis
petitae. Konigsberg, 1909 (diss.). BoETTiCHER, K., Buumkultus der Hellenen und Romer. Berlin, 1856. BoETZKES, R., Das Kerykeion. Miinster, 191 3 (diss.). BoucHi-LECLERQ, A., Histoire de la divination dans Vantiquite. 4 vols.
Paris, 1879-82.
338 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY
BoucHi-LECLERQy A., VAstfologie grecque. Paris, 1899.
Lemons tThistoire grecque. Paris, 191 3.
Braun, E., Griechische Mythologie. Hamburg and Gotha, 1850. Br£a.l, M., Melanges de mythologU et de linguistique. Paris, 1877. Brinton, D. G., Religions of Primitive Peoples. New York, 1899. Brown, R., Semitic Influence in Hellenic Mythology. London, 1898.
Bruchmann, C. F. H., Epitheta deorum quae apud poeias Graecos U- guntur (Supplement to Roschcr's Lex.). Leipzig, 1893.
BuBBE, GuALTERUs, De metamoTphosibus Graecorum capita selecta,
Halle, 1913 (diss.). BuRSiAN, C, Ueber den religiosen Charakter des griechischen Mythos.
Munich, 1875.
BuTTMANN, p. K., MythologuSy Gesammelte Abhandlungen uber die Sagen des Alterthums. 2 vols. Beriin, 1828-29.
Campbell, L., Religion in Greek Literature. London and New York,
1898. Carolidis, p., Bemerkungen zu den alien kleinasiatischen Sprachen und
Mythen. Strassburg, 1913. Cerquand, J. F., £tudes de mythologie grecque: Ulysse et Circe; Les
Sirenes. Paris, 1873. Chadwick, H. M., The Heroic Age. Cambridge, 191 2. Clarke, Helen A., Ancient Myths in Modern Poets. New York, 1910.
CoLLiGNON, M., Manual of Mythology in Relation to Greek Art (trans- lated and enlarged by J. E. Harrison). London, 1899.
Constant, B., De la religion consideree dans sa source j ses formes et ses
developpements. Paris, 1831. CoNZE, A., Heroenr- und Gottergestalten der griechischen Kunst. Vienna,
1875. Cook, A. B., ZeuSy i. Cambridge, 1914. Cook, S. A., "The Evolution of Primitive Thought," in Essays and
Studies presented to William Ridgetvayy pp. 375 ff. Cambridge,
1913- The Foundations of Religion. London, 1914.
CoRBELLiNi, Caterina, "GU Eroi argivi nella Boiotia e Tintreccio del ciclo troiano col tebano," in SIFC xix. 337-49 (1912).
"Gli Eroi del ciclo eracleo nel catalogo omerico delle navi," in
SIFC xix. 3SO-59 (1912).
CoRNFORD, F. M., "Hermes, Pan, Logos," in CQ iii. 281-84 (1909).
From Religion to Philosophy. London, 191 2.
85
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3i6 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY
II. SURVIVALS OF DIVINITIES AND MYTHS OF THE ETRUSCANS AND ROMANS IN THE ROMAGNOLA
Although Charles Godfrey Leland's book, Etrusco-Roman Rf- mains ^ first appeared as long ago as 1892, it is still the best compila- tion of the modem survivals of any ancient Italian religion. It must, however, be used with great caution. In the first place, it treats merely of one small district in the north of Italy, the Tuscan Ro- magna, or Romagnola, whose inhabitants speak a rude form of the Bolognese dialect, so that one must refrain from applying the au- thor's remarks and deductions to the whole Italian people of today. In the next place, Leland was not a scholar in the best sense, for his knowledge of the ancient religion and mythology was only superficial, and his judgements are, consequently, very far from safe. His book is written throughout in a journalistic style, intimate and spirited, but careless and uncritical. Nevertheless, Leland must be given credit for having been an enthusiastic and enterprising investigator, and for having shown a remarkable faculty in winning the confi- dence of the simple but suspicious folk of the Romagnola and in inducing them to yield to him the secrets of la vecchia religions, whence scholars should be grateful to him for blazing a trail for them through a wilderness hitherto almost unknown. It is to be hoped, as Professor W. Vl^arde Fowler says, that the pioneer work of Leland will lead some really qualified investigator to undertake a study in Italian survivals similar to that made by Lawson in the vague traces of Greek myths still existing in modem times.
The religions of the Etmscans and the Romans appear today merely as disjecta membra^ and even when the divinities can be recog- nized, they have lost the sharp definition of character and function which distinguished them of old, because of the utter disappearance of some traits and through the obscuration of others. An explana- tion may be readily seen if one reflects that this vecchia religiorUy or *'old religion," is really much less a religion than a system of magic, a stregeria, as indeed it is frankly called by the people whom it serves, the tendency of magic being to narrow down the functions of divini- ties as far as possible.
In name luppiter is dead, but his prerogative of control over the phenomena of lightning, thunder, and hail is still held by the great folletto ("spirit") Tinia, who cannot well be other than Tina (or Tinia), the head of the Etmscan pantheon, and the people dread this spirit's power of destmction on home and field and flock as their primitive ancestors feared luppiter and Tina. Terminus, the god of boundaries, bom of an epithet of luppiter, survives under the name
APPENDIX 317
of Sentiero, the spirit of the boundary-stone, and those who wantonly remove such landmarks expose themselves to the vindictive attacks of the Sentieri.
In Jano with his two heads, one human and the other animal, we may easily recognize the ancient lanus bifrons of the Forum and the coins, and Jano's function of presiding over chance is simply a natu- ral development of lanus's oversight of incipient undertakings.
Maso, "a very great /0/////0" who protects the crops, may derive his name and office from those of the primitive Mars, who is believed by many to have been a deity of the fields and marchlands before war became his special sphere of operations.
There can be no doubt that Fanio is the successor of Faunus in the latter's role of the practical joker of the woodland sprites. Fanio suddenly comes on peasants in the thickets, frightening them out of their wits and laughing at the consternation he has caused, while at weddings he often anticipates the bridegroom in his embraces, and when the young husband bursts into a rage, he interrupts him with a laugh, saying:
"Who am I? — if you would know, I'm the spirit Fanio! What in life once gave me bliss, Pleases me as much as this; And I think that thanks are due Unto me for helpmg youl"*
As Faunus had Silvanus for his double, so Fanio has Silvanio, who is good-natured, but very sensitive to o£Fence. He is the special bogey of the charcoal-burners, whose piles of wood he scatters when moved by caprice so to do.
The Lassi, or Lassie, as spirits of ancestors who are heard or seen in a house after the death of a member of the family, must surely be in origin the Lares (the Lasa of the Arval Brethren). They are regarded as both male and female. Larunda, the mythical mother of the Lares G>mpitales, is now Laronda, the spirit of the barracks, who manifests a special fondness for soldiers.
The two peculiarly Etruscan divinities, Tages and Begoe, reappear in Tago and Bergoia. Tago, who remains a spirito bambino and is invoked to bring healing to afflicted children, is said to emerge from the ground at times and predict the future. Bergoia retains Begoe's power over the thunder and the lightning, but seems to have lost her gift of augury, although this diminution of her power is ofiFset by her ability to assume human form and thus mingle with men and women.
3i8 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY
Of the deities which to the ancient Romans were frankly Greek a few are still found in forms not difficult to recognize. Aplu (cf. the Etruscan Aplu, Aplun, Apulu) possesses not only traits of his original, Apollo, but also some borrowed from Artemis. **Aplu is the most beautiful of all the male spirits. He is also a spirit of music, and when any one would become a good hunter, or good musician, or a learned man — un uomo doUo e di taUrUo — ho should repeat this:
'Aplu, Apluy Aplu I Thou who art so good and wise. So learned and talented, Aplu, Aplu, Aplu! Thou who art so good And through all xkt world renowned; And spoken of by all, Aplu, Aplu, Aplu! Even a spirit should be generous, Granting us fortune and ulent. Aplu, Aplu, Aplu! I (therefore) pray thee give me Fortune and talent!*"'
The knavish and nimble Mercurius is represented in the Roma- gnola by Teramo (Etruscan Turms). He is not only notorious as a deceiver of innocent maidens, but is also — and primarily — the friend of thieves, traders, and messengers; in fact, he is himself a spirito messagicTO who can flit with news from place to place in the twinkling of an eye. A constant companion of his, Boschet by name, may be in origin a form of Apollo.
The spirit of the vines is no longer Liber, but Faflon (Etruscan Fufluns, Fuflunu), who is probably the equivalent of Dionysos. At the vintage he often scatters the gathered grapes, and if the vintagers become angry at his pranks, he utterly destroys the fruit; but if they take his mischief good-naturedly, he puts the grapes back in the baskets. Leland thus renders into English a prayer offered to Faflon for a good vintage:
"Faflon, Faflon, Faflon! Oh, listen to my prayer. I have a scanty vinUge, My vines this year are bare; Oh, listen to my prayer! And put, since thou canst do so, A better vintage there!
APPENDIX 319
"Faflon, Faflon, FaflonI Oh, listen to my prayer! May all the wine in my cellar Prove to be strong and rare. And good as any grown, Faflon, Faflon, Faflon!"*
PanOy undoubtedly the ancient Pan, is a whimsical spirit who favours the crops in their growth, or, if so minded, beats them down with a high wind.
Orcus, of the nether world, now lives in the person of Oreo, who, in the thought of the people, was once a great wizard.
The functions and attributes of the goddesses of the old mythology have become much attenuated in the gradual process of transmission to their modem descendants. Esta is surely Vesta, although her of- fice is the converse of that of her original, for "when a light is sud- denly and mysteriously extinguished or goes out apparently of its own accord, especially when two lovers are sitting together, it is commonly said in jest that *Esta did it/"*
Through their kinship with Hekate, Diana and Artemis (the latter under the amplified epithet of Artemisia) have entirely gone over to the realm of witchcraft and goblinism, the first being now more po- tent for evil than Satan himself, while the second has become a vam- pire who sucks the blood of the newly buried dead.
The combined functions of Aphrodite, Venus, Mater Matuta, and Aurora (Eos) are represented by a group of divinities who can- not easily be distinguished except in name, and even in this respect there is a certain overlapping. They are Turanna (Etruscan Turan), apparently to be connected historically with Teramo (cf. the asso- ciation of Aphrodite and Hermes), Tesana (Etruscan Thesan), Alpena (Etruscan Alpan), Albina, and La Bella Marta (Mater Matuta). Exceptional beauty, connexion with the dawn, and in- terest in human love characterize them all in varying degrees.
Floria presents in her single person a contamination of Flora and Pomona. None of the goddesses has changed less than Carmenta, for under her ancient name she is still besought to grant motherhood to the barren and to render aid in child-birth. Feronia is generally regarded by mythologists as being originally a spring-nymph, but now the people of the Romagnola conceive her as a spirit who wan- ders about the country in disguise and who haunts market places. To those who receive her hospitably she is kind and generous, but those who neglect her she requites by casting evil spells on their children and domestic animals, this belief being very possibly based on conceptions of Feronia which have failed to find their way into
320 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY
the ancient literature. Indeed, it may well be that many, or even most, of the traits of the divinities whom Leland has rescued from oblivion were possessions of these same divinities as they lived in the religious fancy of the common people of ancient Rome and luly.
NOTES
NOTES
The complete titles and descriptions of the works cited in the Notes will be found in the Bibliography.
INTRODUCTION TO THE GREEK MYTHS
1. Cf. W. G. Sumner, Folkways^ Boston, 1907, passim.
2. For extended discussions of the nature and development of prim- itive religion special recommendation may be made of Marett, The Threshold of Religion; King, The Development of Religion; S. A. Cook, **The Evolution of Primitive Thought," in Essays and Studies pre- sented to William Ridgeway, pp. 375 ff.
3. Gnippe, Gr. Myth.j p. 1061; cf. A. B. Cook, Zeus^ i. 9-14.
4. Murray, Four Stages of Gr. Rel.^ p. 99.
5. Gruppe, p. 989.
6. S. A. Cook, The Found, of Rel, p. 17.
7. Republic y 377A ff.
8. 11. 451 ff.
9. The question whether Homer was one or many does not affect the influence of the Homeric poems.
10. AmoreSy III. vi. 17-18 (as translated by E. K. Rand, in Harvard Essays on Classical Subjects y Boston, 191 2).
11. Lang, Custom and My thy p. 21.
PART I Chapter I
1. Milton, Paradise Lost^ vii. 211-12.
2. F. Solmsen, in Indogermanische Forschungen^ xxx. 35, note i {1912), claims ancient lexical authority for regarding the name Ttr^v as an early Greek word for "king." A. B. Cook {Zeus^ i. 655) accepts the explanation. While the present writer is ready to admit that the word once had this meaning, he is strongly inclined to believe that in origin it was non-Greek, possibly Semitic.
3. E. S. Bouchier, Life and Letters in Roman Africa^ Oxford, 1913, J). 82.
1 — 25
324 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY
4. Milton, Paradise Losiy vi. 211-14.
5. Preface to the Prometheus Unbound,
6. Prometheus Unbound^ Act I.
7. A. B. Cook (Z/ttJ, i. 325-30) regards Prometheus as e88entiall7 a god of fire.
8. It is more in accord with Pandora's origin as a form of the Elarth Goddess to interpret her name as meaning "All-Giving."
9. Euripides, Iphigeneia in Taurisy 11. 414-15 (translated by Gilbert Murray, New York, 191 5).
ID. Strictly, Xaol means the subjects of a prince.
Chapter II
1. Gruppe, pp. 918-20, suggests that this myth is based on the belief that a man who had offered a human sacrifice and made himself one with the god by partaking of human flesh was himself a wolf, i. e. he was banished from the society of men and became a wanderer like a wolf. The similar but much more penetrating explanation of- fered by A. B. Cook {ZeuSy i. 70-81) is too elaborate and detailed to be even summarized here.
2. Description of Greece, VIII. xxviii. 6.
3. This cannot be the flower which we know as the hyacinth.
4. Stephen Phillips, "Marpessa," in Poems, London and New York, 1898, pp. 26-29.
5. Friedlander, ^rg., pp. 5 ff.; Gruppe, pp. 168 ff.
6. See infra, p. 193.
7. The name of the Kimmerian (i. e. Crimean) Bosporos was sim- ilarly explained. As far as the Thracian strait is concerned the deri- vation is wrong. B6<rTopos is really a dialectical form of ^(oa^pos ("Light-Bearer''), a title of Hekate.
8. A. H. Sayce (The Religions of Ancient Egypt and Babylonioj Edinburgh, 1903, p. 55) derives Aigyptos from Ha^ka^Ptah "the temple of the ka of Ptah,*^ the sacred name of the dty of Memphis. In the Tell el-Amama letters this is Khikuptakh.
9. See Gruppe, pp. 831-32; Friedlander, pp. 15-16, 25-30. "If we may trust Eustathius, it was the custom to place *on the grave of those who died unmarried a water jar called Loutrophoros in token that the dead had died unbathed and without offspring.' Probably these vases, as Dr. Frazer suggests [i. e. on Pausanias X. xzxi. 9], were at first placed on the graves of the unmarried with the kindly intent of helping the desolate unmarried ghost to accomplish his wedding in the world below. But once the custom fixed, it might easily be interpreted as the symbol of an underworld punishment" (Harrison, Prolego- mena, p. 621).
NOTES 32s
10. See Friedlander, pp. 36-37.
1 1. In other versions the weapon employed by Perseus was a stone, or a sword, or his scimitar (sickle-sword).
12. The story of Perseus in its bearings on primitive folk-tale and religion is exhaustively treated by E. S. Hartland, Legend of Perseus^ 3 vols., London, 1894-96.
13. Homer, Odyssey^ xi. 593-600 (translated by S. H. Butcher and A. Lang, London, 1900).
14. Fick {Hattiden und Danubier in Griechenlandj pp. 43 flF.) suggests that the name and person of Sisyphos are derived from TiSup (or Tishub, Teshub), the principal male deity of the Hittites so often depicted on their monuments.
15. For a similar story see that of Kyknos and Tennes in Pausanias, X. xiv.
16. One is probably nearer the truth in connecting it with inry6$ (cf. iHiywni)y "strong."
Chapter III
1. Christopher Marlowe, Didoy Act II.
2. For a discussion of the problems involved consult T. G. Tucker, Aeschylus^ The Seven against ThebeSy Cambridge, 1908, Introd.; Gomme, "The Legend of Cadmus," etc.; and "The Topography of Boeotia," etc.
3. For the story of Aktaion see infra^ p. 252; of Ino, p. 262; of Semele and Dionysos, p. 217.
4. Sophokles, Oidipous KoloneuSy 11. 161 1 £F. (translated by E. H. Plumptre, Boston, 1906).
5. AUinson, Greek Lands and Letters ^ p. 332.
6. Cf. Tucker, pp. xxxiv-xxxvii; Allinson, p. 292.
7. Homer, Iliad^ ix. 573-99.
Chapter IV
1. "In Cretan myth the sun was conceived as a bull. On the other hand, in Cretan ritual the Labyrinth was an orchestra of solar pattern presumably made for a mimetic dance. ... It would seem highly probable that the dancer imitating the sun masqueraded in the Laby- rinth as a bull" (A. B. Cook, Zeus^ i. 490-91).
2. Pausanias, II. iv. 5 (translated by J. G. Frazer).
3. Miss Harrison {Myth, and Mon,y pp. xxxiii, xxxv) advances the very probable suggestion that this story is primarily aetiological in character, being intended as an explanation of the ritual of the Arre- phoria (or Hersephoria). The fate of the disobedient sisters is a detail
326 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY
added for the purpose of frightening officiating maidens into strict observance of the rules governing the ritual.
4. Another etymology derives the word from iLpGtp T&ym, "hill of curses"; cf. pp. 102, 189.
5. I. XXX. 3.
Chapter V
1. For the development of Herakles as a mythological character see especially Friedlander, Herakles.
2. xix. 90-133.
3. The order of the labours which we shall follow is that given by ApoUodoros.
4. For discussions of the identity and character of the Amazons see especially the articles by Adolphe Reinach listed in the Bibliography.
5. Pindar, Olympian Odesj xi. (x.) 44 flF.
Chapter VII
1. Apollonios of Rhodes, Argonautika^ i. 1 13-14.
2. ib. i. 544-45-
3. ib. ii. 79-80.
4. The writer is tempted, in agreement with A. B. Cook {Zeus^ i. 723-24), to see in the person of Talos a reference to the cite perdue method of hollow-casting in bronze.
Chapter VIII
1. A. B. Cook {Zeus^ i. 414-19) is strongly inclined to believe that both this golden lamb and the golden ram of Phrixos are epiphanies of Zeus.
2. The most accessible collection of the fragments and ancient sum- maries of the Cyclic Epics is to be found in the Scriptorum Classicorum Bibliotheca OxoniensiSy Homeri Opera^ v. (Oxford, 191 1). The frag- ment of the Kypria just quoted appears on p. 118.
3. Euripides, Trojan Women^ U. 892-93 (translated by Gilbert Murray, New York, 1915).
4. ib. 11. 924-33-
5. Euripides, Iphigeneia in Tauris, 1. 15 (translated by Gilbert Murray).
6. i. 52 (translated by A. Lang, W. Leaf, and E. Myers, London, 1907).
7. vi. 486-89 (translated by Lang, Leaf, and Myers).
8. xix. 67-70 (translated by Lang, Leaf, and Myers).
9. See Oxford text of Homer, v. pp. 125-27.
NOTES 327
10. See Oxford text of Homer, v. pp. 127-40.
11. Euripides, Trojan Women^ 11. 1 160-61 (translated by Gilbert Murray).
12. ib. 1. 75 (translated by Gilbert Murray).
13. Oxford text of Homer, v. 140-43.
14. Aischylos seems to have made Argos and not Mykenai the scene of the Agamemnon in order to please the Argive allies of Athens.
15. Euripides, Iphigeneia in Tauris^ 11. 79 flF. (translated by Gilbert Murray).
16. Tennyson, The Lotos-Eaters,
17. Oxford text of Homer, v. 143-44.
86
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3o6 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLCXJY Italy and the glories of the great nation into which the exiles were destined to grow. Pondering these things in his heart, Aeneas pursued his way back to earth. From Cumae Aeneas sailed northward until he cast anchor in the mouth of the Tiber off the coast of Latium at a time when the king of this country was Latinus, the son of Faunus and a grandson of Saturn. Recognizing in Aeneas the man who, according to a prophecy, was to be the husband of his only daughter, Lavinia, he entered into a political alliance with him and promised to make him his son-in-law, thereby annul- ling Lavinia's betrothal toTumus, the king of the neighbouring Rutulians. Through the interference of the implacable luno this led to a long war between Turnus and Latinus, but though the latter was killed in one of the early struggles, his forces, aided by Aeneas and his men, succeeded in winning a victory. Turnus, defeated but not discouraged, called to his assistance Mezentius, the Etruscan king, and to such an extent did he threaten the supremacy of the Trojans that the latter asso- ciated themselves with a band of Greek colonists who, under the leadership of Evander and his son Pallas, were living on the hills destined to be included in the city of Rome. In the conflicts that ensued, Pallas was slain by Turnus, and, later, Mezentius and Turnus fell at the hand of Aeneas, the Trojans achieving, through the death of this last foe, a victory which gave them undisputed possession of the land. At this point the narrative of the Aeneid ends, leaving the reader to infer that the nuptials of Aeneas and Lavinia were promptly con- summated. EvenU subsequent to those of the Aeneid. — After his mar- riage, Aeneas founded in Latium a new city which he called Lavinium after his wife, and when he died a short time later, his subjects, regarding him as a god, gave him the title of luppiter Indiges. About thirty years subsequent to the found- ing of Lavinium, Ascanius, the son whom Lavinia bore to Aeneas, withdrew a portion of its population and established PLATE LXIII Romulus and Remus This archaic Italian bronze is commonly interpreted as representing the she-wolf suckling Romulus and Remus in the wild lands near the Tiber; it may have originally referred, however, to other legendary char- acters who were said to have been similarly reared. From a bronze in the Conservatory Museum, Rome (Brunn-Bruckmann, DenkmdUr griichischer und rSm- iscber Sculptur^ No. 3 1 . See p. 307. EARLY DAYS OF ROME 307 the colony of Alba Longa, over which he and his descendants ruled for several successive generations. At length a quarrel arose between Numitor and Amulius, two brothers in the direct line of descent, as to which of them should reign, and Amulius, the younger and less scrupulous, getting the upper hand, banished his brother, and, in order to wipe out that branch of the family, forced his niece, Rea Silvia, to take the vows of a Vestal. But his wicked designs were frus- trated by destiny, for the god Mars looked with favour on the maiden, and by him she became the mother of twin boys, Romulus and Remus. When Amulius learned of their birth, he cruelly had them set adrift in a basket on the flooded Tiber, but when the water subsided, they were left on dry land and were found and nursed by a she-wolf. As it happened, the king's shepherd, Faustulus, came across them in the wild lands and taking them to his home reared them as his own sons. When they had become men, they learned of their relationship to Amulius and of his wicked deeds, and, accordingly, with a band of youths they attacked him in his palace, slew him, and restored the kingdom of Alba Longa to their grandfather, Numitor. Unable to sever their connexions with the locality where they had spent their boyhood, they jointly founded a new city there, but when it became necessary to decide the question as to which of them should rule, they fell to quarrel- ling, until finally, in an outburst of anger, Romulus killed Remus, and, now without a rival, assumed the title and the powers of king. To perpetuate his own name he called his city Rome. 1—24 APPENDIX APPENDIX I. SURVIVALS OF ANCIENT GREEK DIVINITIES AND MYTHS IN MODERN GREECE rj 1910 Mr. J. C. Lawson published at Cambridge a book entitled ModemGreek Folklore and Ancient Greek Religion^ basing his treatise mainly on his own investigations, yet also taking into account those of his predecessors in the field, Polites, Hahn, Schmidt, Bent, and others. In undertaking his task he was more timely than he knew, anticipating as he did by only a small margin of years both the Balkan Vl^ar and the present European Vl^ar. In view of the rapidly changing conditions of life and thought in the peninsula since 191 2, no one can entertain a doubt that Mr. Lawson has gathered together, just before it is too late, certain popular beliefs of undeniable an- tiquity which are of incalculable importance to the student of com- parative religion in general and to the student of the ancient Greek religion in particular. It is generally regretted, however, that his book lacks the happy multum in parvo which would have made it more useful to scholars and would have ensured it a wider circle of lay readers; his prolix discussion, for instance, of Kallikantzaroi, and the protracted study of revenants among the Slavonic stocks, are, to say the least, ennuyeux as well as of doubtful profit, even for those thor- oughly interested in such themes. Nevertheless, we overlook these faults in recognition of the true worth of the volume, and in the para- graphs which follow we shall present a summary of those features of the book which reflect most clearly the principal gods and myths dis- cussed in our own study. The objection is frequently urged that the strong Slavic strain in the population of modem Greece precludes the possibility of differ- entiating, with any degree of certainty, the purely Greek elements in the belief of the common people from those factors which have their origin in other sources. Mr. Lawson's reply to this is very con- vincing. He points out^ that "even in the centre of the Peloponnese where the Slavonic element has probably been strongest, the pure Greek type is not wholly extinct," and also that in many of the islands the population is admittedly of an almost unmixed Greek de- scent. The probability of the continuity of Greek tradition, at least in certain districts, is therefore very strong. At any rate "the exact 312 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGV proportion of Slavonic and of Hellenic blood in the veins of the mod- em Greeks is not a matter of supreme importance." Only in a few localities, notably in Crete, does any form of the name of Zeus survive, but the god still lives under the title Gefc ("God"), a title so conveniently equivocal that the Christian can use it without heresy and at the same time square perfectly with the ancient pagan belief. For instance, the modem Greek says, /Spexa 6 e^ ("God rains"), or, 6 Gc^ plxv^i vtpb ("God is throwing water"), just as the ancient said, Zein 5c4 ("Zeus rains"). When it thunders, the modem exclaims, fipovrow rh irkroKa iivd r' UXoyo rod Qeov ("the hoofs of God's horse are resounding"), an expression which instantly calls to mind the story of Pegasos in the stables of Olympos or har- nessed to the rolling car of Zeus. The lightning is God's peculiar prerogative and at times is even employed as an instrument of vengeance on o£Fending mortals or devils as on the Titans and Sal- moneus of old. Poseidon survives in function and attribute only, though he can be identified as the divinity with the trident alluded to in a story of Zakynthos which Mr. Lawson* borrows from Bemhard Schmidt. "A king who was the strongest man of his time made war on a neighbour. His strength lay in three hairs on his breast. He was on the point of crushing his foes when his wife was bribed to cut off the hairs, and he with thirteen companions was taken prisoner. But the hairs began to grow again, and so his enemies threw him and his companions into a pit. The others were killed by the fall, but he being thrown in last, fell upon them and was unhurt. Over the pit his enemies then raised a mound. He found however in the pit a dead bird, and having fastened its wings to his hands flew up and carried away mound and all with him. Then he soared high in the air until a storm of rain washed away the clay that held the feathers to his hands, and he fell into the sea. *Then from out the sea came the god thereof (6 daliMvas Tfjs ^dXeur<raf) and struck him with a three- pronged fork (jxla irtipowa /U rpla dtx^Xta)' and changed him into a dolphin until such time as he should find a maiden ready to be his wife. The dolphin after some time saved a ship-wrecked king and his daughter, and the princess by way of reward took him for her husband and the spell was broken." This story contains clear reminiscences of Nisos and Ikaros as well as of the ancient god of the sea. To the Greek of today the Archangel Michael is as Hermes to the pre-Christian Greek, being the psychopomp, the divine escort of souls to the afterworld, which is still popularly located in the heart of earth. In the Maina, at the southem extremity of the Peloponnesc, the belief prevails that, with drawn sword in hand, Michael keeps APPENDIX 313 sentry on the mouths of the great cavern of Tainaros, which is still the best known approach to the underworld. The character and functions of Dionysos are transferred to Saint Dionysios in a legend told in many places. "Once upon a time Saint Dionysios was on his way to Nazos: and as he went he espied a small plant which excited his wonder. He dug it up, and because the sun was hot sought wherewith to shelter it. As he looked about, he saw the bone of a bird's leg, and in this he put the plant to keep it safe. To his surprise the plant began to grow, and he sought again a larger covering for it. This time he found the leg-bone of a lion, and as he could not detach the plant from the bird's leg, he put both together in that of the lion. Yet again it grew and this time he found the leg-bone of an ass and put plant and all into that. And so he came to Nazos. And when he came to plant the vine — for the plant was in fact the first vine — he could not sever it from the bones that sheltered it, but planted them all together. Then the vine grew and bore grapes and men made wine and drank thereof. And first when they drank they sang like birds, and when they drank more they grew strong as lions, and afterwards foolish as asses." ' A similar popular identification of this beneficent saint with Dionysos is also to be inferred from the fact that the road which skirts the south side of the Athenian Acropolis and the ancient theatre of Dionysos is at present known as the street of Saint Dionysios. Of all the survivals of the greater goddesses, the most conspicuous is Demeter, who lives on in three forms. In one of these she retains her agrarian relations, but has changed her sez and taken on the name of Saint Demetrios, whereas at Eleusis she has well maintained her old character under the name of Saint Demetra. There is a popular myth concerning the saint, which, in spite of its many con- taminations of ancient and mediaeval elements, is distinctly reminis- cent of the sad wanderings of Demeter in her search for the lost Persephone. Along with Aphrodite and Pyrrha, Demeter contributes traits to the modem Goddess of the Sea and Earth. This hybrid divinity, the story runs, drowned all mankind by sending a flood upon the earth as a punishment of human sin, but on the subsidence of the waters she created a new race by sowing stones. In Aitolia, the land of Atalante, the huntress Artemis survives as 4 icupA KAXoj ("Lady Kalo"), a title which seems to be more than a mere echo of the divine Kalliste and her mythic double, Kallisto. In some localities, however, Artemis, like Demeter, has gone over to the opposite sez and is now known as Saint Artemidoros, who, in his capacity as special patron of weakling children, is plainly the direct successor of the ancient "Aprc/uj xat5orp60os. At Eleusis Aphrodite (if wpd '<l>po5lTri) has become the beautiful 314 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY daughter of Saint Demetra, although she is also associated with Daphni and the heights of Corinth, at both of which places she had shrines in ancient times, while the people of Z^kynthos still know her as the mother of Eros (TEpa>ra$). The chaste Athene, on the other hand, survives only in the recollection that the Parthenon was at one time converted into a church of the Blessed Virgin. Although the Nereids were to the ancient Greeks a lesser order of divinities, they are perhaps the chiefest in the ill-co-ordinated pan- theon of the modem. Their collective name, N^dtS^, appears in numerous dialectic forms, and this term, like the ancient designa- tion NC^M^i, is broadly inclusive of all types of female spirits of the wild — of water, wood, mountain, spring, and stream. The pres- ence of the Nereids is suspected everywhere in the great out-of- doors, and they are conceived as "women half-divine yet not im- mortal, always young, always beautiful, capricious at best, and at their worst cruel."* In some districts they have borrowed from the satyrs the feet of goats or of asses. Human beings and animals alike are liable to fall under their spells, and like Thetis and her kindred folk of the sea they have the power of transforming themselves at pleasure. The Nereids of the springs sometimes steal children as the nymphs of old carried oflF Hylas, and when they pass over the land, their paths are marked by whirlwinds. So close are they still to the lives of the common people that they are believed to consort with men and to bear them children. The grim grey ferryman Charon is now known as Charos, or, less frequently, Charondas, but in the process of centuries he has been almost utterly despoiled of his craft and oar, and, as the god of death, has assumed the sceptre of the underworld. Hades being no longer a person, but a place whither Charos receives the souls of the de- parted. Associated with Charos are his wife Charissa, or Charondissa, a merely nominal female counterpart, and a three-headed snake, although according to a Macedonian story, his animal companion is a three-headed dog, which can be none other than the hell-hound Kerberos. There exist only sporadic traces of the old custom of placing a coin in the mouth of a corpse as passage-money due to Charon. The prominent place occupied by Charos in the thought of the modern Greek suggests that his prototype was a much more important personage in the popular mythology of the ancient than the literature would lead one to believe, and it may be that among the rank and file of the people Charon, rather than Hades, was the Lord of the Dead. The most monstrous of the mythical creatures living in the imagination of the modern Hellenes are the Kallikantzaroi, whose name, like that of the Nereids, appears in many dialectic forms, and APPENDIX 3 IS is derived, Lawson believes and takes great pains to demonstrate, from that of the Centaurs. Be this as it may, at least a part of the bestial habits of the Kallikantzaroi have been drawn from the Centaurs. They are divided into two classes, according as they are of more than or less than human size, those of the former category being repulsive to look upon and generally malevolent, while those of the second type are given to frolic and mischief and are harmless to men, though not to animals. In the faith of the populace the Moirai, or Fates, still possess a very real vitality and are endowed with a large measure of their primitive powers. In a story current in a certain district of Epeiros they are three in number, the first of whom spins the thread which determines the length of each human life, the second accords good fortune, and the third evil fortune. They are regarded as inhabiting caves and even artificially wrought openings in the sides of hills, such as the rock-dwellings in the Hill of the Muses at Athens. Women rather than men are their most constant votaries, matrons generally consulting them in reference to motherhood, and maidens in regard to matrimony. OflFerings are made to them with the ob- ject of winning their favour and of influencing their decrees, which are inalterable when once they have been issued. Pan is not yet dead, ancient legend to the contrary, and Lawson* gives the epitome of a story treating of him taken from Schmidt's collection of folk-tales. "Once upon a time a priest had a good son who tended goats. One day *Panos' gave him a kid with a skin of gold. He at once offered it as a burnt-offering to God, and in answer an angel promised him whatever he should ask. He chose a magic pipe which should make all his hearers dance. So no enemy could come near to touch him. The king however sent for him, and the goatherd, after making the envoys dance more than once, volun- tarily let himself be taken. The king then threw him into prison, but he had his flute still with him, and when he played even houses and rocks danced, and fell and crushed all save him and his. 'The whole business,' concludes the story, *was arranged by Panos to cleanse the world somewhat of evil men.' ... If the tale be a piece of genuine tradition [i. e. not a scholastic revival], the conclusion of it is remarkable. The moral purpose ascribed to the deity seems to indicate a loftier conception of him than that which is commonly found in ancient art and literature."
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NATIVE ITALIC GODS 297
(e) Gods of Human Society
lanus. T- So obscure was the origin of lanus that the Roman poets took all manner of liberties with him, using the joint appearance of his head and of a ship on coins as data for a mythical history of this god. He was, said one of them, an aboriginal king who ruled on Mount laniculum, at first sharing his throne with a noble whose name was Camese, but later, when luppiter's divine regime began, being banished along with Saturnus and taking up his abode in Latium. In another account he was represented as having come to Latium from the land of the Perrhaiboians together with his sister-wife, Camese, who bore him three sons, one of them being Tiberinus, after whom the Tiber was named. The legends did not stint lanus with wives. Besides Camese he is said to have married either the water-nymph Venilia and by her to have become the father of Canens, or the water-nymph luturna, who bore to him Fons (or Fontus). Again he is said to have conceived a passion for a certain divinity Cama, whom he seized in a grotto, after a long pursuit, promising to appoint her the Goddess of Hinges should she yield to him. Upon her compliance he renamed her Cardo, or Cardea ("Hinge *')> and gave her the white thorn with which to banish evil from doorways.
Of all the theories to account for the origin of lanus none is more probable than that which comprehends him as a per- sonality gradually evolved from a private ritual of a magical order designed to drive evil influences from the doors of dwell- ings. "The very vagueness of this god, even with the Romans themselves, indicates that their interest was rather in the con- crete values associated with the doorway and in the practical expedients necessary in guarding it." • As the state was simply an enlarged domestic circle, it was not unnatural that lanus should be connected with the ancient gates or arches in the Forum which bore his name, and there, in the late Republican period, stood an image of the god with two faces, one of which
298 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY
was turned toward the east and the other toward the west This intimation that his domain lay both before and behind him may have sprung from the very obvious fact that every entrance has two sides. From being a god of entrances it was not a far cry to become a deity of beginnings, and as such he was invoked at the beginning of each year, each month, and each day. The prominence of his name and of his epithet, paUr^ in ancient ceremonial formulae attests his great age.
Vesta. — By reason of her fixed character Vesta had no place in formal myth. She was the numen of the hearth, first of the home and then of the state, and since the functions and symbolism of the hearth never changed from century to cen- tury, neither could Vesta vary a jot or a tittle from her original conception — any alteration would have broken the thread of continuity in the religious sentiment of the Roman as a member of a family and as a citizen. In the home Vesta typi- fied and protected the life of the family; the food in the larder, destined to be subjected to the heat of the hearth-flame, was under her care; the matron was her priestess. The Temple (or, better, the House) of Vesta in the Forum was nothing less than the home and fireside of the state, and on its hearth the six Vestal Virgins prepared sacrificial offerings in behalf of the state with food taken from the sacred larder, while the inviolability of the home and the integrity of the state were pictured in the purity of Vesta herself and of her Virgins. Her title, matety was suggestive of her graciousness.
Di Penates; Lares. — Also closely connected with family life were the Di Penates, the numerous divinities of the penuSy or larder, though they were so dimly conceived that they were endued with neither sex nor personality, their plurality being doubtless derived from the variety and the changing character of the stock of food-stuffs. From the time of Julius Caesar and Augustus the mythical idea of the Trojan origin of the Penates prevailed. The Lares are linked with the Penates in popular phrase, jointly constituting a synonym for household property,
NATIVE ITALIC GODS 299
but at the outset, apparently, there was only one Lar to a household, and that the protecting numen of the allotment of land on which the actual building stood- At length its function was broadened so as to include the house, and in Imperial times the name became pluralized and acquired a character as a synonym of house. When Ovid wrote that the Lares were the children of the outraged Lara, or Dea Tacita, and Mercury, he was indulging his fancy; as a matter of fact, they were some- times held to be the Roman counterparts of the Kouretes, the Korybantes, or the Daktyloi.
Minerva. — Any complexity there was in the personality of the static divinity, Minerva (Menerva), was due to the in- fluence of Athene, with whom she was identified, for in her primitive estate she seems to have been merely the goddess of the few and simple arts of an undeveloped rustic community. The Romans probably got her from Falerii prior to its fall in 241 B.C. and after the institution of the so-called Calendar of Numa, and established her in a temple in the Aventine as the patroness of the crafts and the guilds. Her inclusion in the Capitoline triad beside luppiter and luno may have resulted from a conscious attempt to reproduce in Rome a group like that of Zeus, Hera, and Athene.
(f) Abstract Gods
The inelastic character of the Roman's religious thinking is nowhere more clearly brought out than in the circle of his abstract divinities, for Pavor ("Panic")? Pax ("Peace''), Concordia ("Harmony"), Spes ("Hope"), and the like, were each fixed personalities of one trait and one trait only, a cir- cumstance which naturally shut them out from narrative myth. The field for which they were by nature suited was that of stereotyped symbolism, and only so far as an accepted reli- gious symbol is a myth may they be considered as mythological personages. They and their several symbols are too numerous for us to discuss here.
300 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY
(g) Momentary and Departmental Gods
The great host of the Roman's momentary and departmental divinities, commonly known to scholars as Sondergotter^ seem at first glance to be an argument which disproves the lack of pliability in the Roman's habits of religious thought. As a matter of fact, however, they confirm the reality of this char- acteristic, for as a class they are nothing more than an aggre- gate of the most simply conceived units which sustain to one another the same immediate relations that exist between the practical interests and activities of a primitive people. Some of these divinities, such as Messor ("Harvester"), Convector ("Gamerer")> and Sari tor ("Weeder''), spiritualize human acts, while others spiritualize certain processes of nature which are conspicuous either in themselves or in their results. A chosen few of this latter order will be ample for the purpose of illustration: Seia, Segesta, Nodutus, Patelana, and Matura are numina that preside successively over the sowing and sprout- ing of the com, the formation of the joints on its stem, the un- folding of leaf and flower, and, finally, the ripening of straw and ear. Similarly each stage of a child's growth from concep- tion to adult stature is guarded by a numen whose function is transparent in its commonly accepted name. In brief, no nat- ural process of moment to the Roman's well-being fails to receive recognition as a divinity.
III. GODS OF FOREIGN ORIGIN
Apollo. — Apollo was from the beginning frankly a loan from the Greek world. He was brought to Rome in the fifth century by way of Cumae as a god of healing to put an end to a great plague which threatened to exterminate the populace, and in his train came the books of the Sibylline oracles. In the Augustan age the average Roman knew him only as the god of poetry and music, a role which was first assigned him in
PLATE LXII
Magna Mater
T^e image of Kybele, or, as known to the Romans, Magna Mater, is seated on a throne placed in a car drawn by lions. On her head is the so-called mural crown, on the back of which an end of her bimaMn has been so caught up as to hang behind her like a veil In her lap she holds a tympanon on edge. This group is commemorative of an annual Roman ritual in which the image of the Great Mother was conveyed in her car from her shrine in the city to a neighbour- ing stream, where both were ceremonially bathed. From a bronze of the second century a.d., found in Rome and now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York {photograph). See pp. 273 ff., 303-04.
FOREIGN GODS 301
Rome, when translations of Greek literary works began to attain popularity. Augustus chose him as the divine patron of his regime and dedicated to him a beautiful temple on the Palatine.
Aesculapius. — The outbreak of a pestilence at Rome in 292 B.C. turned the Romans to a consultation of the Sibylline books, where they discovered directions enjoining them to send a deputation of citizens to the healing shrine of Asklepios at Epidauros, the envoys bringing back a serpent as a living symbol of the god, and at the same time instructions for establishing the new worship. It happened that when their ship reached the city, the serpent leaped overboard and swam to the island in the Tiber, where the new shrine was built, the god's name being given the Latin form of Aesculapius. When Salus, originally an abstract divinity of well-being in general, became recognized as the same as Hygieia ("Health")* the matter-of-fact Roman mind made her the oflScial consort of the new god of healing.
Mercurius. — In the early fifth century, on the occasion of a failure of crops which necessitated the importation of foreign food-stuffs, the Romans borrowed one phase of the character of Hermes, and, exalting it to the dignity of godhead, used it to protect the maritime routes which the grain ships must fol- low. Naturally, this phase was the favour which Hermes ac- corded to trade and traders, and Mercurius, the name of the new god, connected as it is with the Latin words merces ("mer- chandise") and mercatOT ("tradesman"), served as a permanent register of his function. While Mercurius always took the place of Hermes in the Romanized Greek legends, his character in cult remained unaltered through the centuries. In art he was generally distinguished by the chief symbols of Hermes — the caduceus, the pouch, and the winged hat.
Castor and Pollux. — The worship of Kastor and Polydeu- kes, as Castor and Pollux, came to Italy at so early a date that when the Romans accepted it, apparently from Tusculum, they
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GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY
did so under the impression that it was of Italic origin; but the outstanding features of these divinities at Rome — their asso- ciation with horses and lakes, and their power to give help in time of need — were brought with them from Greece. In myth it is recorded that they suddenly appeared at the bat- tles of Lake Regillus, Pydna, and Verona just in time to bring victory to the Roman cause. After the battle of Lake Regillus they were seen to water their horses in the basin of the fountain of lu- turna, and on this spot the citizens erected a shrine known as the Temple of the Castors, or the Temple of Castor.
Hercules. — Under the name of Hercules the Greek Herakles was admitted into the Roman family of gods as though he were a native Italic divinity. At his very ancient altar, the
Zeus, seated on an altar-like throne be- ^ t| *- . i. t?
tween luno and Hercules, draws the two -«^^ Moxxma^ near the TOHim
diyinities toward one another thus sancti- Boarium, or the Cattle-market,
tying their union. From the design incised i • t j
on the back of an Etruscan bronze mirror he WaS Worshipped aS a god
of the fourth century Bc now in the Met- powerful to aid Commerce and
ropolitan Museum of Art, New York. '^
Other practical pursuits, whence, accordingly, tithes of profits in trade and of the booty of war were dedicated to him.
The popularity which Herakles enjoyed in Greece, owing to his unparalleled ability to bring things to pass, so inspired the Roman imagination that almost out of whole cloth it manufac-
FiG. II. Marriage of Iuno and Hercules
FOREIGN GODS 303
tured mythological forms to glorify the adopted Hercules. Not only did he have an intrigue with a certain Acca Larentia, but he was the husband now of luno, now of Evander's daugh- ter, now of Rhea, now of Fauna; and by the last three in this order he became the father of Pallas, Aventinus, and Latinus, Among his mighty feats were numbered his retention of the waters of Lake Avemus in their basin by means of a dam, and his slaughter of some threatening giants at Cumae. When he was returning eastward through Italy with the cattle of Geryo- neus, we are told, some of his herd were stolen by a native shepherd named Cacus (apparently an aboriginal fire-god) and driven backward into a cave; but, although at first puzzled by the inverted tracks, Hercules at length succeeded in locat- ing and recovering the animals and in killing the thief. He then naade himself known to Evander, an Arkadian refugee ruling on the Palatine, who received him with unbounded hos- pitality and dedicated to him the Ara Maxima^ the ceremonies observed at this altar by Evander becoming the model of those used in the worship of Hercules through succeeding centuries.
Dis Pater. — Dis Pater — also known as Orcus — and Pro- serpina were both Greek, the name Dis being simply a trans- lation of nXovTooi/ ("Wealthy") and that of Orcus a faulty transliteration of ""Op^o?, the "oath" sworn in the name of Hades, while Proserpina is obviously an adaptation of Per- sephone. To the Roman Dis Pater was the chief god of the lower world in his function as king of the departed, and Orcus was the same deity in his role as the inexorable reaper, or, occasionally, as that divinity who takes pity on suffering mortals and gently bears them away to their long rest, the nature of Orcus being so readily grasped by the Roman mind, in its slavery to fact, that he was the more popular of the two forms.
Magna Mater. — In the midst of the Romans* despair of receiving help against Hannibal from their accepted gods they turned, in obedience to a Sibylline oracle, to the Asiatic Magna Mater, the "Great Mother" of the gods. With the permission
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of Attalos of Pergamon they brought to Rome from Phrjrgia the meteoric stone which embodied her and then established a festival for the re-enactment of the rites which characterized her worship in the east. She accomplished the purpose for which she had been brought and drove Hannibal out of Italy, but m spite of his gratitude to her, the sedate Roman never became thoroughly accustomed to the wild abandon of her votaries.
IV. MYTHS OF THE EARLY DAYS OF ROME
The Aeneid of VergiL — In their national epics Naevius and Ennius had made the glory of the city their central interest and had popularized the idea that the founders of Rome were of Trojan stock. Vergil took over these motives, and, by injecting into them his own deep love of his land and his broodings on the life and destiny of man, and by lavishing on them his chastened poetical skill, produced the greatest of all Roman epics, the Aeneidj which tells the story of the wanderings of Trojan Aeneas.
Aeneas (Greek Aineias), as we have read, was the son of Anchises and Venus (i. e. Aphrodite). Amid the confusion attendant on the sack of Troy, he made his way with his father and little son, lulus, to the shelter of the wooded heights near the city, and there gathered about him a number of fugitives, whom he led in making preparations to sail away to a strange land and found a new home. After many busy weeks they set out, first crossing to Thrace and then steering southward to Delos, where, at the shrine of Apollo, they were bidden by the oracle to seek the motherland of their ancestors and there make their abode. Believing that this referred to Crete, Aeneas led his followers thither, but after the little colony had suffered many misfortunes he was warned in a dream to establish it instead in the western land of Hesperia (i. e. Italy). In the quest of this country he again set sail with his follow- ers, and many were the vicissitudes of their long voyage. They
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came successively to the island of the Harpies, to the home of Helenus and Andromache on the coast of Epirus, and to the land of the Cyclops, where they saw the blinded Polyphemus. In an endeavour to avoid Scylla and Charybdis, they hugged the southern shores of Sicily with the intention of doubling the western extremity of the island, but luno espied them, and, unable to forget that they belonged to the Trojan race which she hated, roused a great storm that drove them on the coast of Carthage.
At this time Carthage was ruled by a Tyrian queen named Dido, who welcomed the fugitives into her court, entertaining them for many months as though they were a company of kings, and at her request Aeneas told the story of the fall of his city and of his perilous voyage from land to land in his search for a home. His personal charms won her love, and she offered to share her kingdom with him, but when, weary of wandering longer and despairing of finding his destined land, Aeneas was on the point of yielding to her passionate impor- tunities, luppiter, through Mercury, roused him from his lethargy and turned his face once more toward the ships and the sea.
Re-embarking, the Trojans sailed northward and under the protection of Neptune reached the shores of Hesperia near Cumae, the home of the Sibyl. Here, like Odysseus in Kim- meria, Aeneas made the descent into Hades and saw many dire monsters and the shadowy troops of the dead. After con- versing with the shades of some whom he had known in life, he turned to make his way upward to the light, his path leading him through Elysium, where he found the shade of his father, Anchises, who had died since the departure from Troy. By him he was led into the spacious Vale of Forget- fulness and was shown the vast assemblage of souls that were waiting to be implanted in some human body and given life upon earth, while Anchises also revealed to him the trials which he had yet to experience in establishing his colony in
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In the dearth of Roman myth the Latin writers from Livius Andronicus onward were forced to draw for their literary material on the abundant store of Greek poetry, and with the poetry naturally went the Greek gods and the Greek mythology, although, in order to make the character of these beings in- telligible to Roman readers, the authors had to equate or identify them with those of the accepted gods of the land whom they resembled most closely. In some instances they made use of identifications ready made in the popular belief, whence it came about that, for instance, Zeus was always repre- sented by luppiter, Hera by luno, Artemis by Diana, and Demeter by Ceres. Practically all the myths of pan-Hellenic currency became common Roman property; only the narrowly local ones were untouched. Assuming this, we can read the
NATIVE ITALIC GODS 289
Greek myths of our preceding pages as Roman, if only we take the pains to change the names of the gods to those of their Roman equivalents.^
I. ETRUSCAN MYTHOLOGY
Unhappily we are unable to distinguish with exactness the Etruscan contribution to Roman religion, although Roman writers definitely labelled a few myths as from this source. According to an Etruscan cosmogony, the creator appointed twelve millenniums for the acts of creation and assigned to them severally the twelve signs of the zodiac. In the first millennium he created heaven and earth; in the second the firmament; in the third the land, sea, and lesser waters; in the fourth the sun, moon, and stars; in the fifth the creatures of air, earth, and water; and in the sixth man, whose race was to endure for the remaining six millenniums and then perish. A myth attributed the origin of the Etruscan religious system to a child named Tages, who took human form from a clod thrown up by a plough and in song delivered his holy message to a wondering throng. The nymph Begoe was said to have re- vealed the so-called sacred law of limitation to Arruns Vel- tymnius, while Mantus is recorded as the name of the Etruscan god of the underworld, and Volta as the appellation of a mythical monster.
II. NATIVE ITALIC GODS
(a) Nature-Xiods: Of the Sky^ Atmosphere, and Time
luppiter. — luppiter (lovis, Diovis, Dius, Diespiter), the chief god of all the Italic stocks, was a personification of the sky and its phenomena, being, therefore, rightly identified with Zeus. His control over the weather and light made him of necessity the all-important divinity of a nation of shepherds and husbandmen, and his might was manifested in the thun-
290 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY
der, lightning, and rain; in fact, legend reported him as coming to earth in bodily form with the thunderbolt. This is the origin of his epithets Fulgur (" Lightning ")> Fulmen ("Thun- derbolt '*)> and, doubtless, also of Feretrius, while as the rain- god he bears the names Pluvius, Pluvialis, and Elicius. From his lofty seat in the heavens he could behold all that hap- pened upon earth; hence, as Terminus, he became the guar- dian of boundaries between properties, and, as Dius Fidius, the witness of men's fidelity to their oaths. Only a few of the Roman gods became thus moralized.
Mater Matuta. — Mater Matuta was the deity who, in the words of Lucretius,* "at a certain hour brings down the dawn through the tracts of air and diflFuses the light of day"; but she was also a divinity of birth, and in these two capacities was likened by the Greeks to their Leukothea and Eileithyia respectively. As the former she became a goddess of the sea and of sailors, while Melikertes, or Palaimon, the son of Leu- kothea, was likened to the Roman Portunus ("Protector of Harbours").
The gods of the seasons were few. The explanations sug- gested by the ancients to account for the significance of the goddess Angerona are childish, and she seems really to have been, like Anna Perenna, a divinity of the winter solstice. As protector of plants through all their stages from blooming to fruit-bearing Vertumnus was perhaps aboriginally a god of the changing year. Ovid relates that, in the days of King Proca, Vertumnus fell in love with Pomona, a shy nymph who with- drew from the society of men to the retirement and duties of her orchard and garden, and although in many disguises he sought to make his way into her retreat, it was all in vain, until he presented himself in the form of an old woman. He then told her of his passion, but all his words could not avail to soften her heart. Only when he showed himself to her in his true likeness, as a youth of unblemished beauty, did she relent; and from that time on they were never seen apart.
PLATE LX Genius and Lares
In the centre stands the Genius, presumably of the head of the household, in human form, while below he appears in the guise of a serpent approaching an altar to devour the offerings placed thereon. In his right hand the Genius holds a sacrificial saucer and in his left a box of incense, and on either side of him dance two Lares, each holding a rbyton (drinking-horn) and a small bronze pail. From a wall-painting in the House of the Vettii, Pompeii (Hermann-Bruckmann, Denkm&ler der Malerei dis Altertums^ No. 48). See pp. 291, 298-99.
NATIVE ITALIC GODS 291
(b) Nature-Gods: Of Human Life^ Earthy Agriculturey and Herding
Genius; luno. — If we adopt the Roman point of view, and regard the Genius of man and the luno of woman as functional powers originating outside of human life and employing men and women merely as fields of operation, we must place these two divinities among the nature-gods. Fundamentally Genius was the procreative power of each man and luno that of each woman, whence, finally, through a logical expansion the names came to stand severally for the two sexes and their respective life-interests. The ramifications of man's activities arrested the development of Genius as an individual numeny while the restricted sameness of woman's life intensified the individuality of luno. In Genius, however, was latent the germ of the man- worship of the Empire. luno presided over the conception of children and their development up to birth, while her Samnite epithet, Populona, marked her as the divinity who augmented the population. Her union with luppiter and her identification with Hera were late and greatly altered her personality.
Ceres. — Ceres and her male counterpart, Cerus (who was snuflFed out early), were among the oldest of the Italic gods. Ceres was closely associated with Tellus. The purpose of all her festivals was to elicit her blessing on the crops in all their stages from seeding until harvest, and the fact that the staple grain foods were her gift to the people gave her a peculiarly plebeian standing. Myth represented her as very susceptible to oflFence and as prompt to punish the offender.
Tellus Mater. — Tellus, or Tellus Mater, seems to have be- longed to the same ancient stratum as Ceres and to have been primevally affiliated with her. As her name implies, she was really Mother Earth, but in agriculture she was a personifica- tion of the field which receives and cherishes the seed. In time, however, she had to yield place to Ceres, as a double of the
Greek Demeter, only to reappear later under the name Terra 1—23
292 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY
Mater. In certain rites she was held to be a divinity of the underworld, for when the bodies of the dead were entrusted, like the seed-grain, to her care, she was simply taking back what she herself had given. In myth, she stood, of course, for Gaia (Ge).
Liber. — Liber first arose as an epithet of luppiter to desig- nate the amplitude of his productive powers in the fertiliza- tion of the seed of plants and animals, but later the adjective became detached and invested with personality, the resulting divinity being then identified as Dionysos and appointed as the protector of the vine. Liber's female counterpart. Libera, was equated with Kore and was thus drawn into the circle of Ceres.
Saturnus. — From the ancient prominence of Satumus ("the Sower *'; cf. serere)^ or, in English, Saturn, Italy was often known in myth as Satumia. The native function of Satumus is transparent in his name, but this was gradually broadened so as to include practically all agricultural operations, his great December festival, the Saturnalia, having for its object the germination of the seed just sown, while the sickle, as his chief symbol, marked his intimate relation to harvesting. For some reason unknown to us he was given a high place in Italic myth, where he was the husband of Ops. Through his association with her he assimilated some of her chthonic traits, and, further, through her identification as Rhea, was in his turn identified with Kronos, thus coming to be exalted as the ruler of the Golden Age.
Consus and Ops. — The special province of Consus (cf . conderey "to store *')> a purely Italic god, was the safe garner- ing of the fruits of the field, and the underground location of his altar at Rome is a sort of myth without words, symbolizing as it did the common custom of storing the grain in pits. His most intimate companion in cult was Ops, who seems prima- rily to have been the personal embodiment of a bountiful har- vest, though she assumed the secondary function of protecting the private and public granaries against destruction by fire.
NATIVE ITALIC GODS 293
Mars. — The god Mars (Mavors, Marspiter, Maspiter) was known to all the primitive stocks. In his later career he was certainly the god of war, and in the Roman versions of Greek legends his name regulariy replaced that of Ares, but that war was his role from the beginning is not generally ad- mitted, for he may have been a god of vegetation and of the borderiands lying between the farmstead and the wild, and have possessed the double function of fostering the crops and herds and of defending them against the attacks of enemies from without. Just as the Greeks associated the horse and the bull with Poseidon, so the Italians variously connected the wood- pecker, the ox, and the wolf with Mars.
Faunus. — No Roman god incorporated in his single per- son more features of terrestrial nature than did Faunus (cf. favere^ "to favour")- There is no doubt that he had been established in the life of the people of the fold and the hamlet from a very remote age, and so familiar were they with him that they could take some of those liberties with his personality such as mythology allows. He was, their legends ran, the kindly spirit of out-of-doors who caused crop and herd to flourish and who warded oflF wolves, being Lupercus in this latter aspect. It was he who was the speaker of the weird prophetic voices which men heard in the forest, and late legend said that he cast his prophecies in the form of verse, and thus became the inventor of poetry. Yet there was a mischievous side to his nature as well as a seri- ous, for he was the spirit who sent the Nightmare (Incubo). Fauna, a divinity of fertility, passed now as his wife, now as his sister.
Silvanus. — Silvanus seems to have sprung into being from the detached and divinized epithet of either Mars or Faunus, and his domain, true to his name, was the woodland. He bestowed his favour on hunter and shepherd and on all the interests of the husbandman who had won a title to his acres through clearing away the wild timber. He was himself
294 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY
mythologically conceived as a hunter or as an ideal gardener, and many stories of Pan were transferred to him.
Diana. — The earliest of the Italic divinities to be adopted by Rome was Diana, and her cult on the Aventine Hill was simply a transference of her cult at Aricia of Latium. The common belief of a later period that she was the same as Artemis obscured her original nature, but her affiliation at Aricia with the spring-nymph Egeria, and with Virbius, both divinities of child-birth, arouses the suspicion that her function was a similar one.
Venus. — The process which converted the native Italian Venus into a goddess of love and the Roman double of Aph- rodite is very interesting. Her personality seems to have been an efflorescence of her name, which first denoted the element of attractiveness in general, then, as it narrowed, this quality in nature, and, in the end, the goddess who elaborated it. To the utilitarian Roman the chief field of her activity was the market-gardens on which the city depended for a large pro- portion of its food-stuflFs, and it was in this capacity, no doubt, that she was recognized as the same as Aphrodite. With this identification she took over Aphrodite's attribute of love, but in so doing arrested her own development along its original lines. At an early date in Rome she was accorded special homage as the mother of Aeneas, and, later, as the divine an- cestress of the Julian family, the temple of Venus Genetrix built by Julius Caesar and that of Venus and Rome con- structed by Hadrian being material evidences of her high standing. Cupido became her companion in myth as Eros was that of Aphrodite.
Flora. — Flora was an ancient goddess of springtime and flowers, giving beauty and fragrance to the blossom, sweet- ness to honey, aroma to wine, and charm to youth. Her April festival was marked by the unstinted and varied use of flowers, and by the practice of pursuing animals often ritually associated with fertility.
PLATE LXI
I
Arbthousa
The head of Arethousa may be distinguished from that of Persephone (see Plate IV, Fig. 4) in that it lacks the diadem of stalks and ears of grain. The dolphins indicate that the nymph dwells by the sea. From a decadrachm of Syracuse of the fourth century B.C. (enlarged two diameters). See p. 257.
2
Ianus Bifrons
This coin type delineates the Roman conception of the two-faced god of entrances. Each face is that of an old man with bushy hair and beard, and is in keep- ing with the idea recorded in Ovid that Ianus was the oldest of the gods. From a Roman bronze coin of the fourth century B.C. (G. F. Hill, Historical Roman Coins^ Plate I, Fig. i). See p. 297.
NATIVE ITALIC GODS 295
Fortuna. — If we follow the successive stages of Fortuna's growth, we must rank her as a nature-god. As far back as we can probe into her history, she was apparently the deification of that incalculable element which shapes the conditions of harvest, a time of great anxiety to an agricultural people, while her votaries at Praeneste believed that she controlled the des- tiny of women in child-birth. She was, in brief, a sort of in- dependent predetermining force in nature. As Vergil repre- sented her, however, she was the incorporate will of the gods, and submission to her decisions was always a moral victory. Her Greek counterpart was generally Tyche, rarely Moira.
(c) Nature-Gods: Of the Water
The importance of springs and streams in the life of the Italian sufficiently accounts for his belief in their individual numina. The numina of the springs appeared as kindly young goddesses gifted with song and prophecy and with the power of healing, but they were also, after a manner, sorceresses, though they used their magic to good ends. The best known of these at Rome was lutuma who, the legends said, was the wife of lanus and the mother of Fons ("Fountain")- The Camenae, nymphs of song and of child-birth, were known as the Roman muses, one of their number, Carmentis (or Carmenta), like a Greek Fate, singing to the new-born child its destiny. Egeria, the nymph brought in from Aricia, had gifts like those of the Camenae. The Romans imagined the numina of rivers to be benevolent and indulgent old men.
Neptunus. — Neptunus, as the divinity of the element of moisture, belonged to the oldest circle of the Roman gods, and only through his likeness to Poseidon did he become the lord of the sea. His nature confined the observance of his worship to the rural population, and the persistence of his festival, the Neptunalia, the purpose of which was to bring moisture to the land, into the fourth century of our era is one
296 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY
evidence of the tenacious power of nature-religion over the masses of the Roman people.
(d) Nature-Gods: Of Fire, of the Underworld^ and of Disease
Folcanus. — The fire-god Volcanus was far less conspicuous than one would have expected him to be in the land of Vesu- vius, and doubtless because the volcano had been quiescent for many centuries prior to 79 a.d. Although the god wore the mask of Hephaistos in the Latin renderings of Greek myth, he was by nature only partially qualified to do so. In the old Roman group of gods he was the spirit of destructive rather than of useful fire, and was reputed to be of an irascible disposition which always needed placation, whence the pres- ence of many docks and valuable stores at Ostia led to the wide extension of his worship in that place.
Vediovis. — Left to himself, and with his imagination un- prodded by the Greek spirit of wonder, the Roman gave little time to speculating on the lot of man after death. His chief interest was in the living and those yet to be born, so that one is not surprised to find his divinities of the underworld few and only vaguely outlined. The chief one was Vediovis (Vei- ovis, Vedius), who seems to have been given his place in the lower world largely for the reason that the logic of the Roman religious system called for a spiritual and physical opposite to luppiter. Little is known of him beyond the fact that he was invoked in oaths along with Tellus.
Febris. — The disease which the Romans feared the most was, of course, malaria, which was the fever {febris) par ex- cellence; and so concrete and uniform were its manifestations that we utterly lose the Roman's point of view if we regard Febris, the divinity, as born of an abstraction. This holds equally true of the offshoots of Febris, Dea Tertiana and Dea Quartana, the one standing for the malarial chills which, according to our mode of reckoning, return every second day, the other for those which recur every third day.
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THE LESSER GODS — UNDERWORLD 277
say, the Erinyes did not pursue every murderer; their vindic- tive fury was reserved especially for him who had committed the sin of sins, the slaughter of a kinsman, and herein lies the significance of their pursuit of Orestes and Alkmaion — each had slain his mother. Once established as defenders of the family, to the Greek mind the mainstay of the social order, their powers to enforce justice were broadened, and they now became the champions of the right of the first-bom, and of strangers, and of beggars. In Homer we find them depriving Achilles' horses of the gift of speech in order to correct an offence against the just laws of nature. They are generally, but not always, represented as being three in number and named respectively Alekto, Megaira, Tisiphone. In imagina- tion men painted them as repulsive caricatures of women; for hair they had a tangle of serpents; instead of running, they flew about like birds of prey; in their hands they brandished scourges with which they threatened the victim of their pur- suit; and the Taurian herdsmen reported to Iphigenia Orestes* description of the Erinys who assailed him:
^'A she-dragon of Hell, and all her head Agape with fanged asps, to bite me dead. She hath no face, but somewhere from her cloak Bloweth a wind of fire and bloody smoke: The wind's heat fans it: in her arms. Ah see! My mother, dead grey stone, to cast on me And crush." •
EumenideSj Semnai Theai, Maniai. — Small wonder that the Greeks shrank from pronouncing the name of such dire beings as the Erinyes. Since a name has a happy way of cloak- ing realities, they called them in Athens Semnai Theai, " Re- vered Goddesses," and at Kolonos, the Eumenides, "Benevo- lent Ones," but in time they forgot that these epithets were only substitutes and built up new divine characters to suit them, such being the pliability of the myth-making mind. The Maniai ("Madnesses") of Megalopolis seem to have been of identical nature.
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Miscellaneous. — Besides the Erinyes, there was a host of inferior hellish creatures popularly located in the underworld. The Keres passed now as the souls of the dead, now as malevo- lent death-dealing daemons of an independent origin and exist- ence; the Stringes ("Vampires") were horrid winged creatures in the form of night-birds who brought evil dreams and sucked the life-blood of sleepers; and Empousa was a destructive monster with one foot of brass and the other of an ass. Lamia, who still lives in modern Greek superstition, was said to have been a woman of Libya whose children, begotten by Zeus, were slain by Hera, and who in revenge gave herself over to the perpetual task of killing strange children.
In the underworld there also lived Hypnos ("Sleep*') and Thanatos ("Death"), twin sons of Nyx ("Night") and Erebos ("Darkness"). Hypnos spent his time now on earth, now in the Island of Dreams, and now beneath the earth, exercising his power over men and gods as he willed; while Thanatos would come forth from below and clip a lock from the head of the dying to hasten the last breath.
'-^
PLATE LVIII Hypnos
Hypnot, a beautiful, soft-fleshed, dreamy youth, seems originally to have held in his extended right hand a horn from which to pour sleep on reposing mortals; in his left he probably grasped a poppy-stem with which he cast over them a spell of forgetfulness. His appearance calls to mind the description of Sleep which Ovid puts into the mouth of luno: ^Sleep, mildest of all the gods, thou art thyself sweet peace of mind, a soothing balm, an alien to care, and bringest rest and strength to mortals worn and weary with the toils of life" {Metamorphoses^ xi. 623-25). A Roman marble copy of a bronze original (apparently of the fourth century B.C.), in the Prado, Madrid (Brunn-Bruckmann, DenknUtUr griecbiscbir und rom-^ ischer Sculptur^ No. 529). See p. 278.
'N
CHAPTER XIV
THE LESSER GODS — ASKLEPIOS, ABSTRACT DIVINITIES
I. ASKLEPIOS
ALTHOUGH, as wc shall presendy see, Asklepios was not, strictly speaking, an abstract divinity, yet the more or less abstract character of his function of healing affords some warrant for our present classification of him.
The Origin and the Name of Asklepios. — If the myths con- cerning the parentage of Asklepios are at all significant, he was the heir and successor of Apollo in the art of healing. This mythical relationship doubtless became established in some cult-shrine of Apollo, such as that in Epidauros or even that in Cretan Gortyna, where the two were affiliated and where, in the end, the younger divinity ousted the elder from the first place. Whatever may have been the initial nature of Asklepios, his mature form seems to reveal a combination of two natures, chthonic and solar, and of this there are traces in the myths that are to follow. Some scholars see in the first part of his name a root which embodies the idea of brightness, but, unfortunately, this is so uncertain that it is useless as a confirmation of the partly solar nature of the god. It is pretty generally agreed, on the other hand, that the second part of the name, -lyTTto?, signifies "mild" or "soothing," a very ap- propriate quality for a dispenser of healing.
Myths of Asklepios. — Asklepios sometimes passed as the son of Arsinoc, the daughter of Leukippos, but generally as the son of Koronis (" Sea-Gull"), the daughter of Thessalian Phlegyas. Pausanias ^ tells the story of his birth and infancy
28o GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY
with an attractive simplicity. "When he [i. e. Phlegyas] came to Peloponnese his daughter came with him, and she, all unknown to her father, was with child by Apollo. In the land of Epidauros she was delivered of a male child, whom she ex- posed upon the mountain which is named Tltthion (* nipple*). . . . But one of the goats that browsed on the mountain gave suck to the forsaken babe; and a dog, the guardian of the flock, watched over it. Now when Aresthanas — for that was the name of the goatherd — perceived that the tale of the goats was not full, and that the dog kept away from the flock, he went up and down, they say, looking everywhere. At last he found the babe and was fain to take it up in his arms. But as he drew near he saw a bright light shining from the child. So he turned away, 'For surely,' thought he, *the hand of God is in this,* as indeed it was. And soon the fame of the child went abroad over every land and sea, how that he had all power to heal the sick and that he raised the dead.*' An- other account relates that while Asklepios was still in the womb of his mother, a raven came to Apollo with the tidings that Koronis was unfaithful to him, whereupon Apollo straight- way cursed the raven, which, in consequence, was changed forever from white to black, and, hastening to Koronis, he slew her and burned her body on a pyre. Snatching the child from the midst of the flames, he took him to Cheiron, who trained him in the chase and in the mysteries of healing, whereby Asklepios became so skilful as a physician that he not only kept many men from death, but even raised to life some who had died, for instance, Kapaneus, Hippolytos, Tyndareos, Glaukos the son of Minos, and others. Zeus, how- ever, fearful lest men, too, might learn how to revive the dead, slew Asklepios with the thunderbolt, whereupon, in reprisal, Apollo killed the Kyklopes and for this act had to make ex- piation by serving Admetos as a slave. The legend also tries to explain the healing means employed by Asklepios, saying that, through Athene, he secured blood from the veins of
THE LESSER GODS — ASKLEPIOS 281
Medousa. With that which came from her left side he destroyed men, while with that which was derived from the right he brought them back to life.
The people of Epidauros said that Asklepios was first known as Epios, but after he had healed King Askles of a grievous malady, he assumed the longer and traditional name. In Epidauros his wife was Epione, but elsewhere she was Lam- petie, a daughter of Helios. Machaon, the hero-physician, was always held to be a son of Asklepios and sometimes Epione and Hygieia ("Health'') were said to be his daughters.
The serpent is the constant symbol of Asklepios in both legend and worship, the burghers of a certain Epidauros in Lakonia claiming that their shrine of the god was built on a spot where a snake had disappeared beneath the earth. In his sacred precincts in the Argive Epidauros, and in those of Athens and Kos, which were offshoots of the former, the ser- pent was the living emblem of his presence and was thought to communicate means of healing to sufferers from disease as they slept in the holy place — the rite technically known as "incubation." * Asklepios was invariably attended by groups of priests who devoted themselves to surgery and other cura- tive means, and many extant inscriptions tell of their wonderful successes. In the island of Kos in particular the priests of As- klepios laid the foundations of the modern scientific study and practice of medicine.
Asklepios in Art. — Owing to the failure of poetry to at- tribute any definite traits of face and form to Asklepios, the artists were thrown back upon their own ingenuity. They chose to represent him after the ideal of Zeus, but of milder counte- nance and of less majestic manner. He is shown seated or standing like the corresponding types of Zeus, though holding the sceptre not as a mark of might but as a staff on which to lean. The best representations of him are seen in the votive offerings of his shrine where incubation (sleej>-cure) was prac- tised.
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11. ABSTRACT DIVINITIES
The same habit of thought which could clothe the mysterious operations of nature with all the features of personality could consistently treat in like manner the inscrutable processes of the mind and the qualities of things, whence we actually find the Greeks making these abstract conceptions over into divine beings. That this was not merely a late but a very early prac- tice is demonstrated in the evident antiquity of Mnemosyne, Eunomia, and certain others of their kind in Hesiod. This entire class of divinities was treated in myth, when they were given any place at all, in the same way as were the more highly personalized nature-gods, although they were debarred from frequent appearance in this field, for temperamentally the Greek shrank from the bald literalness of their names, and some of the divinities recorded below are by nature perilously near the concrete. The list is of necessity far from complete and must be regarded as supplying little more than mere illustrations. It will be noticed that some of the names have been discussed in earlier chapters, but here we see them from another angle.
Of time: Eos, Hemera, Nyx, Chronos ("Time"; cf. "Father Time"), Hebe, Geras ("Old Age"), Kairos ("Opportunity," " Psychological Moment ") .
Of states of body: Hygieia, Hypnos, Thanatos, Limos ("Fam- ine"), Laimos ("Pestilence"), Mania ("Madness").
Of states of mind: Phobos, Eleos ("Pity"), Aidos ("Mod- esty"), Eros, Himeros ("Longing"), Euphrosyne.
Of the spiritual faculties: Metis, Mnemosyne, Pronoia ("Fore- thought").
Of the virtues and vices: Arete ("Excellence" or "Virtue"), Sophrosyne ("Temperance"), Dikaiosyne ("Righteousness"), Hybris ("Offensive Presumption"), Anaideia ("Shameless- ness").
Of sundry social institutions: Telete ("Rite of the Myster- ies"), Litai ("Prayers"), Arai ("Curses"), Nomos ("Law"),
THE LESSER GODS — CHANCE 283
Dike ("Precedent "),Demo8 ("the People*'), Eirene ("Peace*'), Homonoia ("Unanimity").
To the foregoing catalogue we may add the personifications of the various phases of war and strife (e. g. Nike, "Victory") and of the several types of poetry.
III. THE ELEMENT OF CHANCE
Owing to the importance of the element of chance in legend and religious thought, it is well to treat this abstraction by itself.
Tyche. — Tyche ("Chance") was frankly the deification of the element of risk, and its relation to the plans and efforts of men to earn their daily bread and to better their conditions of life held it continually before the attention, so that men had to admit its existence as a real force. In the early days, when the Greeks had the self-reliant spirit of pioneers and a strong faith in the ability of men to bring to pass things which were not positively forbidden, Tyche received only meagre recognition, but in the later days of their religious degeneracy and enfeebled initiative they gratuitously endowed her with a power in contrast with which their own dignity as free agents entirely disappeared. Still more uncertain than the future of individuals is that of associations of individuals, and thus, from the sixth century onward, Tyche was exalted with gradually increasing frequency to the position of the goddess of the luck of the state, this development being doubtless aided in the Roman period by the influence of Fortuna.
Moirdj Moiraij Ananke, Adrasteia. — Moira (or Aisa, "Fate") and the Moirai ("Fates") represented the order of chance, or, in other words, the determinative elements which seem to operate amid the vicissitudes of human life. Ethically, they imply a much healthier point of view than that implied in Tyche. In Homer, it will be remembered, Moira was an almost impersonal decree issuing from Zeus; that is, she was
284 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY
herself the will of Zeus, although the other gods limited her scope of action according to their respective degrees of great- ness. Somewhat later than Homer she was conceived as an independent power to which gods as well as men must yield, and in this aspect she is Ananke (" Necessity "), or Adrasteia
("Inevitable")-
In legend the Moirai, who were reckoned as three in number, were, appropriately, the daughters of Zeus and Themis • and bore the names Klotho, Lachesis, and Atropos. Plato may be following an old tradition when he states that into the ears of man Klotho sings of the present, Lachesis of the past, and Atropos of the future; and a late belief ascribed to them sever- ally, in the order in which they have just been named, control over the birth, the life, and the death of mortals.
Nemesis. — The name of Nemesis* seems to have been first employed as an epithet of Artemis, intended to convey the idea that this goddess, as one who presided over birth, was also a dispenser of human lots. By the times of Homer and Hesiod, however, it had lost its character as a purely descriptive term and had become the name of a vague personality; while later it came to stand for the divinity who brought upon men ret- ribution for their deeds and who was especially hostile to ex- cessive human prosperity. "Pride breaks itself, and too much gained is gone." * We read in a fragment of the Kypria that Nemesis was a winged goddess who flew over land and sea and assumed the forms of many animals in order to escape the embraces of Zeus, but in the form of a swan he overtook her at Rhamnous and by her became the mother of Helen.
PLATE LIX
NiKB
A winged Nike ("Victory"), clad in chiton and himationj and wearing a tongued diadem, pours out wine from an oinochoty held in her right hand, into a saucer resting in the hand of an armed Greek warrior. The kirykeion^ or caduceus^ in the left hand of the goddess signifies that she is bringing a message of vic- tory. From a red-figured Attic lekythos of the early fifth century B.C., found at Gela {Monumtnti Jnticbi^ xvii, Plate XIII). Sec p. 283.
PART III THE MYTHOLOGY OF ANCIENT ITALY
THE MYTHOLOGY OF ANCIENT ITALY
INTRODUCTION
FIR the very good reason that the Italic mind and religious attitude were quite unlike the Greek, it is impossible to treat the mythology of the Italic peoples as we have considered that of the Greeks. Now, the mind of the Italian was not natu- rally curious and speculative, whence, since speculation is the motive power behind myth, the output of Italic myth was very small, and at the same time well-nigh barren of lively fancy. Furthermore, the Italian had not advanced to a stage of re- ligious thought which would of itself favour the creation of a group of divine personalities specially adapted even for such imaginary genealogies and stories of marvellous achievement as his type of mind might be able to construct under certain circumstances. What, then, was the nature of his religion? We shall endeavour to compact a description of it into a para- graph or two.
Up to a point about midway between the animistic grade of religious thought and the stage of belief in personal divinities the Greek and the Roman seem to have developed in virtually the same way. Beyond this point, however, the lines of their progress diverged, for while the Greek mind easily and natu- rally emerged from animism into deism, as the moth from the chrysalis, the Roman found the utmost difficulty; and, indeed, so awkward was the metamorphosis that the great majority of the deities which it produced were and remained stunted and deformed as compared with the Greek divinities. In brief, the Roman seldom got farther than to regard the potency, or life- power, as a living will, a numen, as he termed it. Only the barest few of the numina did he endue with the many-coloured coat of
288 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY
personality; all others he left in the plain rustic garb of func- tional spirits of nature. The assignment of names to the fa- voured few and the establishment of their worships and priest- hoods in definite localities added to the illusion of their per- sonality in the popular mind. Although from the point of view of our classification the numina were scarcely gods, yet for the practical purposes of Roman private and public religion they were as much deities as were, for instance, the nobler figures of luppiter, luno, and Minerva.
By reason of the power of the gods to help or to harm it was to the best interest of the Roman to keep on good terms with them; in his own words, to secure and maintain a pax deorum; and, accordingly, every act of his worship was directed to this end. By rites, largely magical in character, by sacrifice, and by supplication he strove daily to ensure for himself, his family, his fields and flocks, and his state the favour of the benevo- lent divinities, and to avert the displeasure of the evil; but the fixed system of ritual which he evolved in a very early period so mechanized his religious thinking that he became incapable of imagining his gods as departing from the traditional con- ception of them, and hence was equally unable to invent myths.
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PLATE LVI Orbithyia and Boreas
Boreas, well characterized as a thick-set and bristly-haired man of cruel countenance, has grasped Oreithyia around the waist, and, lifting her off her feet, is on the point of flying away with her through the air. A sister of the maiden, Pandrosos, is hasten- ing away in fear, while Herse, another sister, runs forward to lend aid. From a red-figured amphora of about 475 b.c, in Munich (Furtwangler-Reichhold, Griechischi Fasenmalerei^ No. 94). See pp. 73-74^ 265.
THE LESSER GODS — OF THE WILD 267
Typhon and the Kyklopes. — Apparently Typhon and all the forms of the Kyklopes — the Homeric, the smiths of Zeus, the spirits of the volcano, and the mythical builders of city walls — were originally storm-daemons.*
OF THE WILD
Party Silenoiy and Satyroi (Satyrs). — Pan has about him the unmistakable marks of a native of the hills and the grazing lands of Arkadia, his name (a contraction of Hcuav) denoting "the grazier." It was in the Arkadian mountain, Lykaion, where he was born a son of Hermes and Dryope, or of Zeus and Kallisto, and only among the pastoral Arkadians was his cult of national importance. On his favour to flock and herd hung the existence and the prosperity of the inhabitants, and with the spread of the story that in the battle at Marathon he rein- forced the Greek cause by driving the Persians into a mad rout, his cult extended into every part of Greece. Nevertheless, with the exception of his exaltation in certain philosophical circles to the position of the All-God (a conception born partly from the false derivation of his name from the adjective meaning "all"), he had no contact with the spiritual life of the people — he always remained, as he is portrayed in the Homeric Hymn in his honour, the unconventional, if not wanton, divin- ity of the wilderness and country-side.
As the "goat-footed, two-homed lover of the dance" he haunts "the snowy height, the mountain peaks, and paths amid the crags. Hither and thither he fares through the thick copses, now enticed by the gentle streams, and now, climbing an exceeding lofty height overlooking the herds, he makes his way among the rocks. Often he runs over the long white ridges of the mountains, and often, again, over the foot-hills, slaying wild beasts and glancing sharply about him. Then at evening, returning from the chase, he sings alone and plays a sweet song upon the pipes. Not even the bird which pours forth her sweet
268 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY
lays amid the leaves of flowery spring can excel him in song. With him then join in the melody the sweetly singing nymphs of the highlands thronging round the darkling fountain, and echo resounds about the summit of the mountain." *®
At the outset Pan was simply a generative daemon of the flocks and herds, but the concept of his being a sort of ideal shepherd and protector was a natural sequel of this function, and in time his powers were so enlarged that he was held to exert an influence on the growth of forage plants, although he never became a full-fledged deity of vegetation. In the fore- going spheres his emblem was the phallos. So far as wind and weather affected the condition of the cattle, Pan was a weather- god, and doubtless his fabled skill on the pipes is a reminiscence of the primitive magical practice of endeavouring to control the winds by whistling or by playing on wind-instruments. As the chief divine inhabitant of the solitudes Pan contrived the special perils that beset hunters, herdsmen, travellers, and others who invaded his domains. The mirage was a de- vice created by him to mislead and perplex, and panic, named after himself, was his coup de maitre for suddenly dispersing great hosts.
The Satyrs and the Silenoi can best be comprehended, perhaps, in the statement that they are a plurality of Pans, although in them this playful and lustful character stands out in exaggerated relief. They combine the elements of human, brute, and inanimate nature more successfully than any other creatures of myth. By virtue of their connexion with fertility they frequently appear in the circle of Dionysos as well as in that of Pan.
The representations of Pan and his lesser congeners in art are, in more than the ordinary sense, myths in pictorial or graphic form. Two periods of their development may be ob- served, the dividing line being drawn, roughly, at about 400 B.C. In the first the human element predominates, all of the divinities being regularly shown as possessing the heads and
THE LESSER GODS — OF THE WILD
269
bodies of men and the members of animals, such as horns, tail, pointed ears, shaggy hair, and the legs of goats or of horses. Toward the end of this time types appear which represent them as beautiful youths, bearing here and there upon their persons mere hints of their semi-bestial nature. In the second period the animal element becomes more prominent, but more smoothly fused with the human, and the types of Pan, the Satyrs, and the Silenoi now begin to diverge along their own
Fig. 10. Sattrs at Plat
In the centre of the lower band is a Maenad holding a tkyrsos (ritual wand) and look- ing at a group of four Satyrs, two of whom, riding on the backs of the others, are waiting to catch the ball about to be thrown by the old Satyr at the extreme left of the picture. Between the old Satyr and the Maenad is a boy Satyr lightly leaning on a hoop which he has just been trundling. The upper band shows a pantomimic dance of maidens (JHS xi, Plate XII).
separate lines. Pan is now practically always seen with goat's legs and has a leering, sensual countenance, while the flute of reed, the goatherd's staff, and the goatskin are his common attributes. All these characteristics are gradually taken over by the Satyrs.
Maenads and Bacchantes. — The Maenads and Bacchantes were the spirits of the wild conceived as feminine. Although they were much less gross than their male companions whom we have just described, in that they were devoid of the bodily attributes of the animal kinds, nevertheless, they counted the beasts of the wild among their chief associates, and, despite their human form, they were distinctly unhuman in spirit.
270 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY
They had their birth in the belief, common to many primitive peoples, that the storms of the latter part of the winter release the daemons which put life into herb and tree; in fact, they were these storms themselves, wanton, wild, and free. Their natures brought them into an intimate alliance with Dionysos, and the roU which they played in his rites has made their names synonyms of unrestraint and revelry. Wrought to a state of ecstasy by the shrill music of the flute and the clash of cymbals, they would shout and sing as they ran wildly to and fro, waving burning brands and thyrsoi (ritual wands). As Agave tore her unbelieving son Pentheus asunder, so the Maenads were said to rend the young of wild animals and then to eat their flesh raw.
Dryads and Hamadryads. — The spirits which were thought to inhabit trees were known as Dryads or Hamadryads, and they became classed as nymphs, as we have previously pointed out, by a very easy extension of terms. Under the name of Dryad the Greeks seem to have comprehended a female spirit dwelling among the trees, whereas a Hamadryad, on the other hand, was the spirit of an individual tree whose life began and ended with that of her host. Stories which bring out the indi- viduality of Hamadryads — for example, that of Daphne and Apollo — are simply the devices of mythology to explain the marked peculiarities of single trees or of single species of trees.
Kentauroi {Centaurs). — Of all the monsters put together by the Greek imagination the Centaurs constituted a class in themselves. Despite a strong streak of sensuality in their make-up, their normal behaviour was moral, and they took a kindly thought of man's welfare. The attempted outrage of Nessos on Deianeira, and that of the whole tribe of Centaurs on the Lapith women, are more than offset by the hospitality of Pholos and by the wisdom of Cheiron, physician, prophet, lyrist, and the instructor of Achilles. Further, the Centaurs were peculiar in that their nature, which united the body of a horse with the trunk and head of a man, involved an unthink-
THE LESSER GODS — OF THE WILD 271
able duplication of vital organs and important members. So grotesque a combination seems almost un-Greek. These strange creatures were said to live in the caves and clefts of the moun- tains, myth associating them especially with the hills of Thes- saly and the range of Erymanthos.
I
CHAPTER XIII THE LESSER GODS — OF THE EARTH
I. GAIA (GE)
F a poet of this utilitarian day and generation can sing, with such happy fancy,
"The earth that is the sister of the sea, The earth that is the daughter of the stars, The mother of the myriad race of men," *
why should we wonder at the Greeks' imputation of person- ality to the various features of the material world? This mod- ern conception of Earth, i. e. Gaia or Ge, is almost textually, we may safely say, that of the most ancient Greeks of whom we have even the vaguest knowledge. At Dodona Zeus, the sky-god, was coupled with the earth goddess, a union long consummated even then. In Homer*s time she was held to be a sentient being, although perhaps not quite personal enough to be a goddess, but later, in Hesiod, we find her consciously exercising the functions of parenthood. As we have seen in the chapter on the beginning of things, she was the mother, first of Ouranos, and afterward, by him, of the Titans, of the Kyklopes, and of the Giants, and, by the indirect process of descent, of gods and men; while in the local myths we learned that men like Pelasgos, Kekrops, and Alalkomeneus sprang straight from her bosom. When she had brought all these into the world, she nourished them, enriched them, and gave them the mysterious power to reproduce their kind, whence at Athens she was venerated under the title "Nourisher of Youths."
PLATE LVII
A Mabkad
This vigorously drawn figure represents a Maenad at the height of her orgiastic frenzy. Her slightly raised foot and the flutter of her garments show that she is dancing wildly rather than moving swiftly for- ward. She wears a girdle of fawn-skin, and is crowned with a wreath of ivy from beneath which flow long loose tresses of her hair. Behind her and to one side her thyrsos (ritual wand) stands obliquely in the ground. In each hand she holds a part of the fawn which in her madness she has just rent asunder, as the blood still dripping from the wounds testifies. From a red- figured Ukythos of about 475 B.C., from Gela (Monu- menti Jntichi^ xvii, Plate LVa). See pp. 269-70.
THE LESSER GODS — RHEA-KYBELE 273
Under the name of Gaia, however, the development of the goddess stopped, for Gaia was too obvious a suggestion of the material earth to stir the constructive .Greek fancy into ac- tion, although certain of her epithets descriptive of different concepts of the earth-power survived and took on attractive forms. Thus, as Pandora ("All-Giver") she became the theme of a significant myth, and as Pandrosos ("All-Bedewing") she plays a role in early Athenian religious history, while, partly from the righteousness of her oracles, as delivered, for instance, from her pre-Apolline shrine at Delphoi, she became Themis ("Justice"), although it was under the name of Demeter that she attained her highest and loveliest attributes of divinity.
Yet there is another side to the nature of Gaia, for after death men were laid away in her deep bosom, whence they had first come, so that she presided over the host of departed spirits, and it was only natural that, under the name of Persephone, she ultimately came to be known as the queen of the lower world. She was associated with the Genesia, a festival in which ancestors were honoured, and with the latter part of the An- thesteria, while in public oaths that bound treaties and alli- ances she was invoked, along with Zeus and Helios, as an ever- present witness of the solenm obligation.
II. RHEA-KYBELE (GREAT MOTHER)
Beginning with the fifth century, the names Great Mother or Mother of the Gods, Rhea, and Kybele were employed indifferently to designate a single divine being, a great earth goddess, and it is altogether probable that historically also they represented only one being. At Athens her official title was the first of the foregoing names, or its alternative form, and there, as early as the sixth century, she was accorded a shrine, known as the Metroon, which served as the depository of the state archives, an honour which seems to have come to
274 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY
her through her likeness to Demeter, who had already been naturalized. The name Rhea belonged rather to the circle of myth, being seldom used as a formal religious designation, while the mention of Kybele always called to mind the peculiar manner of cult connected with the Asiatic form of the mother goddess of earth.
Rhea was primarily the Cretan conception of the maternal principle resident in the earth, and as with the other gods her functions increased with her recognition, until many were in- cluded which in reality had only a remote relation to her actual nature. In some quarters her name is explained as being pos- sibly a Cretan form of y4a (7^), "earth," while in others it is connected with /Jciv, "to flow," a relation which seems to put emphasis on her function as a producer of rain. In the Orphic genealogy Rhea is the daughter of Okeanos and Tethys, but in the Hesiodic the offspring of Ouranos and Gaia. Be- coming the sister-wife of Kronos, she bears Hera, Zeus, Posei- don, Hades, Demeter, and Hestia, and in this way she plays a very important part in the early scenes of the world's history as set forth in myth. The story of her giving birth to Zeus in Crete is a mirror of her functions and cult, Zeus representing the herbage of spring emerging from the fertile bosom of mother earth, and the nymphs attending him being the countless kindly spirits which cherish the tender plants of earth. The Kouretes, who later become an organized priesthood, are none other than the early Cretans engaged in the performance of magical ceremonies designed to encourage the productivity of earth, while the stone which Rhea gives Kronos to swallow must surely be a rain-stone to bring rain upon earth. Finally, the death of Zeus as reported in Crete is, in the language of myth, the annual decline of vegetation, the fall of leaf and flower upon the breast of earth.
In the fifth century the name and worship of Kybele were introduced into Greece and spread abroad, largely through the influence of freed Phrygian slaves. The personality of this god-
THE LESSER GODS — RHEA-KYBELE 275
dess included, without doubt, traits of many other local earth goddesses whom she had assimilated from time to time, and, as one may clearly observe in the legend which we are about to relate, she and her youthful favourite, Attis, are parallel cult- figures to Aphrodite and Adonis.
An almond-tree wedded to the Phrygian river Sangarios became the mother of a handsome lad named Attis, who spent his childhood in the wilds among the beasts and birds, and became a herdsman when he grew to manhood. His beauty attracted the attention both of Kybele and of the princess of the realm, so that they became rivals for his love, but when his marriage with the princess was about to be celebrated in the presence of a large gathering, Kybele suddenly appeared and smote the guests with madness. Attis, fleeing to the highlands, killed himself, and though Kybele entreated Zeus to restore the boy to life, all that she could obtain was the consent that his body and hair were to remain as in life, and that he could move his little finger.
The legend just narrated seems to be an attempt to follow back to its sources the ritual in which the yearly death and re- birth of the young god of wild vegetation were symbolized by a fir-tree. But Kybele was also associated with the vegetation of the tilled lands, this being suggested, first, by the legends which make her the wife of Gordias, the first king of Phrygia, and by him the mother of Midas, whom she generously blesses with the wealth of the earth; and, secondly, by the myths where the daughter whom she has borne to the river Sangarios is joined in wedlock to Dionysos. The dependence of Phrygia upon her bounty for its well-being made her the chief divinity both of the separate cities and of the entire country.
Kybele was attended by the lion and other wild animals and
by bands of priests known as Korybantes and Daktyloi.
The former might be characterized as male Maenads, so wild
and abandoned were their rites, and, in fact, they surpassed
the Maenads in this respect, even going so far as to practice I — 22
276 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY
mutilation of their bodies. The aim of their ritual was twofold — to advance the growth of vegetation, and to free themselves from eternal death by mystic union with the immortal god- dess. Owing to the highly emotional and unreflective character of this cult, it was never thoroughly acceptable to the Greek temperament.
During the fifth and fourth centuries art did not succeed in elaborating a strictly Greek type of Rhea-Kybele, who was often portrayed in a manner which suggested the Artemis of the wild beasts — a matronly figure seated, crowned, and ac- companied by lions. Her later type was an amplification of the earlier, although barbarian traits now predominated.
III. LESSER DIVINITIES OF THE UNDERWORLD
Erinyes (Latin Furiae). — After the murder of Abel, we are told in Genesis,* God said to Cain: "The voice of thy brother's blood crieth unto me from the ground," and from the same idea of the appeal of murdered souls for vengeance the Erinyes were bom. The Hebrew and the Greek differed, however, in the extent to which they severally elaborated the idea, since the former put the avenging power into the hands of God, and the latter into the hands of the injured souls themselves. The soul of the murdered man, according to Greek belief, could rise from the ground and as a free agent hound the murderer night and day until he made proper expiation for his crime, this aveng- ing soul being an Erinys. In time, through the influence of a common tendency to pluralize daemonic conceptions, it was expanded into a number of beings of a like nature; and as these became established in popular thought, they acquired an ever-enlarging endowment of attributes, the most important being those which they acquired from the earth out of which they came. As Earth was generally conceived as feminine, so were they, and at times men even entreated them, as they would Earth, for the blessing of a good harvest. Strange to
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