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76
Climate Change / Re: The evolution of climate 1925 climatehistory
« on: July 20, 2022, 09:06:37 PM »
It is only when we turn to tropical and sub-tropical
regions that we find variations of temperature unable
to account for increased glaciation. Not only were the
changes of land and sea distribution on a very much
smaller scale than further north, but the Appendix shows
that the temperature value of a corresponding change
of land area is also very much less. But the high inter-
tropical mountains—the Andes and Kenya and Kiliman-
jaro in central Africa—which to-day bear glaciers, in
Quaternary times carried much greater ones. We
cannot call in a fall of temperature, for the reason above
stated, and also because at lower levels there is no
evidence of colder conditions. In the Glacial period
the marine fauna was the same as to-day, and mountains
  30 THE EV0LUTI0N OF CLIMATE

which now fall short of the snow-line by a few hundred
feet were still unglaciated even then. The only alter-
native is increased snowfall on the higher mountains
Fortunately this fits in well with meteorological theory.
The rain and snowfall of tropical regions depends, first
of all, on the evaporation over the oceans. But evapora-
tion is profoundly influenced by the velocity of the
wind; and the wind, which in the Tropics represents the
strength of the atmospheric circulation, depends on the
thermal gradiënt between the equator and the poles;
since there is no evidence of any appreciable change
of temperature over the Tropics as a whole, while there
was a very great fall in cold-temperate and polar regions,
the thermal gradiënt, and therefore, ultimately, the
tropical and sub-tropical, rain and snowfall must have
been very greatly increased. Hence the increased
glaciation of high mountains near the equator, and hence
also the evidence of “ Pluvial periods ” in the sub-tropical
arid regions on either side of the equator.

Thus during Glacial periods we have :

(1)   Elevation in high latitudes caused a great increase
of land areas there.

(2)   Both elevation and increase of land area resulted
in a lowering of temperature, materially increased by
the gradual development of great ice-sheets.

(3)   These ice-sheets caused the development of sub-
sidiary ice-sheets on their Southern and western borders.

(4)   The lowering of temperature in high latitudes
increased the thermal gradiënt between equator and
poles, resulting in:

(a)   Increased snowfall, and hence increased
glaciation on high mountains near the equator.

(b)   Pluvial periods in the sub-tropical arid regions.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Humphrey», W. J. “Physics of the air.” Phüadelphia, 1920. [Pt. 4,
pp. 556-629.]
  FACTORS OF CLIMATE

3i

Chamberlin, T. C. “ An attempt to frame a working hypothesis of the
cause of glacial periods on an atmospheric basis.” Journal of Geology
(American), Vol. 7, 1899, pp. 545-84» 667-85, 751-87. [Carbon
di-oxide theory.]

Croll, J. “ Climate and time in their geological relations.” London, 1875.
“ Discussions on climate and cosmology.” London, 1889. [Eccen-
tricity of earth’s orbit.]

Spitaler, R. “ Das Klima des Eiszeitalters.” Prag, 1921. Lithographed.
[Eccentricity of earth’s orbit. Reviewed in the Meteorological Maga-
zine, London, September, 1921.]

Simroth, H. “ Die Pendvdationstheorie.” Leipzig, 1908.

Kreichgauer, P. “ Die Aequatorfrage in der Geologie.” Steyr, 1902.

Wegener, A. “ Die Entstehung der Continente und Ozeane.” Die Wissen-
schaft, Bd. 66, Braunschweig, 1920.

Koppen, W. “ Ueber Aenderungen der geographischen Breiten und des
Klimas in geologischer Zeit.” Stockholm, Geografiska Annaler, 2,
1920, 1 p. 285-99.

Brooks, C. E. P. “ Continentality and temperature.” Quarterly Journal of
Royal Meteorological Society, Vol. 43, 1917, p. 169 ; and 44, 1918,
p. 253. [Influence of land and sea distribution.]

Enquist, F. “ Eine Theorie über die Ursache der Eiszeit und die geographis-
chen Konsequenzen derselbe.” Buil. Geol. Inst., Upsala, 13, 1915,
No. 2. [Influence of land and 'sea distribution.]

Hobbs, W. H. “ Characteristics of existing glaciers.” New York, 1911.
[Glacial anticyclone.]

TABLE OF GEOLOGICAL FORMATIONS

Quaternary

Recent

Pleistocene

Pliocene

Tertiary or
Cajnozoic

Mesozoic or
Secomdary

Permian

Carboniferou8

Palasozoic

Devonian

Silurian

Ordovician

Cambrian

Proterozoic

Pre-Cambrian
  CHAPTER II

THE CLIMATIC RECORD AS A WHOLE

It is a remarkable fact that one of the oldest known
sedimentary rocks is glacial in origin, and indïcated the

presence of an ice-sheet at a very early stage in the earth’s
history. This is a “ tilKte,” or boulder-clay, discovered
1   ""af. Coleman at the base of the Lower Huronian

Proterozoic) of Canada. It extends in an east

and west direction for 1000 miles across northern
Ontario, and northward from the northern shore of
Lake Huron for 750 miles. It rests on a scratched or
polished surface of various rocks, and the included
boulders are not always local, but some have been brought
from a considerable distance. AH these characters point
to a large ice-sheet.

Tracés of Proterozoic glaciations have been discovered
in various other parts of the world, and some of these
may be of the same age as the Canadian ice-sheet, but
they cannot yet be dated exactly. An interesting
example is western Scotland, which J. Geikie considered
to have been glaciated by ice from the north-west which
has since sunk into the North Atlantic. Other glacial
remains have no doubt been destroyed or deeply buried,
while some may stiH await discovery, and at present we
must be content to note the occurrence of a glacial
period at this time without attempting any description
of the distribution of climates over the globe. ‘

FoHowed a long period of milder climate indicated in
America by thick deposits of limestone with the remains
of reef-buüding organisms and other marine Hfe. This

32
  CLIMATIC RECORD AS A WHOLE 33

period may have been interrupted at least once by the
recurrence of gladal conditions, but the evidence for this
is doubtful. It must be remembered that the duration
of the Proterozoic was very great, at least as long as all
subsequent time, while the relics of it which are now
known to us are few and scattered, so that much which
happened during that time is a closed book. It is not
until the very close of the Proterozoic that we again
find indisputable evidence of widespread gladal
action.

This second great glaciation was placed originally in
the earliest Cambrian (see table of geological formations
at the end of Chapter I), but later evidence shows that
it is slightly older than the oldest deposit which can be
referred to this series, and it may be designated the Pre-
Cambrian glaciation. Tillites of this age have been
found in the middle Yangtse region of China and in South
Australia (where they extend from 20 miles south of
Adelaide to 440 miles north, with an east-west extension
of 200 miles). Gladal deposits which probably refer to
this period have been found also in India, both in the
Deccan and near Simla, over a wide area in South Africa,
and in the extreme north of Norway. This distribution
suggests the presence of two centres of gladation, one
between China, India and Australia, and the other north-
west of Europe. The south-eastem of these was the
most extensive, and probably indicates a ring of gladated
continents surrounding the pole, rather than a single
enormous ice-sheet.

During the Cambrian all evidence of gladal action
ceases, and we have, instead, evidence of a warm, fairly
uniform climate in the abundant marine life. This
continued during the Ordovidan and became accentuated
during the Silurian period, when reef corals lived in the
seas of all parts of the world. Terrestrial deposits are
curiously lacking in all this series, and this suggests that
in the absence of any great mountaïn building and
elevation shallow seas extended over almost the whole
  34 THE EVOLUTION OF CLIMATE

of the surface, accompaniè'd by mild oceanic chmates
extending to high latitudes.

At the close of the Silurian there was a period of
mountain building and the formation of continents.
The extinction of numerous species of marine organisms
and the rapid evolution of others point to the seas
becoming cooler and the stress of life more acute. In
the succeeding Devonian period there is evidence of
glacial conditions in South Africa in the form of a thick
series of quartzites with striated pebbles up to fifteen
inches long, but no typical boulder-clay has been dis-
covered. There are also some doubtful tracés from
England. The most noteworthy development of the
Devonian in the British Isles is, however, a thick deposit
of red sandstone (Old Red Sandstone) of the type that
is formed in shallow lagoons or inclosed basins, and
suggesting desert conditions, so that the rainfall of the
British Isles was probably slight.

These Continental conditions passed away towards the
close of the Devonian period, and once again extensive
warm oceans appear to have spread over a large part of
the globe, associated with the development of reef-
building corals. Climate continued warm and equable
throughout the greater part of the Carboniferous.
The important feature of this period is the great System
of coal-beds which extends through North America and
Europe to China, with northem and Southern limits
in 8o° N. (north-east Greenland and Spitzbergen) and
150 S. (Zambesi River). Wegener, summing up the
evidence, and considering especially the absence of
annual rings in the trees, concludes that the coal-beds are
the remains of the tropical rain-forest when the equator
lay across Europe some 30 degrees north of its present
position.

Towards the close of the Carboniferous period great
mountain-building set in, resulting in the formation of
the famous Gondwanaland, including south and central
Africa, Southern Asia, part of Australia and possibly
  CLIMATIC RECORD AS A WHOLE 35

Brazil. From a consideration of the glacial evidence,
however, it appears, as will be seen later, that this was
probably a ring of neighbouring and partly adjoining
land areas rather than a single enormous continent.
At the same time the climate became cooler, and a hardier
vegetation, known as the Glossopteris flora, developed in
the Southern hemisphere, including woody trees with
annual rings indicating seasons. The large insects of
the coal forests which did not undergo a metamorphosis
were replaced by smaller types which did pass through
such a stage ; this change of habit is considered to be
due to the winters having become severe, so that the
insects learnt to hibernate through them. In the early
Permian, Gondwanaland was occupied by great ice-
sheets, remains of which in the form of tiUites of great
thickness, ice-wom surfaces and striated boulders have
been found in South Africa, Belgian Congo, and Togo-
land, Tasmania and widely separated parts of Australia,
peninsular and north-westem India, and probably also
Afghanistan. In India the glacial striae show that the
ice-sheet was moving north, while in South Africa it was
moving south, i.e. away from the present equator in
both cases. Widespread glacial remains have been found
also in Brazil, northem Argentine and the Falkland
Islands, and there are probable tracés near Boston in
North America, in Armenia, the Urals and the Alps, and
possibly also in England.

Wegener’s reconstruction of the geography of this
period places the south pole a little to the south-east of
South Africa, surrounded by a great continent composed
of the junction of Africa, South America, Antarctica,
Australia, and an extended Deccan added to by smooth-
ing out the folds of the Himalayas. This great circum-
polar continent he considers to have been the site of an
immense ice-cap. The North Pole lay in the Pacific
Ocean, so that almost all the remaining land areas enjoyed
temperate or tropical climates.

It is admitted that this peculiar distribution of glacial
  36   THE EVOLUTION OF CLIMATE

remains apparently necessitates a position of the pole
somewhere near that described by Wegener, but the
theory of a single polar ice-cap extending beyond 50°
latitude on nearly all sides presents difficulties. From
the mechanism of the supply of snow to an ice-sheet
described in the precedlng chapter it follows that,
except close to the edges, all the moisture precipitated
must be brought in by upper currents. But even if we
take into account the increase in the strength of the
atmospheric circulation due to the introduction of an
ice-cap, there is a limit to the supply of moisture by this
process. All such mbisture has to cross the periphery,
and with increasing radius; the number of square miles
of area to each mile of periphery becomes greater, slowly
at first, then more and more rapidly. We shall see in
Chapter VIII that even the North American Quaternary
ice-sheet became unwieldy from this cause, and sufïered
several changes of centre.

Hence it seems that the rapprochement of the continents
in Permo-Carboniferous times need not have been so
complete as Wegener supposes, the glacial phenomena
being more readily explicable by a ring of continents
surrounding a polar sea, as in the case of the Quaternary
glaciation of the northern hemisphere. The local
Permian glaciations of Europe and North America, some
of which feil close to Wegener’s equator, are easily ex-
plicable as due to mountain glaciers similar to those of
Ruwenzori and other tropical mountains during the
Quaternary. There were interglacial periods in South
Africa, Brazil and New South Wales, which increase the
resemblance between the Permian and Quaternary Ice
Ages.

In Upper Permian times there was a widespread
development of arid climates, especially in the present
temperate parts of North America and Europe.
Wegener attributes this to the northerly position of the
equator bringing the sub-trppical desert belt (Sahara,
Arizona) to these regions. In the Trias these conditions
  CLIMATIC RECORD AS A WHOLE 37

gradually gave place to another period of widespread
warm shallow seas, with abundant marine life and corals
extending over a large part of the world, even to Arctic
Alaska. In the United States there are the remains of
the forests of this period, in which the tree-trunks show
very little evidence of annual rings, indicating that the
seasonal changes were slight, so that the elfmate had
again become mild and oceanic.

In the Lias (Lower Jurassic), there was crustal move-
ment and volcanic action accompanied by land-formation
and a gradual lowering of temperature. There yvas a
great reduction in the abundance and geographical range
of corals, and most of the species of insects are of dwarf
types. There is, however, no evidence of glacial action.

The Upper Jurassic period appears to have been
warmer than the Lias. Insects of a large size and corals
again attained a very wide distribution, but there is
enough difference in the marine faunas of different
regions to indicate a greater development of climatic
zones than in the extremely oceanic periods such as the
late Triassic. Schuchert points out that the plants of
Louis Philippe Land in 63° S. are the same, even to
species, as those of Yorkshire.

In the Cretaceous period the elfmate was at first
similar to that of the Jurassic, and trees grew in Alaska,
Greenland and Spitzbergen. These trees, however, show
marked annual rings, indicating a considerable differentia-
tion of seasons, while trees of this age found in Egypt are
devoid of rings. Towards the close of the Cretaceous
there were many crustal movements and great volcanic
outbursts, accompanied by a considerable reduction of
temperature, which led to the extinction of many forms
of life and the rapid evolution of others. There is no
evidence of glacial action during the Cretaceous, however,
though at the beginning of the Eocéne there was a local
glaciation of the San Juan Mountains of Colorado.
According to W. W. Atwood this glaciation was doublé,
the first stage being of the Alpine mountain glacier type,
  38 THE EVOLUTION OF CLIMATE

separated by an interglacial from the second stage, which
was of the Piedmont type (mountain glaciers spreading
out on the plain at the foot of the mountain). This
Eocene gladation has been found nowhere else, however,
and the climate of the Tertiary, which is discussed more
fully in the next chapter, was in general warm and
oceanic, becoming rigorous towards its close.

Summing up, we find that in the geological history of
the earth two main types of climate seem to have alter-
nated. Following on periods of great crustal movement,
and the formation of large land areas, the general climate
was cool, with a marked zonal distribution of temperature,
culminating during at least four periods in the develop-
ment of great sheets of inland ice. It is in such a period,
though, fortunately, not at its worst, that we are living
at present. During quiescent periods, on the other hand,
when these continents largely disappeared beneath the
sea, climate became mild and equable, and approached
uniformity over a great part of the world. At these
times, as soon as the surface water of the sea in high
latitudes began to cool, it sank to the bottom, and its
place was taken by warmer water from lower latitudes.
The oceanic circulation was very complete, but there
were practically no cold surface currents. Instead,
there was probably a general drift of the surface waters
from low to high latitudes (with an easterly trend owing
to rotation of the earth), and a return drift of cooled
water along the floor of the ocean. The formation of
sea-ice near the poles became impossible, while the wide-
spread distribution of marine life was facilitated.

The alternation of periods of crustal deformation with
periods of quiescence has frequently been noticed, and
has been termed the “ geological rhythm.” It may be
attributed to the gradual accumulation of small strains
during a quiescent period until the breaking point is
reached, when earth-movements take place until equi-
librium is restored, when the process is repeated.

The gradual erosion of the land by river and wave-
  CLIMATIC RECORD AS A WHOLE 39
.

77
Climate Change / Re: The evolution of climate 1925 climatehistory
« on: July 20, 2022, 09:04:44 PM »

Brief mention may be made here of a theory put •
forward by Humphreys, who attributed gladation to
the presence of great quantities of volcanic dust in the
atmosphere. It would require an enormous output of
volcanic dust to reduce the temperature sufficiently;
but in any case the relation, if any, between vulcanicity
and temperature during the geological ages is rather
the reverse of that supposed by Humphreys, periods of
maximum volcanic action coinciding more frequently
with high temperatures than with low. Perhaps the
best comment on Humphreys’ theory is that in 1902
F. Frech produced its exact opposite, warm periods being
associated with an excess of vulcanicity and cold periods
with a diminution.

The theory which attributes climatic changes in
various countries to variations in the position of the
poles has been adduced in two mam forms. The first
is known as the Pendulation Theory, and supposes the
existence of two “ oscillation poles ” in Ecuador and
Sumatra. The latitude of these points remains un-
changed, and the geographical poles swing backwards
and forwards along die meridian of 10 E. midway
between them. Varying distances from the pole cause
changes of climate, and the movements of the ocean,
which adjusts itself to the change of pole more rapidly
than the land, causes the great transgressions and regres-
sions of the sea and the elevation and subsidence of
the land.

An alternative form put forward by P. Krdchgauer,
and recently brought up again by Wegener, explains
the apparent variations in the position of the pole, not
through a motion of the earth’s axis, but by the assump-
tion that the firm crust has moved over the earth’s core
  FACTORS OF CLIMATE   21

so that the axis, remaining firm in its position, passes
through different points of the earth’s crust. The cause
of these movements is the centrifugal force of the great
masses of the continents, which are distributed sym-
metricaUy .about the earth. Imagine a single large
continent resting on a sub-fluid magma in temperate
latitudes. Centrifugal force acting on this continent
tends to drive it towards the equator. There is thus a
tendency for the latitude of Europe to decrease. Similar
forces acting through geological ages have caused the
poles and equator to wander at large over the earth’s
surface, and also caused the continents to shift their
positions relatively to one another. According to
Wegener, in the Oligocene there was only a single
enormous continent, America being united to Europe
and Africa on the one hand, and through Antarctica to
Australia on the other; while the Deccan stretched
south-westwards nearly to Africa. The poles were in
Alaska and north of the Falkland Islands. The treat-
ment in Kreichgauer’s original book is speculative and
at times fanciful ] Wegener’s treatise appears to demand
more respectful attention, but is open to some vital
objections. In the first place, theories of this class
demand that the glaciation occurred in different regions
at widely different times, whereas we shall see in the
following pages that the evidence points very strongly
to a doublé glaciation during the Quaternary occurring
simultaneously over the whole earth. This objection,
which was fatal to Croll’s theory in its original form,
is equally fatal to theories of pole-wandering as an
explanation of the Quaternary Ice Age. Secondly, we
know that the last phase of this glaciation, known as the
Wisconsin stage in America and the Wurmian in Europe,
was highly developed only 20,000 years ago, and probably
reached its maximum not more than 30,000 years ago.
In the last 5000 years there has been no appreciable
change of latitude, at least in Eurasia; and it seems
impossible for the extensive alterations required in the
  22 THE EVOLUTION OF CLIMATE

geography of the world by Wegener’s theory to have
taken place in so short a time.

The great glaciation of the Permian period, referred
to in the next chapter, is a totally different matter.
During this time the ice-sheets appear to have reached
their maximum area, and to have extended to sea-level,
in countries which are at present close to the equator,
while lands now in high latitudes remained unglaciated.
It is true that at the present day glaciers exist at high
latitudes under the equator itself, and given a ridge
sufficiently steep and a snowfall suffidently heavy such
glaciers would possibly extend to sea-level; but even
these conditions would not give rise to the enormous
deposits of true boulder-clay which have been discovered,
and there seems no way of avoiding the supposition of
an enormous difference in the position of the pole
relatively to the continents at this time.

Wegener’s theory alone, however, requires that glacia-
tion should always have been proceeding in some part
of the globe (unless both poles were surrounded by wide
expanses of ocean), which is hard to reconcile with the
extremely definite and limited glaciations which geolo-
gical research has demonstrated. In these circumstances
we may tentatively explain the pre-Tertiary gladal
periods by combining Wegener’s theory of the move-
ments of continents and oceans as a whole with the
theory of changes of elevation and of land and sea
distribution which is outlined below. That is to say,
we may suppose that the positions of the continents
and oceans have changed, relatively both to each other
and to the poles, slowly but more or less continuously
throughout geological time; while at certain periods the
land and sea distribution became favourable for extensive
glaciation of the regions which at that time were in high
latitudes.

The geographical theory, which States that the Ice Age
was brought about by elevation in high latitudes, and
by changes in the land and sea distribution, though
  FACTORS OF CLIMATE

23

never seriously challenged, has sufïered until recently
from a lack of precision. The present author attempted
to remedy this by a close mathematical study of the
relation of temperature to land and sea distribution at
the present 'day. The method at attack was as follows:
from the best available isothermal charts of all countries
the mean temperature reduced to sea-level was read off
for each intersection of a ten-degree square of latitude
and longitude, for January and July, from 70° N. to 6o° S.
latitude; this gave 504 values of temperature for each
of these months. Round each point was next drawn
a circle with an angular radius of ten degrees, divided
into east and west semicircles. The area of each semi-
circle was taken as 100, and by means of squared paper
the percentage of land to the east and land to the west
were calculated; finally, in each month the percentage
of the whole circle occupied by land, ice, or frozen sea
was calculated, this figure naturally being greater in
winter than in summer. The projection used was that
of the “ octagonal globe,” published by the Meteoro-
logical Office, which shows the world in five sections,
the error nowhere exceeding six per cent.

These figures were then analysed mathematically,
and from them the effects on temperature of land to
the east, land to the west, and ice were calculated. The
detailed numerical results are set out in an Appendix;
it is sufficiënt here to give the following general con-
clusions :

(1)   In winter the effect of land to the west is always
to lower temperature.

(2)   In winter the effect of land to the east is almost
negligible, that is to say, the eastern shore of a continent
is almost as cold as the centre of the continent. The
only important exception to this rule is 70° N., which
may be considered as coming within a belt of polar
east winds.

(3)   In summer the general effect of land, whether to
the east or west, is to raise temperature, but the effect
  24 THE EVOLUTION OF CLIMATE

is nowhere anything like so marked as the opposite effect
in winter.

(4)   The effect of ice is always to lower temperature.

(5)   For every latitude a “ basal temperature ” can be
found. This is the temperature found near the centre of
an ocean in that latitude. This “ basal temperature ”
is a function of the amount of land in the belt of latitude.
Poleward of latitude 20° an increase of land in the belt
lowers the winter basal temperatures very rapidly and
raises the summer basal temperature to a less extent.
The “ basal temperature ” is important, since it is the
datum line from which we set out to calculate the
winter and summer temperatures of any point, by the
addition or subtraction of figures representing the local
effect of land in a neighbouring 10° circle.

As an illustration of the scale of the temperature
variations which may be due to geographical changes,
suppose that the belt between 50° and 70° N. is entirely
above the sea. Then we have the following theoretical
temperatures; for a point on 6o° N. at sea-level:
January — 30° F.; July 720 F.

Data for calculating the effect of ice are rather scanty,
but the following probable figures can be given, supposing
that the belt in question were entirely ice-covered :
January — 30° F. (as for land); July 230 F.

Supposing that the belt were entirely oceanic, the
mean temperature in 6o° N. would be :

January 290 F.; July 410 F.

These figures show how enormously effective the
land and sea distribution really is. From Appendix
it is easy to calculate the probable temperature distribu-
tion resulting from any arrangement of land and water
masses. Since the geography of the more recent geolo-
gical periods is now known in some detail, we have thus
a means of restoring past climates and discussing the
distribution of animals and plants in the light of this
knowledge. Of course it is not pretended that no other
possible causes of great climatic variation exist, but no
  FACTORS OF CLIMATE   25

others capable of seriously modifying temperature over
long periods are known to have been in operation. As
we shall see later, there are solar and other astronomical
causes capable of modifying climate slightly for a few
decades or even centuries, but these are insignificant
compared with the mighty fluctuations of geological
time.

In applying the results of this “ continentality ” study
to former geological periods the method adopted is that
of differences. The present climate is taken as a Standard,
and the temperatures of, for instance, the Glacial period
are calculated by adding to or subtracting from the
present temperatures amounts calculated from the change
in the land and sea distribution. This has the advantage
of conserving the present local peculiarities, such as those
due to the presence of the Gulf Drift, but such a pro-
cedure would be inapplicable for a totally different
land and sea distribution, such as prevailed during the
Carboniferous period. That it is applicable for the
Quaternary is perhaps best shown by the following
comparison of temperatures calculated from the distri-
bution of land, sea and ice with the actual temperatures
of the Ice Age as estimated by various authorities
(inferred fall) :

Locality.   Author.   Inferred Fall.   Calculated Fall.      
         Jan.   July.   Mean.
      «F.   °F.   •F.   •F.
Scandinaria   J. Geikie   More than 20   36   18   27
East Anglia   C. Reid   20   18   »3   IS
AIpi   Penck and Brückner   11   13   9   
Japan   Simotomai   7   9   5   7

It is seen that the agreement is quite good.

There is one other point to consider, the effect of
height. The existence of a great land-mass generally
implies that part of it at least has a considerable elevation,
  26   THE EVOLUTION OF CLIMATE

perhaps 10,000 or 20,000 feet, and these high lands
have a very different climate to the neighbouring low-
lands. Meteorologists have measured this difference
in the case of temperature and found that the average
fall with height is at the rate of i° F. in 300 feet. In
the lower levels the fall is usually greater in summer
than in winter, but at 3000 feet it is fairly uniform
throughout the year. Consequently, quite apart from
any change in climate due to the increased land area,
an elevation of 3000 feet would result in a fall of
temperature of 10° F., winter and summer alike. This
reinforces the effect of increased land area and aids in
the development of ice-sheets or glaciers.

The effect of geographical changes on the distribution
of rainfall are much more complicated. The open sea
is the great source of the water vapour in the atmosphere,
and since evaporation is very much greater in the hot
than in the cold parts of the globe, for considerable
precipitation over the world as a whole there must be
large water areas in the Tropics. In tempera te latitudes
the water vapour is carried over the land by onshore
winds, and some of it is precipitated where the air is
forced to rise along the slopes of hills or mountains.
Some rain falls in thunderstorms and similar local
showers, but the greater part of the rain in most tem-
perate countries is associated with the passage of “ depres-
sions.” These are our familiar wind- and rain-storms;
a depression consists essentially of winds blowing in an
anti-clockwise direction round an area of low pressure.

These centres of low pressure move about more or less
irregularly, but almost invariably from west to east in the
temperate regions. They are usually generated over
seas or oceans, and, since a supply of moist air is essential
for their continued existence, they tend to keep to the
neighbourhood of water masses or, failing that, of large
river valleys. In a large dry area depressions weaken or
disappear. Their tracks are also very largely governed
by the positions of areas of high pressure or anticyclones,
  FACTORS OF CLIMATE   27

which they tend to avoid, moving from west to east on
the polar side of a large anticyclone and from east to
west on the equatorial side. Since anticyclones are
developed over the great land areas in winter, this
further restricts the paths of depressions to the
neighbourhood of the oceans at that season.

For all these reasons the tracks of depressions, and
therefore the rainfall, are intimately connected with the
distribution of land and sea. In winter there is little rain-
fall in the interior of a great land mass, except where it is
penetrated by an arm of the sea like the Mediterranean ;
on the other hand, the coasts receive a great deal of rain
or snow. The interior receives its rain mostly in spring
or summer ; if the Coastal lands are of no great elevation
this will be plentiful, but if the coasts are mountainous
the interior will be arid, like the central basins of Asia.

The development of an ice-sheet is equivalent to
introducing perpetual winter in the area occupied by
the ice. The low temperature maintains high pressure,
and storm tracks are unable to cross the ice. At the
present day depressions rarely penetrate beyond the
outer fringe of the Antarctic continent, and only the
Southern extremity of Greenland is afïected by them.
Since the total energy in the atmosphere is increased by
the presence of an ice-sheet, which afïords a greater
contrast of temperature between cold pole and equator,
storms will increase in frequency and their tracks must
be crowded together on the equatorial side of the ice-
sheet. In the southem hemisphere we have great
storminess in the “ roaring forties ” ; south of Greenland
the Newfoundland banks are a region of great storminess.
Hence, when an ice-sheet covered northem and central
Europe the Mediterranean region must have had a
marked increase of storminess with probably rain in
summer as well as in winter.

But if snow-bearing depressions cannot penetrate an
ice-sheet, it may be asked how the ice-sheet can live.
The answer depends on the nature of the underlying
3
  28 THE EVOLUTION OF CLIMATE

country. A land of high relief such as Antarctica is,
and as Greenland probably is, rising to a maximum
elevation of many thousand feet near its centre, draws
its nourishment chiefly from the upper currents which
flow inward on all sides to replace the cooled air which
flows outwards near the surface. These upper currents
carry a certain amount of moisture, partly in the form
of vapour, but partly condensed as cirrus and even
cumulus cloud.

At low temperatures air is able to hold only a negligible
amount of water vapour, and this current, coming in
contact with the extremely cold surface of the ice, is
sucked dry, and its moisture added to the ice-sheet.
Probably there is little true snowfall, but the condensa-
tion takes place chiefly close to the surface, forming a
frozen mist resembling the “ ice-mist ” of Siberia.
Even if the central land is not high enough to reach
into the upper current at its normal level, the surface
outflow of cold air will draw the current down to the
level of the ice. This will warm it by compression, but
the ice-surface is so cold that such warming makes little
difference in the end. This process of condensation
ensures that after the ice reaches a certain thickness it
becomes independent of topography, and in fact the
centre of the Scandinavian ice-sheet lay not along the
mountain axis, but some distance to the east of it.

It is probably only on the edges of the ice-sheet, and
especially in areas of considerable local relief, that
snowfall of the ordinary type takes place, associated with
moist winds blowing in the front section of depressions
which skirt the ice-edge. But when conditions are
favourable this source of supply is sufficiënt to enable
these local ice-sheets to maintain an independent life,
merely fusing with the edges of the larger sheet where
they meet. Examples of such local centres in Europe
were the Irish and Scottish glaciers, and at a later stage
the Lofoten glaciers of the west of Norway, and in
America the Cordilleran glaciers of Columbia.
  FACTORS OF CLIMATE

29

Penck and Brückner have demonstrated that in the
Alps the increase of glaciation was due to a fall of tem-
perature and not to an increase of snowfall. The
argument is threefold:   firstly, the lowering of the

snow-line was uniform over the whole Alpine area,
instead of being irregular as it would be if it depended
on variations of snowfall; secondly, the area and depth
of the parent snow-fields which fed the glaciers remained
unchanged, hence the increased length of the glaciers
must have been due to decreased melting below the
snow-line, i.e. to lower temperatures; thirdly, the upper
limit of tree-growth in Europe sank by about the same
amount as the snow-line. The same conclusion holds
for the great Scandinavian and North American ice-
sheets, the extension of which was undoubtedly due to
a great fall of temperature. In the case of the Alps the
interesting point has come to light that the fall of
temperature, though due in part to increased elevation,
is mainly accounted for by the presence of the Scandi-
navian ice-sheet, which extended its influence for many
miles beyond the actual limits of glaciation, so that its
waxings and wanings are faithfully reproduced in those
of the Alpine glaciers, even to the details of the final
retreat after the last maximum.

78
Climate Change / Re: The evolution of climate 1925 climatehistory
« on: July 20, 2022, 09:04:02 PM »

The late-glacial and post-glacial history of the Baltic
continues to be actively studied, and a number of papers
on the subject have appeared in the past two years.
E. Antevs (11) has contendëd that the Ancylus elevation
in the south-west Baltic region has been over-estimated.
He considers that during Ancylus time the Baltic was
never a true lake, but was an inland sea connected with
the Atlantic by a narrow channel, and kept fresh by the
enormous volume of water supplied by the melting
Scandinavian ice-sheet. This view is accepted by
G. de Geer, but is denied by H. Munthe. It is admitted
that the water was fresh, and if there was free com-
munication with the Atlantic it seems improbable that
the amount of thaw water during the cold dry winter
would be sufficiënt to keep out the sea water. From
the climatological point of view, however, the important
point is that die inflow of sea water at a higher tempera-
ture was interrupted, and it does not seem to matter
greatly which view is correct.

I. Hogbom (12) has reinvestigated “ fossil dunes ” of
northern Europe, and concludes that they were formed
by dry winds from west-north-west during Finiglacial
time (ca. 7000-6000 b.c.) and not to periglacial easterly
winds, as formerly supposed. The type of pressure
distribution reconstructed from the dunes and other
evidence resembles that prevailing during the cold
spell of spring.

G. de Geer (13) has been investigating the annual
clay-varves of the late-glacial period in North America.
It will be remembered that by an examination of similar
annual layers in Sweden he arrived at an absolute
  10 THE EV0LUTI0N OF CLIMATE

measure of the age of various stages of the retreat. He
considers that the succession of different thicknesses
in certain groups of annual layers in North America
bears so close a resemblance to parts of the Swedish
succession that they must refer to the same groups of
years, and on these grounds he has dated parts of the
final stages of the glacial period in North America.
The ice left the eastern end of Lake Champlain about
I,loo years before the end of the Ice Age in Sweden
(ca. 5000 b.c.). In Timiskaming (northern Ontario)
the recession was traced for over 600 years, the ice
leaving the district 297 years after the close of the Ice
Age in Sweden. This indicates that the melting of the
inland ice lasted somewhat longer in Canada than in
Sweden ; but de Geer considers that there can be no
more doubt as to the exact agreement between the
climatic conditions in the two regions. It is greatly
to be hoped that de Geer will publish a table showing
the relative thicknesses of each of his annual layers,
similar to that published by A. E. Douglass of the
width of annual tree-rings. Sir T. W. Edgeworth
David (14) has discovered similar banded clays associated
with the pre-Cambrian and Carboniferous tillites of
Australia, indicating a duration of 12,000 years in the
former case and about 4,000 years in the latter.

The fourfold division of the Quaternary Ice Age
adopted by Penck and Bruckner for the Alps is graduafly
being extended beyond the limits of Europe. Sir T. W.
Edgeworth David (15) accepts it for the glaciation of
Australia and Tasmania; he States that Tasmanian
man is now considered to date back probably to the
Rissian. The Australian type came later, but the
Talgai skull from near Warwick, Queensland, which is
placed in the Riss-Wurm interglacial, has Australian
affinities. As a result of Dainelli’s researches in the
Himalayan region, F. Loewe (16) has delineated a four-
fold glaciation of the western Himalayas. The second
ice-extension was the greatest, the positions of the
  INTRODUCTION   n

snow-line being: Glaciation I, unknown; II, 11,500
feet; III, 12,300 feet; IV, 12,550 feet. The fourth
glaciation was followed by retreat stadia as in the Alps.
No fossiliferous interglacial deposits are known, so that
the correlation with the Alpine stages is problematical.

Finally, I have to mention an important publication
by H. Gams and R. Nordhagen (17), deahng primarily
with the post-glacial climatic changes in central Europe,
but summarizing also the results of recent researches
in other parts of the Continent. Their summary
commences with the “ Great Interglacial ” (following
the Mindelian glaciation), in which they place the
Chellean industry. After this they intercalate a new
glacial stage, the Mühlbergian, followed by the short
Rabutz interglacial, in which they place the Acheulian.
This additional glaciation certainly clears up some
difficulties, and facilitates correlation with the (possibly)
five-fold American series (H. F. Osborn and C. A. Reeds
ignore the Iowan and so make the American series four-
fold); but much field-work will be required before
geologists will consent to such a modification of Penck
and Bruckner’s classic scheme. Gams and Nordhagen
consider the Rissian glaciation to have been the greatest,
instead of the Mindelian; it was followed by the
Rixdorf interglacial, also short. The Würrn glaciation
is divided into a number of stages—Schaffhauser Advance,
Laufen Oscillation, Mecklenburgian End Moraine,
Alleröd Oscillation, Fennoscandian End Moraine, fol-
lowed by the other familiar retreat stages. For the
post-glacial period the pioneer work of Axel Blytt is
regarded as thoroughly confirmed, and his terminology
is accepted. The temperature is considered to have
risen steadily through the dry Boreal Period (Continental
Phase, Azilian-Tardenoisian), the moist Atlantic Period
(Maritime Phase), and the dry sub-boreal Period (Later
Forest Phase), reaching a maximum 40 F. above the
present near 1000 b.c. It was at this period that the
hazel reached its greatest extension in northern Scan-
2
  12 THE EVOLUTION OF CLIMATE

dinavia, and not during the boreal period, as formerly
believed. About B.c. 850 occurred a sudden deteriora-
tion of climate, which in the Alps had almost the appear-
ance of a catastrophe. This begins the sub-Atlantic
Period (Later Peat-bog Phase) which in the opinion of
the authors corresponds with the Daun readvance of
the Alpine glaciers; after this the climate of Europe
passed by a series of oscillations to its present level.

If the results of all the remaining papers published in
the past two or three years were discussed, this preface
would grow to the size of another book. In the face of
such an outpouring of material one’s views require
constant adjustment, and the most urgent need at the
moment, as pointed out by Osbom and Reeds (2), is a
stable framework of classification for the Quaternary
period, which shall embody at once the glacial advances
and retreats, the river terraces and raised beaches, the
succession of faunas, both land and marine, and of
floras, the human industries and the waves of climate.
Unfortunately we seem now to be farther than ever
from such a framework. Let us hope that this is the
darkest hour which precedes the dawn, and that some
generally accepted framework will soon emerge.

C. C. P. B.

January, 1925.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

(1)   Mayet, Lucien. “ Corrélations géologiques et archéologiques des tempi

quaternaires.” Paris, C.-R, Ass. frattf. avanc. sci., 44 Session, Stras-
bourg, 1920, pp. 481-490.

(2)   Osbom, Henry Fairfield, and Chester A. Reeds. “ Old and new stan-

dards of Pleistocene diyision in relation to the prehistory of man in
Europe.” Buil. Geol. Soc. America, 33, 1922, pp. 411-490.

(3)   Moir, J. Reid. “ The Ice-age and Man.” Man, 1922, p. [52].
   . “ The antiquity of man in East Anglia.” Science

Progress, July, 1924, p. 129. See also The Times, August 22, 1924.
  BIBLÏOGRAPHY   13

(4)   Palm er, L. S. “The Ice-age and man in Hampshire.” Man, 1922,
p. 106.

-------------, and J. H. Cooke. “The Pleistocene deposits of the

Portsmouth district and their relation to man.” London, Proc.
Geol. Ass., 34, 1923, p. 253.

(3) Huntington, Ellsworth, and S. S. Visher. “ Climatic changes, their
nature and cause.” New Haven, 1922.

(6)   British (Terra Nova) Antarctic Expedition 1910-1913.   “ Glaciology,”

by C. S. Wright and R. E. Priestley. London (Harrison & Sons), 1922.

(7)   Kerner-Marilaun, F. “ Untersuchungen über die morphogene Klima-

komponente der permischen Eiszeit Indiens.” Wien, Sitzungsber.
Akai. Wiss., Matb.-nat. KL, Abt. x, 126 Bd., 1917, pp. 177-228.

(8)   ------------------.   “ Das akryogene Seeklima und seine Bedeutung

für die geologischen Probleme des Arktis.” Wien, Sitzungsber. Akai.
Wiss., 131, 1922, p. 133.

(9)   Brooks, C. E. P. “ The problem of mild polar climates.” London,

Q. J. R. Meteor. Soc., 31, 1923.

(10)   Dwerryhouse, A. R. “ The glaciation of north-eastern Ireland.”

London Q. J. G. S., 79, 1923, p. 332.

(11)   Antevs, Ernst. “On the late-glacial and post-glacial history of the

Baltic.” New York, N. Y., Geogr. Ren., 12, 1922, pp. 602-612.

(12)   Hogbom, I. “ Ancient inland dunes of northern and middle Europe.”

Stockholm, Geogr. Ann., 3, 1923, pp. 113-243.

(13)   Geer, G. de. “ Correlation of late-glacial annual day-varves in North

America with the Swedish time scale.” Stockholm, Geol. Foren.
Forb., 43, 1921, p. 70.

(14)   David, Sir T. W. Edgeworth. “The ' Varve Shales’ of Australia.”

Amer.J. Sd. (5), 3, 1922, p. 115.

(15)   -------------------------. “ Geological evidence of the antiquity

of man in the Commonwealth, with especial reference to the Tas-
manian aborigines.” Hobart, Papers and Proc. R. Soc. F asmania,
1923, pp. 109-150.

(16)   Loewe, F. “ Die Eiszeit in Kaschmir, Baltistan and Ladakh.” Berlin,

Zs. Ges. Erik., 1924, p. 42.

(17)   Gams, H., and R. Nordhagen. “ Postglaziale Klimaanderungen

und Erdkrustenb ewegungen in Mitteleuropa.” München, Geogr.
Geseüscb., Landesk. Forscbungen, H.25, 1923.
 
  THE EVOLUTION OF CLIMATE

CHAPTER I

FACTORS OF CLIMATE AND THE CAUSES OF CLIMATIC
FLU CTUATI ONS

T he climate of any point on the earth’s surf ace depends
on a complex of factors, some of them due to influences
arriving from outside the earth, and others purely
terrestrial. Since any variations of climate must be
due to a change in one or more of these, it is necessary,
before we can discuss changes of climate, to consider
briefly what the factors are.

The only important extra-terrestrial factor of climate
is the amount of radiant energy which reaches the
borders of the earth’s atmosphere from the heavenly
bodies—that is, from the sun, for the moon and stars
can be ignored in this connexion. The only other
conceivable factor is the arrival of meteorites, bringing
kinetic energy, which is converted into heat, and intro-
ducing cosmic dust into the atmosphere; but it is highly
improbable that this is of appreciable effect.

The amount of solar radiation1 which reaches the
earth depends in the first place on the total radiation
emitted by the sun, and in the second place on the
distance of the earth from the sun, both of which quanti-
ties are variable. It has been calculated that if other
factors remained unchanged an increase of ten per cent.
in the solar radiation would raise the mean temperature
of the earth’s surf ace by about 70 C., or between 12°

1 By this term we shall in future understand only that part of it which
is responsible for thermal effects.

15
  16   THE EVOLUTION OF CLIMATE

and 130 F., with, of course, a corresponding fall for a
decrease.

After the sun’s radiation reach.es the outer limits of
the earth’s atmosphere its nature and intensity are
modified by the composition of the air through which
it passes. In general the air itself is very transparent to
the small wave-lengths which make up the solar rays,
but the presence of fine dust, whether of volcanic or of
cosmic origin, has been shown by Humphreys to be a
distinct hindrance to their passage, so that volcanic
eruptions of an explosive nature, such as that of Krakatoa
in 1883, La Soufriére (St. Vincent) in 1902, or Katmai
(Alaska) in 1912, may result in a fall of temperature
over the world as a whole.

The temperature of the earth is determined by the
balance between the radiation received from the sun
and the terrestrial radiation to space, and a decrease in
the latter would be as effective in raising the mean
temperature as an increase in the former. The use of
glass for greenhouses depends on this principle; for glass
is transparent to heat rays of small wave-length, but is
largely opaque to the rays of greater wave-length which
make up terrestrial radiation. Certain constituents
of the atmosphere, especially water-vapour, carbon
dioxide and ozone, are effective in this way, and varia-
tions in the amount of these gases present may affect
the temperature.

The angle at which the sun’s rays strike the earth’s
Surface is a highly important factor. Within the Tropics
the sun at midday is nearly vertical throughout the
year, and the mean temperature in these regions is
correspondingly high; on the other hand, during the
long polar night the sun is not seen for half t;he year,
and very low temperatures prevail. There is thus a
seasonal variation of the heat received from the sun in
middle and high latitudes, the extent of which depends
on the “ obliquity of the ecliptic,” i.e. the inclination
of the earth’s axis to the plane of its orbit round the
  FACTORS OF CLIMATE   17

sun, and any changes in this factor must alter the seasonal
variation of climate.

Further, since the climate of any place depends so
closely on its latitude, it follows that if the latitude
changes the climate will change. A ship can change
its latitude at will, but we are accustomed to regard the
position of the “ firm ground beneath our feet ” relatively
to the poles as fixed within narrow limits. This stability
has, however, been questioned from time to time, mainly
on evidence derived from palaeoclimatology, and theories
of climatic change have been based on the wanderings
of continents and oceans. Finally, local climate is
intimately bound up with the distribution of land and
sea, and the marine and atmospheric currents resulting
therefrom, and on elevation above sea level, both of
which factors, as we shall see, have suffered very wide
variations in the geological past.

Nearly all the theories which have been put forward
to account for geological changes of climate, and espe-
cially the occurrence of the last or Quaternary Ice Age,
are based on the abnormal variation of one or other of
the above factors, and we may consider them briefly in
turn. Very few have ever been taken seriously. In
the first place, we can at once dismiss fluctuations in
the radiation emitted by the sun as a cause of great
changes of climate. It is true that many small fluctua-
tions are traceable directly to this cause, such as the
eleven-year periodicity of temperature and rainfall; but
these fluctuations are, and must be, greater at the
equator than at the poles, while the fall of temperature
during the Glacial period reached its maximum near
the poles and was least at the equator. Moreover, there
is not .the slightest direct evidence in support of such a
theory, and it can only be admitted when all other
hypotheses have failed.

The “ astronomical ” theory of the cause of climatic
fluctuations is associated chiefly with the name of James
Croll. Croll’s theory connects abnormal variations of
  18 THE EVOLUTION OF OLIMATE

climate with variations, firstly of the eccentricity of the
earth’s orbit, and secondly of the ecliptic. In periods
of high eccentricity the hemisphere with winter in
aphelion is cold because the long severe winter is far
from being balanced by the short hot summer; at the
same time the opposite hemisphere enjoys a mild equable
climate. This theory commanded instant respect, and
still finds a place in the text-books, but difficulties soon
began to appear. The evidence strongly suggests that
glacial periods did not alternate in the two hemispheres,
but were simultaneous over the whole earth; even on
the equator the snow-line was brought low down.
Moreover, on Mars the largest snow-cap appears on the
hemisphere with its winter in perihelion. Although
Croll’s reasoning was beautifully ingenious he gave very
few figures ; while the date which he gives for the
conclusion of the Ice Age, 80,000 years ago, has been
shown by recent research to be far too remote, 15,000
years being nearer the mark.

Croll’s theory has recently been revived in an altered
form by R. Spitaler, a Czecho-Slovakian meteorologist,
who calculated the probable alteration in the mean
temperature of each latitude under maximum eccen-
tricity 6^7775) and maximum obliquity (270 48'), the
distribution of land and water remaining unchanged.
The results are shown in the attached table, where —
means that the temperature was so much below the
present mean, and + that it was so much above.

   Aphelior   i December.   Aphelion June.   
   Winter. Summer. Year.      Winter.   Summer. Year.
   °F.   °F. °F.   °F.   "F. °F.
N. 600   - 9   + 15 -1   -s   -4 -1
30°   -13   + 13 -2   + 1   -8 -2
Equator   - 8   + 4 -2   + 1   -6 -2
S. 30°   - 6   + 1 -2   +3   -s -2
6o°   “ 2   - 1 -1   + 1   — 2 —1
  FACTORS OF CLIMATE   19

Spitaler claims that these differences are sufficiënt to
cause a glacial period in the hemisphere with winter in
aphelion, but from. this point his theory départs widely
from Croll’s. During the long severe winter great
volumes of sea water are brought to a low temperature,
and, owing to their greater weight, sink to the bottom
of the ocean, where they remain cold and accumulate
from year to year. But the water warmed during the
short hot summer remains on the surface, where its heat
is dissipated by evaporation and radiation. Thus,
throughout the cold period, lasting about 10,000 years,
the ocean in that hemisphere is steadily growing colder,
and this mass of cold water is sufficiënt to maintain a
low temperature through the whole of the following
period of 10,000 years with winter in perihelion, which
would otherwise be a genial interval. In this way a
period of great eccentricity becomes a glacial period over
the whole earth, but with crests of maximum intensity
altemating in the two hemispheres. Unfortunately the
numerical basis of this theory is not presented, and it
seems incredible that a deficiency of temperature could
be thus maintained through so long a period. Further,
the difficulty about chronology remains, and the work
brings the astronomical theory no nearer to being a
solution of the Ice Age problem than was Croll’s.

The theory which connects fluctuations of climate
on a geological scale with changes in the composition
of the earth’s atmosphere is due to Tyndall and Arrhenius,
and was elaborated by Chamberlin. The theory sup-
posed that the earth’s temperature is maintained by
the “ blanketing ” effect of the carbon dioxide in the
atmosphere. This acts like the glass of a greenhouse,
allowing the sun’s rays to enter unhindered, but absorbing
the heat radiated from the earth’s surface and returning
some of it to the earth instead of letting it pass through
to be lost in space. Consequently, any diminution in
the amount of carbon dioxide present would cause the
earth to radiate away its heat more freely, so reducing
  20 THE EV0LUTI0N OF CLIMATE

its temperature. But it is now known that the terrestrial
radiation which this gas is capable of absorbing is taken
up equally readily by water-vapour, of which there
is always sufficiënt present, and variations of carbon
dioxide cannot have any appreciable effect.

79
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From

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The evolution of climate  1925 climatehistory


.
.


  THE EVOLUTION OF CLIMATE
.
PREFACE

Geologists very early in the history of their Science,
in fact as soon as fossils began to be examined, found
indisputable evidence of great variations in climate.
The vegetation which resulted in the coal measures
could have grown only in a sub-tropical climate, while
over these are vast remains of ice-worn boulders and
scratched rocks which obviously have been left by ice
existing under polar conditions. Such records were not
found only in one region, but cropped up in juxta-
position in many parts of the world. Remains of
sub-tropical vegetation were found in Spitzbergen, and
remains of an extensive ice-sheet moving at sea-level
from the south were clearly recognized in central and
northern India. At first it was simply noticed that the
older fossils generally indicated a warmer climate, and
it was considered that the early climate of a globe
cooling from the molten state would be warm and
moist, and so account for the observed conditions. It
was recognized that the ice remains were relatively
recent, and so far as a cause for the Ice Age was sought
it was considered that astronomical changes would be
sufficiënt.

It was only when geologists began to find records of
ice ages far anterior to the Carboniferous Age, and
astronomers proved by incontrovertible observations
and calculations that changes in the earth’s orbit, or
its inclination to that orbit, could not account for. the
ice ages, that the importance and inexplicability of the
geological evidence for changes of climate came to be
clearly recognized.
  VI

THE EVOLUTION OF CLIMATE

During the last few years much study has been given
to “ palseoclimatology,” but such a study is extremely
difficult. Only a very small fraction of the total surface
of the earth can be geologically examined, and of that
fraction a still smaller proportion has up to the present
been studied in detail. There has been a great tendency
to study intently a small region and then to generalize.
The method of study which has to be employed is
extremely dangerous. A geological horizon is deter-
mined by the fossils it contains. Wherever fossils of a
the strata are given the same

found in different parts of the world, and it is frequently
assumed not only that these rocks were laid down at
the same time, but that the conditions which they
indicate existed over the whole of the earth’s surface
simultaneously. Thus geologists teil us that the chmate
of the Carboniferous Age was warm and damp; of the
Devonian Age cool and dry; of the Eocene Age very
warm ; of the Ice Age very cold.

But has the geologist given sufficiënt attention to the
climatic zones during the various geological climates ?
It is true that the geologist has definitely expressed the
view that in certain ages climatic zones did not exist;
but from a meteorological point of view it is difficult
to see how the climate could have been even approxi-
mately the same in all parts of the world if solar radiation
determined in the past as in the present the temperature
of the surface of the earth.

The climatic zones of the various geological periods
will need much closer study in the future; the data
hardly exist at present, and the great area covered by
the ocean will always make the study difficult and the
conclusions doubtful. Admitting, for the saké of argu-
ment only, large changes in average conditions, but with
zonal variations of the same order of magnitude as those
existing to-day, the slow changes from period to period
will cause any given climatic state to travel slowly over

correlated by their fossils are
  PREFACE

vii

the surface of the earth, and this will so complicate the
problem as to make it doubtful whether any conclusions
can be reached so long as the same criteria are used to
determine both the geological epoch and the climatic
conditions.

These considerations apply more particularly to the
earlier records, while Mr. Brooks has confined his work
chiefly to the later records, beginning with those of the
Great Ice Age, in which climatic zones are clearly indi-
cated by the limits of the ice; but in this problem one
cannot confine one’s attention to a portion of the record,
for the test of any explanation must be its sufficiency
to explain all the past changes of climate. One will not
be satisfied with an explanation of the Great Ice Age
which does not explain at the same time the records of
earlier ice ages, of which there is indubitable evidence
in the Permo-Carboniferous and Pre-Cambrian periods,
and the records of widespread tropical or sub-tropical
conditions in the Carboniferous and Eocene Ages.
Whether Mr. Brooks’ theory for the cause of the recent
changes of climate satisfies this criterion must be left
to each reader to decide.

As Mr. Brooks says, the literature on this subject is
now immense, and it is most unsatisfactory literature to
digest and summarize. In the first place, many of the
original observations which can be used in the study of
past climates are hidden away in masses of purely geolo-
gical descriptions, and a great deal of mining has to be
done to extract the climatic ore. Then, again, most
of the writers who have made a special study of climatic
changes have had their own theoretical ideas and most
of their evidence has been ex parte. To take a single
example, for one paper discussing dispassionately the
evidence for changes in climate during the historical
period, there have been ten to prove either that the
climate has steadily improved, steadily deteriorated,
changed in cycles or remained unchanged. It is ex-
tremely difïicult to arrivé at the truth from such material,
  viiï THE EVOLUTION OF CLIMATE

and still more difficult to summarize the present state
of opinion on the subject.

It may be complained that Mr. Brooks has himself
adopted this same method and has written his book
around his own theory. But was there any alternative ?
There are so many theories and radically different
points of view that no writer could confine himself to
the observations and say what these indicate, for the
indications are so very different according to each theory
in turn. And new theories are always being propounded;
since Mr. Brooks commenced to write this book, Wegener
has put forward his revolutionary theory according to
which the polar axis has no stability, and the continents
are travelling over the face of the globe like debris on
a flood. Where is there solid ground from which to
discuss climatic changes if the continents themselves can
travel from the equator to the pole and back again in
the short period of one or two geological epochs ?

Mr. Brooks has studied deeply geology, anthropology,
and meteorology, and he has considerable mathematical
ability. By applying the latter to the results of his
studies he has developed a theory for the cause of climatic
ehanges based on changes of land and sea area, and on
changes of elevation of land surfaces, and naturally he
has made this theory the basis of his work.

That there will be some who are not able to agree
with him as to the sufficiency of the causes he invokes,
or who may even question whether he also has not
taken for granted what others dispute, goes without
saying ; but all will agree that he has presented a difficult
subject in a clear and condse way, and that meteorologists
(and may I add geologists ?) owe to him a deep debt of
gratitude.

G. C. Simpson
  CONTENTS

Prefaci ....... y

Introduction to thi Second Edition .   .   .4

I. Factors of Climate and the Causes of Cumatic Fluctuations i 5
II.   The Cumatic Record as a Whole .   .   .   32

III.   CONDITIONS BEFORE THE QüATERNARV IcE AgE .   .   4*

IV.   The Great Ice Age   .   .   .   .   •   47

V.   The Glacial History of Northern and Central Europe 55

VI.   The Mediterranean Regions ddring the Glacial Period 68

VII.   Asia ddring the Glacial Period .   .   .   .76

VIII.   The Glacial History of North America   .   .   .86

IX.   Central and South America .   .   .   .   97

X.   Africa ........ 103

XI.   Australia and New Zealand .   .   .   .109

XII.   The Glaciation of Antarctica .   .   .   . 114

XIII.   The Close of the Ice Age—The Continental Phase .   118

XIV.   The Post-Glacial Optimum of Climate   .   .   .127

XV.   The Forest Period of Western Edrope   .   .   .136

XVI.   The “ Classical ” Rainfall Maximum, 1800 b.c. to a.d. 500   140

XVII.   The Climatic Fluctuations since a.d. 500   .   .   149

XVIII.   Cumatic Fluctuations and the Evolution of Man .   .   159

XIX.   CUMATE AND HlSTORY   .   .   .   .   .102

Appendix—The Factors of Temperature .   .   .   i6fl

169


  INTRODUCTION TO THE
SECOND EDITION

On the whole, the first edition of “ The Evolution of
Climate ” met with a good reception. The meteoro-
logical interpretation of the succession of climatic
stages during the Quaternary Ice Age and subsequently
was especially welcomed, and it appears that with the
spread of our knowledge of the climatic conditions of
different parts of the world during the various geological
periods there will be increasing scope for work of this
kind. An important beginning has already been made
by F. Kerner-Marilaun (see later). The climatic
sequence should be a valuable guide to the complicated
stratigraphy of the Quaternary, and mainly on climatic
grounds it appeared to me most probable that the
Chellean industry, with its warm fauna, occupied the
Mindel-Riss interglacial. This conclusion was severely
criticized by several British archaeologists, on the ground
that work in France, especially by H. Obermaier, showed
that the Chellean industry probably feil in the Riss-
Wurm interglacial. The age of the Chellean is likely
to remain controversial for some time, but it may be
noted that the French archaeologist L. Mayet (i)1 places
the Chellean in the Mindel-Riss interglacial and at the
beginning of the Riss glaciation. A similar view is now
adopted by H. F. Osbom and C. A. Reeds (2) in a
valuable synthesis of the standards of Pleistocene classi-
fication; this is a reversal of the view which they
expressed in 1914. On the other hand, J. Reid Moir (3)
on the basis of his researches in East Anglia, and L.
Palmer (4) from work in south-east England, place the
1 These numbers refer to the Bibliography on page 12.

4
  INTRODUCTION   5

Chellean in the Gunz-Mindel interglacial. There are
thus three views to choose from, andfuture researches
alone can show which is correct. The question is of
climatic importance, because the greater part of the
Chellean is admitted to have been warm.

With regard to the climatic effect of volcanic dust,
Dr. W. J. Humphreys informs me that his suggestion
was that volcanic dust may act in conjunction with
mountain building and increased elevation of the
continents to produce glaciation. On page 18 the
figure for the maximum eccentricity should of course
have been 0.07775. H. Gams and R. Nordhagen have
made a number of helpful criticisms and suggestions.
Most of these are referred to in the summary of their
recent book (17); they will be introduced into the main
text when opportunity offers.

The past two or three years have seen great activity
in the study of past climates, and only a few of
these researches can be alluded to here. Ellsworth
Huntington and S. S. Visher (5) have published a new
hypothesis of the main cause of climatic variations.
According to their view the climate of the earth is
largely governed by changes in solar activity, acting on
the position and intensity of the storm beits. An
increase in solar activity, represented by an increase in
the relative sunspot numbers, is considered to result in
an increase of storminess, together with some displace-
ment of the storm tracks. When such a period of
increased solar activity occurs with extensive and high
continents, and perhaps with other favourable con-
ditions, such as a paucity of C02, a glaciation results.
This is considered to account for the Quaternary glacia-
tion and probably also for that of the Permo-Carbon-
iferous period, in which the storm tracks lay very far
south, and higher latitudes remained unglaciated because
they were occupied by deserts. Periods of slight solar
activity and few sunspots had slight storminess and
steady winds from the equator towards the poles, hence
  6 THE EVOLUTION OF CLIMATE

they were periods of mild and equable climate over the
whole earth. The variations of solar activity are con-
nected with changes in the distance of the nearest fixed
stars. The theory is attractive, but it presents several
very great difficulties. In particular the relationship,
if any, between sunspots and storminess at the present
day is still very obscure, and does not provide an adequate
basis for the enormous superstructure. In this country
at least it has not been well received.

A valuable summary of the palseoclimatological
evidence from the Antarctic has been presented by
C. S. Wright and R. E. Priestley (6). According to
this summary, the pre-Cambrian climate of Antarctica
was mainly warm temperate, with, however, indications
of frost action. In the Cambrian warm temperate to
tropical conditions prevailed ; in the Devonian possibly
temperate. In the Permo-Carboniferous period, during
the glaciation of the tropics, it appears that the high land
of Antarctica was an arid windswept desert, but in
sheltered lowlands a rich Glossopteris flora flourished.
There was a considerable seasonal range, but there is
no definite tracé of glacial conditions. In the Jurassic
a sub-tropical to warm temperate climate prevailed,
growing cooler through the Cretaceous, until in the
Eocene moraine-like deposits doubtfully suggest the
first Antarctic glaciation. In the Oligocene sub-
tropical to temperate conditions reappeared, followed
by the first undoubted glacial evidence. The Miocene
may have been a temperate interglacial period, but in
the Pliocene glacial conditions again appeared, and
persisted until the present, though with diminishing
intensity in recent times. This evidence must be taken
into account in future discussions of the causes of
climatic change.

F. Kerner-Marilaun (7) has studied the influence of
Permo-Carboniferous geography on the temperature
distribution, assuming a supply of solar energy similar
to that of to-day and the present position of the poles.
  INTRODUCTION   7

He finds that under these conditions a high Coastal
range of hills or plateau in northern India would pro-
bably be glaciated. His assumptions include a cold
Arctic ocean, and it is doubtful if this is vahd, but the
paper is a useful indication of the extent to which geo-
graphical changes might modify the present more or less
Zonal distribution of climates. The climatic conditions
of Permo-Carboniferous time are peculiar and now
appear to be well defined. There was a large expanse
of ocean in the northern hemisphere, with several large
islands or small continents, in the Coastal regions of
which the climate of the Coal Measures prevailed, moist
and probably rather warm. Isolated mountain areas
in the northern hemisphere, however, bore glaciers.
In the southem hemisphere, in which the equatorial
continent extended much farther south, the hardier
Glossopteris flora developed in high latitudes, and the
climate was probably equable but cool. Thus there was
a considerable temperature difference between the two
hemispheres, and this would lead to winds Crossing the
equatorial continent from south to north, similar to the
south-west monsoon of India. These winds would
deposit great quantities of moisture on the hills, which
at altitudes of about ten thousand feet would fall as
snow, originating the great ice-sheets of this period.
An investigation along these lines appears to present
the only possibility of accounting for the inversion of
zones in the Permo-Carboniferous period, apart from
displacements of the poles or Continental drift.

The theory of mild polar climates has also been
investigated by F. Kerner-Marilaun (8). He found that
the land and sea distribution prevailing in the Upper
Jurassic and Middle Eocene periods would lead to
winter temperatures in the Arctic many degrees above
the present ones. He also found that the cooling effect
of the floating ice in the Arctic Ocean is so great that if
it could be cleared away the temperature over an open
ocean near the pole in January would be only a few
  8 THE EVOLUTION OF CLIMATE

degrees below freezing point. For some reason he did
not put these two results together, and apparently he
failed to realize that his researches showed that during
the two periods chosen the Arctic Ocean must have
been free of ice. A recalculation of his figures on this
basis (9) gave for the Upper Jurassic a January tempera-
ture in 750 N., approximatdy equal to that now found
in the Scilly Isles, while in the Middle Eocene it was
only a few degrees lower. The probable winter tem-
peratures calculated on climatological grounds thus fall
into very good agreement with those required by
palaeobotanists from the evidence of fossil floras.

The views of M. Depéret on the correlation of the
various Quaternary stages by means of changes of level
have attracted a great deal of attention. According
to Depéret the various changes of level which he
traced in the Mediterranean during the Quaternary
were due mainly to movements of the sea and only
locally to movements of the land, and he tracés the
Mediterranean raised beaches round the Atlantic coast
to the Baltic and also up the river valleys to the glaciated
regions, where they pass into glacial moraines. I
accepted Depéret’s system as applied to the Mediter-
ranean, but did not take seriously his extension of it
to the glaciated regions. Osborn and Reed (2), after
a careful examination, also find difficulty in accepting
Depéret’s correlation of the northern drifts. On the
other hand, it has been widely accepted in Europe as
a great advance. An objection to die scheme is that
each stage except the last includes both a glacial and an
interglacial phase; thus the Sicilian includes the Gun-
zian or Scanian glaciation and the Gunz-Mindel inter-
glacial, the Milazzian includes the Mindelian and the
Mindel-Riss, the Tyrrhenian includes the Rissian and
the Riss-Wurm, ^and the Monastirian includes the
Wurmian.

A. R. Dwerryhouse (10) has reinvestigated the glacia-
tion of north-eastern Ireland. He finds that this area
  INTRODUCTION   9

was covered first by Scottish ice from the Firth of Clyde,
and later by Irish ice from the hills of Donegal. The
two glaciations form part of a single maximum, and the
ice-sheets from the two centres were probably in contact
during part of the retreat of the Scottish ice. The
earlier work of Kilroe is mainly confirmed, with some
corrections of detail.

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"Human Sacrifice (Roman)," vi. 858-62.



 



 



 



 




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Greek Mythology / Re: Greek & Roman Mythology
« on: August 04, 2019, 11:12:11 PM »


 



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Tosi, T., "II Sacrificio di Polissena," in AtR xvii. 19-38 (1914).
TouTAiN, J., £tudes de mythologie et d'histoire des religions antiques.

84
Greek Mythology / Re: Greek & Roman Mythology
« on: August 04, 2019, 11:11:03 PM »


Chapter IX

1. Euripides, Trojan fFomen^ 11. 632-33 (translated by Gilbert
Murray).

2. Swinburne, Atalanta in Calydon.

3. It was customary to explain as Charon's fee the obol which the
Greeks put into the mouth of a corpse, but the account is plainly
aetiological, for the custom is really a survival of the belief that the
metal of the coin had power to avert evil influences. Allegorically
the obol might be interpreted as a ferry fare.

4. Can the howling of the wind at the cavernous entrances to the
underworld have helped in giving rise to the canine conception of
Kerberos?

5. Pausanias, III. xxv. 5.

6. "The mythical Ixion, if I am not mistaken, typifies a whole series
of human Ixions, who in bygone ages were done to death as effete em-
bodiments of the sun-god" (A. B. Cook, ZeuSy i. 211). By this argu-
ment the wheel is the circle of the sun.

7. "Men say that he by the music of his songs charmed the stub-
bom rocks upon the mountains and the course of rivers. And the wild
oak-trees to this day, tokens of that magic strain, that grow at Zone
on the Thracian shore, stand in ordered ranks dose together, the same
which under the charm of his lyre he led down from Pieria" (ApoUo-
nios of Rhodes, Argonautika^ i. 25-31, translated by R. C. Seaton,
London and New York, 1912).

8. Ovid, Metamorphoses, x. 41 ff. (modified translation).

9. Homer, Odyssey , iv. 563-68 (translated by Butcher and Lang).



 



 



328 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY

PART II

Chapter I

1. Gruppc, p. II02.

2. Sec A. B. Cook, 2^euSj i. i-8.

3. In time this process of generalizing the personal characteristics
of the gods practically neutralized all other processes of their devel-
opment.

4. Hera's power in this sphere was doubtless derived from her union
with Zeus, while that of Poseidon came from his traditional association
with the sea.

5. The unqualified use of the epithet 'OXiiAxtoi in Homer invariably
designates Zeus.

6. Porphyrios, Life of Pythagoras^ i?; cf« Tatian, Upds T!kkripas,
27 (Migne, Patrologia Graeca^ vi. 865).

7. Most of these mythical marriages can probably be explained as
attempts to secure sanction for the recognition of Zeus in localities
into which he was newly introduced and in which the chief native
divinity was a goddess. The identification of the new god as the
husband of the old goddess immediately gave the former a standing
with the local worshipper.

8. Idylb, iv. 43 ; cf . xvii. 78.

9. Only in this sense can he be regarded as the Creator; in the
Orphic philosophy he was life itself.

10. This school would see the same earth goddess in the original of
the Eleusinian Demeter. For a discussion of the problem see Famell,
CultSy i. 192, and The Higher AspectSy etc., p. 14.

11. A. B. Cook, "Who was the Wife of Zeus?'' in CR xx. 365-78,
416-19 (1906).

Chapter H

1. If this derivation is correct, it may possibly go back to a mjrth
which set forth one or other of these characteristics of Athene.

2. Homeric Hymn to Athene^ xxviii. 9-16.

3. Euripides, Trojan fFonun^ 11. 801-02 (translated by Gilbert
Murray).

Chapter IH

1. Homeric Hymns ^ iii.

2. Cf. THj$€<T$ai, "to become rotten, to rot."

3. See Swindler, Cretan Elements ^ etc.

4. Through its famous enigmatic reference to wooden walls, which
Themistokles interpreted to mean ships, the oracle foretold the suc-
cessful defence of Greece against the Persians.



 



 



NOTES 329

5. The statement that Apollo "is the solar word of Zeus conceived
as the eternal and infinite god and through him the revealer of the ar-
chetypes of things" (Schure, "Le Miracle hellenique. L'ApoUon de
Delphes et la Pythonisse," in Revue des deux Mondes^ 6th per. vii.
344-45 [191 2]) ignores the progressive development of Apollo from a
simple to a complex personality.

6. Occasionally Artemis was a goddess of counsel, that is to say,
of health of mind, an extension of her function as the goddess of health
of body,

7. Hekate's association with sorcery is ample explanation of the
fact that she figured more prominently in private than in public cult.

Chapter IV

I. The same kind of magical imprisonment seems here to be in-
volved as that to which the genie was subjected in the story of Alad-
din and the Wonderful Lamp.

Chapter V

1. This was presented by Professor A. L. Frothingham in a paper
read before the Archaeological Institute of America at its annual meet-
ing held at Haverford College, Dec. 1914. So far as the present writer
knows, the paper is not yet in print.

2. Shelley's translation of the Homeric Hymn to HermeSj ix.

3. ib. xlv.

4. ib. xcvii.

5. The union of Hermes with both Herse and Pandrosos in Attic
legend probably signifies that at least in Athens he had a connexion
with certain phases of the weather, but such an association does not
seem to have been general.

Chapter VI

1. Since the manuscript has left the author's hands he has come to
the conclusion that Famell is right in regarding the name as wholly
foreign. In the forthcoming volume of the Transactions and Proceed-
ings of the American Philological Association the writer presents a pre-
liminary statement of what he believes to be the correct derivation,
and later he hopes to publish an article supporting the etymology in
detail.

2. The affinity is due to Aphrodite's primitive connexion with vege-
tation.

3. The matter-of-fact mind can easily detect an overlapping of the



 



 



330 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY

functions of Aphrodite on those of other divinities of fertility. Yet
this need disturb no one, for the Greek gods were not mechanical
creations. To insist upon a precise differentiation among the Greek
divinities is to miss the Greeks' religious point of view and to be
insensitive to the myth-making spirit.

4. A. Lang, The New Pygmalion.

5. In philosophical circles the epithets Ourania and Pandemos were
thought to signify the relations of Aphrodite to pure celestial love and
degrading sensuality respectively; and common knowledge of the
licentious character of certain rites of the goddess gave colour to this
interpretation of the second epithet.



Chapter VII

1. Iliady i. 591 ff.

2. Murray, Four Stages of Gr, Rel.y p. 66.
3- «JV.

4. V. 21 ff.

Chapter VIII

1. See Blinkenberg, The Thunderweapon; Powell, Erickthonius and
the Three Daughters of Cecrops^ p. 12.

2. The tidal wave which submerged Helike in the fourth century
B.C. was regarded as a demonstration of Poseidon's power.

3. If the name of Poseidon's son Boiotos means anything at all in
this connexion, it implies that Poseidon was in the form of a bull
when he begat this son.

Chapter IX

1. Iliady vi. 130 ff. (translated by Lang, Leaf, and Myers).

2. See infray p. 221.

3. This myth contains unmistakable evidence of human sacrifice
in certain of the earlier Dionysiac rites.

4. Vll.

5. It is still a moot point whether the appearance of the ship in this
myth of Dionysos reflects the influence of certain Oriental vegetation-
rites in which a ship was a prominent feature.

6. See infraj p. 224.

7. The use of the phallic emblem in the rites of Demeter to arouse
fertility in the earth was one of a number of factors in bringing about
an association of Demeter and Dionysos.

8. To regard Dionysos unqualifiedly as a rain-god is to exaggerate
the influence of Osiris on his development.

9. Euripides, Bacchaiy 11. 379-81.



 



 



NOTES 331

Chapter X

1. Theogonyy 11. 969 ff.

2. Whether Demeter was originally connected with these rites or
whether they were a product of sympathetic magic primarily unre-
lated to any divinity, it is clear that during the height of the Demeter-
cult the woman was the representative of the goddess.

3. Demeter's power to fructify human beings was the thought
underlying the ceremonies of the Thesmophoria, a festival in which
only matrons of good civic standing took part.

4. See Homeric HymnSj ii.

5. For the invocation of Hades (or Plouton) in curses see A. Audol-
lent, Tabellae Defixionuniy Paris, 1904, Index, pp. 461 ff.

Chapter XI

1. OdeSy I. iv. 5-8 (translated by J. Conington, London, 1909).

2. Famell, CultSy v. 434.

3. In Memoriamj v. 5-6.

4. "In early days the Muses were to Zeus what the mountain-
roaming Maenads were to Dionysos" (A. B. Cook, ZeuSy i. iii). J.
Wackemagel {Zeitschrift fUr vergleichende Sprachforschungj xxxiiL
571-74 [1895]) expresses his belief that the relation of the Muses to
mountains was original, and accordingly he would trace their name
back to *iJL0VT'j "mountain."

5. V. 202 ff.

6. Those who see in the fall of Phaethon and his car the sun's ap-
proach to earth at sunset ignore those details of the myth which em-
phasize the effect of the sun's heat.

7. For the most recent discussions of the Dioskouroi consult A. B.
Cook, ZeuSy i. 760 ff., and Harris, Boanerges.

8. In the clear air of the east Venus shines so brightly as to cast
a faint shadow and to render her successive phases visible to the naked
eye.

9. The stars of this group seemed to outline the figure of a man
driving a yoke of oxen in the Great Wain. It is difficult for us modem
city-dwellers, who seldom really see the stars and for whom they have
little or no practical significance, to understand how the Greeks and
their neighbours could find a world of living creatures in the night
heavens.

Chapter XII

1. I. xxxiii. 4.

2. Swinburne, Atalanta in Calydon.

3. Homer, Odyssey ^ i. 52-54.



 



 



332 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY

4. This association of Proteus with Egypt is secondary; his native
habitat seems to have been Chalkis.

5. Homer, Odyssey^ xii. 39-54.

6. Theogonyy 1. 871.

7. A. E. Zimmern, The Greek Commontveahhj Oxford, 191 1, p. 35.

8. Odesy I. iii. 14.

9. A. B. Cook {ZeuSy i. 302 ff.) holds the one-eyed Kyklopes to be
monstrous incarnations of the disk of the sun.

10. Homeric HymnSy xix. 6-21.

Chapter XHI

1. Charles L. O'Donnell, Ode for Panama Day.

2. iv. 10; see also vs. 11.

3. Euripides, Iphigeneia in Taurisy 11. 285-91 (translated by Gilbert
Murray).

Chapter XIV

1. n. xxvi. 4-5 (translated by Frazer, ist ed.).

2. On this rite see L. Deubner, De incubationey Leipzig, 1900, and
Mary Hamilton, Incubationy London, 1906.

3. So in Hesiod, Theogonyy 1. 904; but ib. 1. 217 they are the daugh-
ters of Nyx.

4. So Usener, GotUmameny p. 371. A. B. Cook {ZeuSy i. 273), how-
ever, holds Nemesis, like Diana, to have been first of all a goddess of
the greenwood (cf. vkfun, "glade," vkfMip, "to pasture").

5. Swinburne, AuUanta in Calydon.



PART HI

1. It has long been the practice to assume that virtually all Italic
myths were corruptions or adaptations of Greek myths. Now, how-
ever, there is a growing tendency to account for them as independent
products of Italian religious experience. See especially Ettore Pais,
Ancient Legendsy etc.

2. De Rerum Naturay v. 655-56.

3. King, Devel. of Rel.y p. 130.



APPENDIX

1. p. 27. 4. ib. pp. 132-33- 7- ib. pp. 37-38.

2. Lawson, p. 75. 5. ib. pp. 77-78. 8. ib. p. 69.

3. ib. p. 43. 6. Leland, p. loi. 9. ib. p. 61.



 



 



BIBLIOGRAPHY



 



 



 



 



BIBLIOGRAPHY

I. ABBREVIATIONS

A A . . . Archaologischer Anzeiger (see J BAT),

ABSA . . The Annual of the British School at Athens.

AJA . . . American Journal of Archaeology.

AJP . . . The American Journal of Philology.

AM . . . Mittheilungen des kaiseriich deutschen archaologischen
Instituts: athenische Abtheilung.

AR . . . Archiv fiir Religionswisscnschaft.

AtR . . . Atene e Roma.

BAAR . . BoUetino dell' associazione archeologica romana.

CP . . . . Classical Philology.

CQ . , , . The Classical Quarteriy.

CR . . . . The Classical Review.

diss. . . . dissertation.

DL .... Deutsche Literaturzeitung.

DR .... Deutsche Rundschau.

£ . . . . Eranos, Acta philologica Suecana.

ERE . . . Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics. James Hastings,
editor.

H . . . . Hermes, Zeitschrift fiir classische Philologie.

JBAI . . Jahrbuch des kaiseriich deutschen archaologischen In-
stituts mit dem Beiblatt Archaologischer Anzeiger.

JHAI . . Jahreshefte des osterreichischen archaologischen Insti-
tutes in Wien.

JHS . . . The Journal of Hellenic Studies.

JP .... Jahrbiicher fiir classische Philologie (see NJ).

JRS . . . The Journal of Roman Studies.

MAH . . Melanges d'archeologie et d'histoire.

MB . . . Le Musee beige.

Mnem. . . Mnemosyne, Tijdschrift voor classieke Litteratuur.

MVG . . . Mitteilungen der vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft.

NJ . . . Neue Jahrbiicher fiir das klassische Altertum, Ge-
schichte und deutsche Literatur und fiir Padagogik
(Continuation of Jahrbiicher fiir classische Philologie) .

OL .... Orientalistische Literaturzeitung.

PhU, . . . Philologus, Zeitschrift fiir das klassische Altertum.



 



 



336 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTH0LCX5Y



RA .
REA .
RHLR
RHR .
RM .
RMiu

SIFC
S . .
SSAC
WS .



Revue archeologique.

Revue des etudes ancicnncs.

Revue d'histoire ct de litterature religieuse.

Revue de Thistoire des religions.

Rheinisches Museum fiir Philologie.

Mittheilungen des kaiserlich deutschen archaologischen

Instituts: romische Abtheilung.
Studi italiani di filologia classica.
Socrates, Zeitschrift fiir Gymnasialwesen.
Studi storici per Tantichita classica.
Wiener Studien.



II. GENERAL WORKS

Dareiiberg and SAGhiOyDictionnairedes antiquitisgrecquesetromaitus
d^apres Us textes et Us monuments. Paris, 1892 flF.

FoRRER, R., ReaUexikon der praehistorischen^ kUissischen und fruA^
christlichen AlUriumet. Beriin and Stuttgart, 1907 ff.

Hastings, Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics. Edinburgh and New
York, 1908 ff.

LiCHTENBERGER, Encyclopidie des sciences religieuses. Paris, 1877-82.

Pauly-Wissowa, Real'Encyclopddie der classischen Altertumswissenn
schaft. Stuttgart, 1901 ff.

R08CHER, W. H., Ausfuhrliches Lexikon der griechischen und romischen
Mythologu. Leipzig, 1884 ff.

ScHRADER, O., ReaUexikon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde.
Strassburg, 1901.

Siiith-Marindin, a Classical Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biog-
raphy ^ Mythology J and Geography. London, 1899.



III. SPECIAL WORKS
(a) Greek

Adam, J., The Religious Teachers of Greece. London, 1908.
Allen, T. W., "The Date of Hesiod,'' in JHS xxxv. 85 ff. (1915).
Allen, T. W. and Sikes, E. E., The Homeric Hymns. London, 1904.
Allinson, F. G. and A. C. E., Greek Lands and Letters. Boston, 1909.
Alpers, J., Hercules in bivio. Gottingen, 1912 (diss.).
Aly, W., Der kretische Apollokult. Leipzig, 1908.



 



 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 337

Aly, W., "Zur Methode dcr griechischen Mythologic," in DL xxxi,

261-67 (1910).
"Ursprung und Entwickelung der kretischen Zeusreligion,"

in PhU. kx. 457-78 (1912).
Ancey, G., "Questions mythiques," in RA xxi. 209-13, 376-82 (1913).
Andres, F., Die Engel- und Ddmordehre der griechischen Apologeten

des 2. Jahrhunderts und ihr Verhaltnis zur griechisch-romischen

Damonologie. Bresiau, 1913 (diss.).
AuBERT, H., Les Legendes mythologiques de la Grece et de Rome, Paris,

1909.
Baker, E. K., Stories of Old Greece and Rome. New York, 191 3.
Bapp, K., Prometheus^ Ein Beitrag zur griechischen Mythologie. Olden-
burg, 1896 (Osterprogramm des Gymnasien).
Bassi, D., Mitologia greca e romana ad uso delle scuole e delle persone

colte. Florence, 191 2.
Baumeister, a., Denkmdler des klassischen Altertums zur Erlduterung

des Lebens der Griechen und Romer in Religionj Kunst und Sitte.

3 vols. Munich and Leipzig, 1885-88.
Baur, p. V. C, Centaurs in Ancient Arty the Archaic Period. Beriin,

1912.
Bender, W., Mythologie und Metaphysik. Stuttgart, 1899.
Bennett, Florence M., Religious Cults associated with the Amazons.

New York, 191 2.
BiRARD, v., De Porigine des cultes arcadiens {Bibliotheque des ecoles

franqaises d^Athenes et de Rome^ livii). Paris, 1894.

Les Pheniciens et FOdyssee. 2 vols. Paris, 1902-03.

Berge, R., De belli daemonibus qui in carminibus Graecorum et Roma^

norum inveniuntur. Leipzig, 1894 (diss.).
Berger, E. H., Mythische Kosmographie der Griechen (Supplement to

Roscher's Lex.). Leipzig, 1904.
Bethe, E., Homer^ Dicktung und Sage^ i (Jlias). Leipzig, 1914.
Blinkenberg, C, The Thunderweapon in Religion and Folklore.

Cambridge, 191 1.
Blum, G., "MEIAIXIOS," in MB xvii. 313-20 (1913).
BoDRERO, E., / Giardini di Adonide. Rome, 1913.
BoEHM, J., Symbolae ad Herculis historiam fabularem vasculis pictis

petitae. Konigsberg, 1909 (diss.).
BoETTiCHER, K., Buumkultus der Hellenen und Romer. Berlin, 1856.
BoETZKES, R., Das Kerykeion. Miinster, 191 3 (diss.).
BoucHi-LECLERQ, A., Histoire de la divination dans Vantiquite. 4 vols.

Paris, 1879-82.



 



 



338 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY

BoucHi-LECLERQy A., VAstfologie grecque. Paris, 1899.

Lemons tThistoire grecque. Paris, 191 3.

Braun, E., Griechische Mythologie. Hamburg and Gotha, 1850.
Br£a.l, M., Melanges de mythologU et de linguistique. Paris, 1877.
Brinton, D. G., Religions of Primitive Peoples. New York, 1899.
Brown, R., Semitic Influence in Hellenic Mythology. London, 1898.

Bruchmann, C. F. H., Epitheta deorum quae apud poeias Graecos U-
guntur (Supplement to Roschcr's Lex.). Leipzig, 1893.

BuBBE, GuALTERUs, De metamoTphosibus Graecorum capita selecta,

Halle, 1913 (diss.).
BuRSiAN, C, Ueber den religiosen Charakter des griechischen Mythos.

Munich, 1875.

BuTTMANN, p. K., MythologuSy Gesammelte Abhandlungen uber die
Sagen des Alterthums. 2 vols. Beriin, 1828-29.

Campbell, L., Religion in Greek Literature. London and New York,

1898.
Carolidis, p., Bemerkungen zu den alien kleinasiatischen Sprachen und

Mythen. Strassburg, 1913.
Cerquand, J. F., £tudes de mythologie grecque: Ulysse et Circe; Les

Sirenes. Paris, 1873.
Chadwick, H. M., The Heroic Age. Cambridge, 191 2.
Clarke, Helen A., Ancient Myths in Modern Poets. New York, 1910.

CoLLiGNON, M., Manual of Mythology in Relation to Greek Art (trans-
lated and enlarged by J. E. Harrison). London, 1899.

Constant, B., De la religion consideree dans sa source j ses formes et ses

developpements. Paris, 1831.
CoNZE, A., Heroenr- und Gottergestalten der griechischen Kunst. Vienna,

1875.
Cook, A. B., ZeuSy i. Cambridge, 1914.
Cook, S. A., "The Evolution of Primitive Thought," in Essays and

Studies presented to William Ridgetvayy pp. 375 ff. Cambridge,

1913-
The Foundations of Religion. London, 1914.

CoRBELLiNi, Caterina, "GU Eroi argivi nella Boiotia e Tintreccio
del ciclo troiano col tebano," in SIFC xix. 337-49 (1912).

"Gli Eroi del ciclo eracleo nel catalogo omerico delle navi," in

SIFC xix. 3SO-59 (1912).

CoRNFORD, F. M., "Hermes, Pan, Logos," in CQ iii. 281-84 (1909).

From Religion to Philosophy. London, 191 2.



 


85
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3i6 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY



II. SURVIVALS OF DIVINITIES AND MYTHS OF THE ETRUSCANS
AND ROMANS IN THE ROMAGNOLA

Although Charles Godfrey Leland's book, Etrusco-Roman Rf-
mains ^ first appeared as long ago as 1892, it is still the best compila-
tion of the modem survivals of any ancient Italian religion. It must,
however, be used with great caution. In the first place, it treats
merely of one small district in the north of Italy, the Tuscan Ro-
magna, or Romagnola, whose inhabitants speak a rude form of the
Bolognese dialect, so that one must refrain from applying the au-
thor's remarks and deductions to the whole Italian people of today.
In the next place, Leland was not a scholar in the best sense, for his
knowledge of the ancient religion and mythology was only superficial,
and his judgements are, consequently, very far from safe. His book
is written throughout in a journalistic style, intimate and spirited,
but careless and uncritical. Nevertheless, Leland must be given
credit for having been an enthusiastic and enterprising investigator,
and for having shown a remarkable faculty in winning the confi-
dence of the simple but suspicious folk of the Romagnola and in
inducing them to yield to him the secrets of la vecchia religions,
whence scholars should be grateful to him for blazing a trail for them
through a wilderness hitherto almost unknown. It is to be hoped, as
Professor W. Vl^arde Fowler says, that the pioneer work of Leland
will lead some really qualified investigator to undertake a study in
Italian survivals similar to that made by Lawson in the vague traces
of Greek myths still existing in modem times.

The religions of the Etmscans and the Romans appear today
merely as disjecta membra^ and even when the divinities can be recog-
nized, they have lost the sharp definition of character and function
which distinguished them of old, because of the utter disappearance
of some traits and through the obscuration of others. An explana-
tion may be readily seen if one reflects that this vecchia religiorUy or
*'old religion," is really much less a religion than a system of magic,
a stregeria, as indeed it is frankly called by the people whom it serves,
the tendency of magic being to narrow down the functions of divini-
ties as far as possible.

In name luppiter is dead, but his prerogative of control over the
phenomena of lightning, thunder, and hail is still held by the great
folletto ("spirit") Tinia, who cannot well be other than Tina (or
Tinia), the head of the Etmscan pantheon, and the people dread this
spirit's power of destmction on home and field and flock as their
primitive ancestors feared luppiter and Tina. Terminus, the god of
boundaries, bom of an epithet of luppiter, survives under the name



 



 



APPENDIX 317

of Sentiero, the spirit of the boundary-stone, and those who wantonly
remove such landmarks expose themselves to the vindictive attacks
of the Sentieri.

In Jano with his two heads, one human and the other animal, we
may easily recognize the ancient lanus bifrons of the Forum and the
coins, and Jano's function of presiding over chance is simply a natu-
ral development of lanus's oversight of incipient undertakings.

Maso, "a very great /0/////0" who protects the crops, may derive
his name and office from those of the primitive Mars, who is believed
by many to have been a deity of the fields and marchlands before
war became his special sphere of operations.

There can be no doubt that Fanio is the successor of Faunus in
the latter's role of the practical joker of the woodland sprites. Fanio
suddenly comes on peasants in the thickets, frightening them out
of their wits and laughing at the consternation he has caused, while
at weddings he often anticipates the bridegroom in his embraces,
and when the young husband bursts into a rage, he interrupts him
with a laugh, saying:

"Who am I? — if you would know,
I'm the spirit Fanio!
What in life once gave me bliss,
Pleases me as much as this;
And I think that thanks are due
Unto me for helpmg youl"*

As Faunus had Silvanus for his double, so Fanio has Silvanio, who
is good-natured, but very sensitive to o£Fence. He is the special bogey
of the charcoal-burners, whose piles of wood he scatters when moved
by caprice so to do.

The Lassi, or Lassie, as spirits of ancestors who are heard or seen
in a house after the death of a member of the family, must surely
be in origin the Lares (the Lasa of the Arval Brethren). They are
regarded as both male and female. Larunda, the mythical mother
of the Lares G>mpitales, is now Laronda, the spirit of the barracks,
who manifests a special fondness for soldiers.

The two peculiarly Etruscan divinities, Tages and Begoe, reappear
in Tago and Bergoia. Tago, who remains a spirito bambino and is
invoked to bring healing to afflicted children, is said to emerge from
the ground at times and predict the future. Bergoia retains Begoe's
power over the thunder and the lightning, but seems to have lost her
gift of augury, although this diminution of her power is ofiFset by
her ability to assume human form and thus mingle with men and
women.



 



 



3i8 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY

Of the deities which to the ancient Romans were frankly Greek
a few are still found in forms not difficult to recognize. Aplu (cf.
the Etruscan Aplu, Aplun, Apulu) possesses not only traits of his
original, Apollo, but also some borrowed from Artemis. **Aplu is
the most beautiful of all the male spirits. He is also a spirit of music,
and when any one would become a good hunter, or good musician,
or a learned man — un uomo doUo e di taUrUo — ho should repeat
this:

'Aplu, Apluy Aplu I
Thou who art so good and wise.
So learned and talented,
Aplu, Aplu, Aplu!
Thou who art so good
And through all xkt world renowned;
And spoken of by all,
Aplu, Aplu, Aplu!
Even a spirit should be generous,
Granting us fortune and ulent.
Aplu, Aplu, Aplu!
I (therefore) pray thee give me
Fortune and talent!*"'



The knavish and nimble Mercurius is represented in the Roma-
gnola by Teramo (Etruscan Turms). He is not only notorious as a
deceiver of innocent maidens, but is also — and primarily — the
friend of thieves, traders, and messengers; in fact, he is himself a
spirito messagicTO who can flit with news from place to place in the
twinkling of an eye. A constant companion of his, Boschet by name,
may be in origin a form of Apollo.

The spirit of the vines is no longer Liber, but Faflon (Etruscan
Fufluns, Fuflunu), who is probably the equivalent of Dionysos.
At the vintage he often scatters the gathered grapes, and if the
vintagers become angry at his pranks, he utterly destroys the fruit;
but if they take his mischief good-naturedly, he puts the grapes
back in the baskets. Leland thus renders into English a prayer
offered to Faflon for a good vintage:

"Faflon, Faflon, Faflon!
Oh, listen to my prayer.
I have a scanty vinUge,
My vines this year are bare;
Oh, listen to my prayer!
And put, since thou canst do so,
A better vintage there!



 



 



APPENDIX 319

"Faflon, Faflon, FaflonI
Oh, listen to my prayer!
May all the wine in my cellar
Prove to be strong and rare.
And good as any grown,
Faflon, Faflon, Faflon!"*

PanOy undoubtedly the ancient Pan, is a whimsical spirit who
favours the crops in their growth, or, if so minded, beats them down
with a high wind.

Orcus, of the nether world, now lives in the person of Oreo, who,
in the thought of the people, was once a great wizard.

The functions and attributes of the goddesses of the old mythology
have become much attenuated in the gradual process of transmission
to their modem descendants. Esta is surely Vesta, although her of-
fice is the converse of that of her original, for "when a light is sud-
denly and mysteriously extinguished or goes out apparently of its
own accord, especially when two lovers are sitting together, it is
commonly said in jest that *Esta did it/"*

Through their kinship with Hekate, Diana and Artemis (the latter
under the amplified epithet of Artemisia) have entirely gone over to
the realm of witchcraft and goblinism, the first being now more po-
tent for evil than Satan himself, while the second has become a vam-
pire who sucks the blood of the newly buried dead.

The combined functions of Aphrodite, Venus, Mater Matuta,
and Aurora (Eos) are represented by a group of divinities who can-
not easily be distinguished except in name, and even in this respect
there is a certain overlapping. They are Turanna (Etruscan Turan),
apparently to be connected historically with Teramo (cf. the asso-
ciation of Aphrodite and Hermes), Tesana (Etruscan Thesan),
Alpena (Etruscan Alpan), Albina, and La Bella Marta (Mater
Matuta). Exceptional beauty, connexion with the dawn, and in-
terest in human love characterize them all in varying degrees.

Floria presents in her single person a contamination of Flora and
Pomona. None of the goddesses has changed less than Carmenta,
for under her ancient name she is still besought to grant motherhood
to the barren and to render aid in child-birth. Feronia is generally
regarded by mythologists as being originally a spring-nymph, but
now the people of the Romagnola conceive her as a spirit who wan-
ders about the country in disguise and who haunts market places.
To those who receive her hospitably she is kind and generous, but
those who neglect her she requites by casting evil spells on their
children and domestic animals, this belief being very possibly based
on conceptions of Feronia which have failed to find their way into



 



 



320 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY

the ancient literature. Indeed, it may well be that many, or even
most, of the traits of the divinities whom Leland has rescued from
oblivion were possessions of these same divinities as they lived in
the religious fancy of the common people of ancient Rome and
luly.



 



 



NOTES



 



 



 



 



NOTES

The complete titles and descriptions of the works cited in the Notes will be found
in the Bibliography.



INTRODUCTION TO THE GREEK MYTHS

1. Cf. W. G. Sumner, Folkways^ Boston, 1907, passim.

2. For extended discussions of the nature and development of prim-
itive religion special recommendation may be made of Marett, The
Threshold of Religion; King, The Development of Religion; S. A. Cook,
**The Evolution of Primitive Thought," in Essays and Studies pre-
sented to William Ridgeway, pp. 375 ff.

3. Gnippe, Gr. Myth.j p. 1061; cf. A. B. Cook, Zeus^ i. 9-14.

4. Murray, Four Stages of Gr. Rel.^ p. 99.

5. Gruppe, p. 989.

6. S. A. Cook, The Found, of Rel, p. 17.

7. Republic y 377A ff.

8. 11. 451 ff.

9. The question whether Homer was one or many does not affect
the influence of the Homeric poems.

10. AmoreSy III. vi. 17-18 (as translated by E. K. Rand, in Harvard
Essays on Classical Subjects y Boston, 191 2).

11. Lang, Custom and My thy p. 21.



PART I
Chapter I

1. Milton, Paradise Lost^ vii. 211-12.

2. F. Solmsen, in Indogermanische Forschungen^ xxx. 35, note i
{1912), claims ancient lexical authority for regarding the name Ttr^v
as an early Greek word for "king." A. B. Cook {Zeus^ i. 655) accepts
the explanation. While the present writer is ready to admit that the
word once had this meaning, he is strongly inclined to believe that in
origin it was non-Greek, possibly Semitic.

3. E. S. Bouchier, Life and Letters in Roman Africa^ Oxford, 1913,
J). 82.

1 — 25



 



 



324 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY

4. Milton, Paradise Losiy vi. 211-14.

5. Preface to the Prometheus Unbound,

6. Prometheus Unbound^ Act I.

7. A. B. Cook (Z/ttJ, i. 325-30) regards Prometheus as e88entiall7
a god of fire.

8. It is more in accord with Pandora's origin as a form of the Elarth
Goddess to interpret her name as meaning "All-Giving."

9. Euripides, Iphigeneia in Taurisy 11. 414-15 (translated by Gilbert
Murray, New York, 191 5).

ID. Strictly, Xaol means the subjects of a prince.

Chapter II

1. Gruppe, pp. 918-20, suggests that this myth is based on the
belief that a man who had offered a human sacrifice and made himself
one with the god by partaking of human flesh was himself a wolf,
i. e. he was banished from the society of men and became a wanderer
like a wolf. The similar but much more penetrating explanation of-
fered by A. B. Cook {ZeuSy i. 70-81) is too elaborate and detailed to
be even summarized here.

2. Description of Greece, VIII. xxviii. 6.

3. This cannot be the flower which we know as the hyacinth.

4. Stephen Phillips, "Marpessa," in Poems, London and New York,
1898, pp. 26-29.

5. Friedlander, ^rg., pp. 5 ff.; Gruppe, pp. 168 ff.

6. See infra, p. 193.

7. The name of the Kimmerian (i. e. Crimean) Bosporos was sim-
ilarly explained. As far as the Thracian strait is concerned the deri-
vation is wrong. B6<rTopos is really a dialectical form of ^(oa^pos
("Light-Bearer''), a title of Hekate.

8. A. H. Sayce (The Religions of Ancient Egypt and Babylonioj
Edinburgh, 1903, p. 55) derives Aigyptos from Ha^ka^Ptah "the
temple of the ka of Ptah,*^ the sacred name of the dty of Memphis.
In the Tell el-Amama letters this is Khikuptakh.

9. See Gruppe, pp. 831-32; Friedlander, pp. 15-16, 25-30. "If we
may trust Eustathius, it was the custom to place *on the grave of
those who died unmarried a water jar called Loutrophoros in token
that the dead had died unbathed and without offspring.' Probably
these vases, as Dr. Frazer suggests [i. e. on Pausanias X. xzxi. 9], were
at first placed on the graves of the unmarried with the kindly intent of
helping the desolate unmarried ghost to accomplish his wedding in the
world below. But once the custom fixed, it might easily be interpreted
as the symbol of an underworld punishment" (Harrison, Prolego-
mena, p. 621).



 



 



NOTES 32s

10. See Friedlander, pp. 36-37.

1 1. In other versions the weapon employed by Perseus was a stone,
or a sword, or his scimitar (sickle-sword).

12. The story of Perseus in its bearings on primitive folk-tale and
religion is exhaustively treated by E. S. Hartland, Legend of Perseus^
3 vols., London, 1894-96.

13. Homer, Odyssey^ xi. 593-600 (translated by S. H. Butcher and
A. Lang, London, 1900).

14. Fick {Hattiden und Danubier in Griechenlandj pp. 43 flF.) suggests
that the name and person of Sisyphos are derived from TiSup (or
Tishub, Teshub), the principal male deity of the Hittites so often
depicted on their monuments.

15. For a similar story see that of Kyknos and Tennes in Pausanias,
X. xiv.

16. One is probably nearer the truth in connecting it with inry6$
(cf. iHiywni)y "strong."

Chapter III

1. Christopher Marlowe, Didoy Act II.

2. For a discussion of the problems involved consult T. G. Tucker,
Aeschylus^ The Seven against ThebeSy Cambridge, 1908, Introd.;
Gomme, "The Legend of Cadmus," etc.; and "The Topography of
Boeotia," etc.

3. For the story of Aktaion see infra^ p. 252; of Ino, p. 262; of
Semele and Dionysos, p. 217.

4. Sophokles, Oidipous KoloneuSy 11. 161 1 £F. (translated by E. H.
Plumptre, Boston, 1906).

5. AUinson, Greek Lands and Letters ^ p. 332.

6. Cf. Tucker, pp. xxxiv-xxxvii; Allinson, p. 292.

7. Homer, Iliad^ ix. 573-99.



Chapter IV

1. "In Cretan myth the sun was conceived as a bull. On the other
hand, in Cretan ritual the Labyrinth was an orchestra of solar pattern
presumably made for a mimetic dance. ... It would seem highly
probable that the dancer imitating the sun masqueraded in the Laby-
rinth as a bull" (A. B. Cook, Zeus^ i. 490-91).

2. Pausanias, II. iv. 5 (translated by J. G. Frazer).

3. Miss Harrison {Myth, and Mon,y pp. xxxiii, xxxv) advances the
very probable suggestion that this story is primarily aetiological in
character, being intended as an explanation of the ritual of the Arre-
phoria (or Hersephoria). The fate of the disobedient sisters is a detail



 



 



326 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY

added for the purpose of frightening officiating maidens into strict
observance of the rules governing the ritual.

4. Another etymology derives the word from iLpGtp T&ym, "hill of
curses"; cf. pp. 102, 189.

5. I. XXX. 3.

Chapter V

1. For the development of Herakles as a mythological character
see especially Friedlander, Herakles.

2. xix. 90-133.

3. The order of the labours which we shall follow is that given by
ApoUodoros.

4. For discussions of the identity and character of the Amazons see
especially the articles by Adolphe Reinach listed in the Bibliography.

5. Pindar, Olympian Odesj xi. (x.) 44 flF.

Chapter VII

1. Apollonios of Rhodes, Argonautika^ i. 1 13-14.

2. ib. i. 544-45-

3. ib. ii. 79-80.

4. The writer is tempted, in agreement with A. B. Cook {Zeus^ i.
723-24), to see in the person of Talos a reference to the cite perdue
method of hollow-casting in bronze.



Chapter VIII

1. A. B. Cook {Zeus^ i. 414-19) is strongly inclined to believe that
both this golden lamb and the golden ram of Phrixos are epiphanies
of Zeus.

2. The most accessible collection of the fragments and ancient sum-
maries of the Cyclic Epics is to be found in the Scriptorum Classicorum
Bibliotheca OxoniensiSy Homeri Opera^ v. (Oxford, 191 1). The frag-
ment of the Kypria just quoted appears on p. 118.

3. Euripides, Trojan Women^ U. 892-93 (translated by Gilbert
Murray, New York, 1915).

4. ib. 11. 924-33-

5. Euripides, Iphigeneia in Tauris, 1. 15 (translated by Gilbert
Murray).

6. i. 52 (translated by A. Lang, W. Leaf, and E. Myers, London,
1907).

7. vi. 486-89 (translated by Lang, Leaf, and Myers).

8. xix. 67-70 (translated by Lang, Leaf, and Myers).

9. See Oxford text of Homer, v. pp. 125-27.



 



 



NOTES 327

10. See Oxford text of Homer, v. pp. 127-40.

11. Euripides, Trojan Women^ 11. 1 160-61 (translated by Gilbert
Murray).

12. ib. 1. 75 (translated by Gilbert Murray).

13. Oxford text of Homer, v. 140-43.

14. Aischylos seems to have made Argos and not Mykenai the scene
of the Agamemnon in order to please the Argive allies of Athens.

15. Euripides, Iphigeneia in Tauris^ 11. 79 flF. (translated by Gilbert
Murray).

16. Tennyson, The Lotos-Eaters,

17. Oxford text of Homer, v. 143-44.



86
Greek Mythology / Re: Greek & Roman Mythology
« on: August 04, 2019, 11:08:59 PM »



3o6 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLCXJY

Italy and the glories of the great nation into which the exiles
were destined to grow. Pondering these things in his heart,
Aeneas pursued his way back to earth.

From Cumae Aeneas sailed northward until he cast anchor
in the mouth of the Tiber off the coast of Latium at a time
when the king of this country was Latinus, the son of Faunus
and a grandson of Saturn. Recognizing in Aeneas the man who,
according to a prophecy, was to be the husband of his only
daughter, Lavinia, he entered into a political alliance with
him and promised to make him his son-in-law, thereby annul-
ling Lavinia's betrothal toTumus, the king of the neighbouring
Rutulians. Through the interference of the implacable luno
this led to a long war between Turnus and Latinus, but though
the latter was killed in one of the early struggles, his forces,
aided by Aeneas and his men, succeeded in winning a victory.
Turnus, defeated but not discouraged, called to his assistance
Mezentius, the Etruscan king, and to such an extent did he
threaten the supremacy of the Trojans that the latter asso-
ciated themselves with a band of Greek colonists who, under
the leadership of Evander and his son Pallas, were living on
the hills destined to be included in the city of Rome. In the
conflicts that ensued, Pallas was slain by Turnus, and, later,
Mezentius and Turnus fell at the hand of Aeneas, the Trojans
achieving, through the death of this last foe, a victory which
gave them undisputed possession of the land. At this point
the narrative of the Aeneid ends, leaving the reader to infer
that the nuptials of Aeneas and Lavinia were promptly con-
summated.

EvenU subsequent to those of the Aeneid. — After his mar-
riage, Aeneas founded in Latium a new city which he called
Lavinium after his wife, and when he died a short time later,
his subjects, regarding him as a god, gave him the title of
luppiter Indiges. About thirty years subsequent to the found-
ing of Lavinium, Ascanius, the son whom Lavinia bore to
Aeneas, withdrew a portion of its population and established



 



 



 



 



PLATE LXIII
Romulus and Remus

This archaic Italian bronze is commonly interpreted
as representing the she-wolf suckling Romulus and
Remus in the wild lands near the Tiber; it may have
originally referred, however, to other legendary char-
acters who were said to have been similarly reared.
From a bronze in the Conservatory Museum, Rome
(Brunn-Bruckmann, DenkmdUr griichischer und rSm-
iscber Sculptur^ No. 3 1 8). See p. 307.



 



 




 



 



 



 



EARLY DAYS OF ROME 307

the colony of Alba Longa, over which he and his descendants
ruled for several successive generations.

At length a quarrel arose between Numitor and Amulius,
two brothers in the direct line of descent, as to which of them
should reign, and Amulius, the younger and less scrupulous,
getting the upper hand, banished his brother, and, in order to
wipe out that branch of the family, forced his niece, Rea Silvia,
to take the vows of a Vestal. But his wicked designs were frus-
trated by destiny, for the god Mars looked with favour on the
maiden, and by him she became the mother of twin boys,
Romulus and Remus. When Amulius learned of their birth,
he cruelly had them set adrift in a basket on the flooded Tiber,
but when the water subsided, they were left on dry land and
were found and nursed by a she-wolf. As it happened, the
king's shepherd, Faustulus, came across them in the wild lands
and taking them to his home reared them as his own sons.
When they had become men, they learned of their relationship
to Amulius and of his wicked deeds, and, accordingly, with a
band of youths they attacked him in his palace, slew him, and
restored the kingdom of Alba Longa to their grandfather,
Numitor. Unable to sever their connexions with the locality
where they had spent their boyhood, they jointly founded a
new city there, but when it became necessary to decide the
question as to which of them should rule, they fell to quarrel-
ling, until finally, in an outburst of anger, Romulus killed
Remus, and, now without a rival, assumed the title and the
powers of king. To perpetuate his own name he called his city
Rome.



1—24



 



 



 



 



APPENDIX



 



 



 



 



APPENDIX

I. SURVIVALS OF ANCIENT GREEK DIVINITIES AND MYTHS IN

MODERN GREECE

rj 1910 Mr. J. C. Lawson published at Cambridge a book entitled
ModemGreek Folklore and Ancient Greek Religion^ basing his treatise
mainly on his own investigations, yet also taking into account those
of his predecessors in the field, Polites, Hahn, Schmidt, Bent, and
others. In undertaking his task he was more timely than he knew,
anticipating as he did by only a small margin of years both the
Balkan Vl^ar and the present European Vl^ar. In view of the rapidly
changing conditions of life and thought in the peninsula since 191 2,
no one can entertain a doubt that Mr. Lawson has gathered together,
just before it is too late, certain popular beliefs of undeniable an-
tiquity which are of incalculable importance to the student of com-
parative religion in general and to the student of the ancient Greek
religion in particular. It is generally regretted, however, that his book
lacks the happy multum in parvo which would have made it more
useful to scholars and would have ensured it a wider circle of lay
readers; his prolix discussion, for instance, of Kallikantzaroi, and the
protracted study of revenants among the Slavonic stocks, are, to say
the least, ennuyeux as well as of doubtful profit, even for those thor-
oughly interested in such themes. Nevertheless, we overlook these
faults in recognition of the true worth of the volume, and in the para-
graphs which follow we shall present a summary of those features of
the book which reflect most clearly the principal gods and myths dis-
cussed in our own study.

The objection is frequently urged that the strong Slavic strain in
the population of modem Greece precludes the possibility of differ-
entiating, with any degree of certainty, the purely Greek elements
in the belief of the common people from those factors which have
their origin in other sources. Mr. Lawson's reply to this is very con-
vincing. He points out^ that "even in the centre of the Peloponnese
where the Slavonic element has probably been strongest, the pure
Greek type is not wholly extinct," and also that in many of the
islands the population is admittedly of an almost unmixed Greek de-
scent. The probability of the continuity of Greek tradition, at least
in certain districts, is therefore very strong. At any rate "the exact



 



 



312 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGV

proportion of Slavonic and of Hellenic blood in the veins of the mod-
em Greeks is not a matter of supreme importance."

Only in a few localities, notably in Crete, does any form of the
name of Zeus survive, but the god still lives under the title Gefc
("God"), a title so conveniently equivocal that the Christian can
use it without heresy and at the same time square perfectly with the
ancient pagan belief. For instance, the modem Greek says, /Spexa
6 e^ ("God rains"), or, 6 Gc^ plxv^i vtpb ("God is throwing water"),
just as the ancient said, Zein 5c4 ("Zeus rains"). When it thunders,
the modem exclaims, fipovrow rh irkroKa iivd r' UXoyo rod Qeov ("the
hoofs of God's horse are resounding"), an expression which instantly
calls to mind the story of Pegasos in the stables of Olympos or har-
nessed to the rolling car of Zeus. The lightning is God's peculiar
prerogative and at times is even employed as an instrument of
vengeance on o£Fending mortals or devils as on the Titans and Sal-
moneus of old.

Poseidon survives in function and attribute only, though he can
be identified as the divinity with the trident alluded to in a story of
Zakynthos which Mr. Lawson* borrows from Bemhard Schmidt.
"A king who was the strongest man of his time made war on a
neighbour. His strength lay in three hairs on his breast. He was
on the point of crushing his foes when his wife was bribed to cut off
the hairs, and he with thirteen companions was taken prisoner.
But the hairs began to grow again, and so his enemies threw him and
his companions into a pit. The others were killed by the fall, but
he being thrown in last, fell upon them and was unhurt. Over the
pit his enemies then raised a mound. He found however in the pit
a dead bird, and having fastened its wings to his hands flew up and
carried away mound and all with him. Then he soared high in the
air until a storm of rain washed away the clay that held the feathers
to his hands, and he fell into the sea. *Then from out the sea came
the god thereof (6 daliMvas Tfjs ^dXeur<raf) and struck him with a three-
pronged fork (jxla irtipowa /U rpla dtx^Xta)' and changed him into a
dolphin until such time as he should find a maiden ready to be his
wife. The dolphin after some time saved a ship-wrecked king and
his daughter, and the princess by way of reward took him for her
husband and the spell was broken." This story contains clear
reminiscences of Nisos and Ikaros as well as of the ancient god
of the sea.

To the Greek of today the Archangel Michael is as Hermes to the
pre-Christian Greek, being the psychopomp, the divine escort of
souls to the afterworld, which is still popularly located in the heart
of earth. In the Maina, at the southem extremity of the Peloponnesc,
the belief prevails that, with drawn sword in hand, Michael keeps



 



 



APPENDIX 313

sentry on the mouths of the great cavern of Tainaros, which is still
the best known approach to the underworld.

The character and functions of Dionysos are transferred to Saint
Dionysios in a legend told in many places. "Once upon a time
Saint Dionysios was on his way to Nazos: and as he went he espied a
small plant which excited his wonder. He dug it up, and because the
sun was hot sought wherewith to shelter it. As he looked about, he
saw the bone of a bird's leg, and in this he put the plant to keep it
safe. To his surprise the plant began to grow, and he sought again
a larger covering for it. This time he found the leg-bone of a lion,
and as he could not detach the plant from the bird's leg, he put both
together in that of the lion. Yet again it grew and this time he found
the leg-bone of an ass and put plant and all into that. And so he
came to Nazos. And when he came to plant the vine — for the
plant was in fact the first vine — he could not sever it from the bones
that sheltered it, but planted them all together. Then the vine grew
and bore grapes and men made wine and drank thereof. And first
when they drank they sang like birds, and when they drank more
they grew strong as lions, and afterwards foolish as asses." ' A similar
popular identification of this beneficent saint with Dionysos is also
to be inferred from the fact that the road which skirts the south side
of the Athenian Acropolis and the ancient theatre of Dionysos is at
present known as the street of Saint Dionysios.

Of all the survivals of the greater goddesses, the most conspicuous
is Demeter, who lives on in three forms. In one of these she retains
her agrarian relations, but has changed her sez and taken on the
name of Saint Demetrios, whereas at Eleusis she has well maintained
her old character under the name of Saint Demetra. There is a
popular myth concerning the saint, which, in spite of its many con-
taminations of ancient and mediaeval elements, is distinctly reminis-
cent of the sad wanderings of Demeter in her search for the lost
Persephone. Along with Aphrodite and Pyrrha, Demeter contributes
traits to the modem Goddess of the Sea and Earth. This hybrid
divinity, the story runs, drowned all mankind by sending a flood upon
the earth as a punishment of human sin, but on the subsidence of
the waters she created a new race by sowing stones.

In Aitolia, the land of Atalante, the huntress Artemis survives as
4 icupA KAXoj ("Lady Kalo"), a title which seems to be more than a
mere echo of the divine Kalliste and her mythic double, Kallisto.
In some localities, however, Artemis, like Demeter, has gone over to
the opposite sez and is now known as Saint Artemidoros, who, in his
capacity as special patron of weakling children, is plainly the direct
successor of the ancient "Aprc/uj xat5orp60os.

At Eleusis Aphrodite (if wpd '<l>po5lTri) has become the beautiful



 



 



314 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY

daughter of Saint Demetra, although she is also associated with
Daphni and the heights of Corinth, at both of which places she had
shrines in ancient times, while the people of Z^kynthos still know
her as the mother of Eros (TEpa>ra$). The chaste Athene, on the
other hand, survives only in the recollection that the Parthenon was
at one time converted into a church of the Blessed Virgin.

Although the Nereids were to the ancient Greeks a lesser order of
divinities, they are perhaps the chiefest in the ill-co-ordinated pan-
theon of the modem. Their collective name, N^dtS^, appears in
numerous dialectic forms, and this term, like the ancient designa-
tion NC^M^i, is broadly inclusive of all types of female spirits of the
wild — of water, wood, mountain, spring, and stream. The pres-
ence of the Nereids is suspected everywhere in the great out-of-
doors, and they are conceived as "women half-divine yet not im-
mortal, always young, always beautiful, capricious at best, and at
their worst cruel."* In some districts they have borrowed from the
satyrs the feet of goats or of asses. Human beings and animals alike
are liable to fall under their spells, and like Thetis and her kindred
folk of the sea they have the power of transforming themselves at
pleasure. The Nereids of the springs sometimes steal children as
the nymphs of old carried oflF Hylas, and when they pass over the
land, their paths are marked by whirlwinds. So close are they still
to the lives of the common people that they are believed to consort
with men and to bear them children.

The grim grey ferryman Charon is now known as Charos, or, less
frequently, Charondas, but in the process of centuries he has been
almost utterly despoiled of his craft and oar, and, as the god of death,
has assumed the sceptre of the underworld. Hades being no longer a
person, but a place whither Charos receives the souls of the de-
parted. Associated with Charos are his wife Charissa, or Charondissa,
a merely nominal female counterpart, and a three-headed snake,
although according to a Macedonian story, his animal companion
is a three-headed dog, which can be none other than the hell-hound
Kerberos. There exist only sporadic traces of the old custom of
placing a coin in the mouth of a corpse as passage-money due to
Charon. The prominent place occupied by Charos in the thought
of the modern Greek suggests that his prototype was a much more
important personage in the popular mythology of the ancient than
the literature would lead one to believe, and it may be that among
the rank and file of the people Charon, rather than Hades, was the
Lord of the Dead.

The most monstrous of the mythical creatures living in the
imagination of the modern Hellenes are the Kallikantzaroi, whose
name, like that of the Nereids, appears in many dialectic forms, and



 



 



APPENDIX 3 IS

is derived, Lawson believes and takes great pains to demonstrate,
from that of the Centaurs. Be this as it may, at least a part of the
bestial habits of the Kallikantzaroi have been drawn from the
Centaurs. They are divided into two classes, according as they are
of more than or less than human size, those of the former category
being repulsive to look upon and generally malevolent, while those
of the second type are given to frolic and mischief and are harmless
to men, though not to animals.

In the faith of the populace the Moirai, or Fates, still possess a
very real vitality and are endowed with a large measure of their
primitive powers. In a story current in a certain district of Epeiros
they are three in number, the first of whom spins the thread which
determines the length of each human life, the second accords good
fortune, and the third evil fortune. They are regarded as inhabiting
caves and even artificially wrought openings in the sides of hills,
such as the rock-dwellings in the Hill of the Muses at Athens.
Women rather than men are their most constant votaries, matrons
generally consulting them in reference to motherhood, and maidens
in regard to matrimony. OflFerings are made to them with the ob-
ject of winning their favour and of influencing their decrees, which
are inalterable when once they have been issued.

Pan is not yet dead, ancient legend to the contrary, and Lawson*
gives the epitome of a story treating of him taken from Schmidt's
collection of folk-tales. "Once upon a time a priest had a good son
who tended goats. One day *Panos' gave him a kid with a skin of
gold. He at once offered it as a burnt-offering to God, and in answer
an angel promised him whatever he should ask. He chose a magic
pipe which should make all his hearers dance. So no enemy could
come near to touch him. The king however sent for him, and the
goatherd, after making the envoys dance more than once, volun-
tarily let himself be taken. The king then threw him into prison,
but he had his flute still with him, and when he played even houses
and rocks danced, and fell and crushed all save him and his. 'The
whole business,' concludes the story, *was arranged by Panos to
cleanse the world somewhat of evil men.' ... If the tale be a piece
of genuine tradition [i. e. not a scholastic revival], the conclusion of
it is remarkable. The moral purpose ascribed to the deity seems to
indicate a loftier conception of him than that which is commonly
found in ancient art and literature."



 



 


87
Greek Mythology / Re: Greek & Roman Mythology
« on: August 04, 2019, 11:02:58 PM »


NATIVE ITALIC GODS 297

(e) Gods of Human Society

lanus. T- So obscure was the origin of lanus that the
Roman poets took all manner of liberties with him, using the
joint appearance of his head and of a ship on coins as data for
a mythical history of this god. He was, said one of them, an
aboriginal king who ruled on Mount laniculum, at first sharing
his throne with a noble whose name was Camese, but later,
when luppiter's divine regime began, being banished along
with Saturnus and taking up his abode in Latium. In another
account he was represented as having come to Latium from the
land of the Perrhaiboians together with his sister-wife, Camese,
who bore him three sons, one of them being Tiberinus, after
whom the Tiber was named. The legends did not stint lanus
with wives. Besides Camese he is said to have married either
the water-nymph Venilia and by her to have become the father
of Canens, or the water-nymph luturna, who bore to him Fons
(or Fontus). Again he is said to have conceived a passion for a
certain divinity Cama, whom he seized in a grotto, after a
long pursuit, promising to appoint her the Goddess of Hinges
should she yield to him. Upon her compliance he renamed her
Cardo, or Cardea ("Hinge *')> and gave her the white thorn
with which to banish evil from doorways.

Of all the theories to account for the origin of lanus none
is more probable than that which comprehends him as a per-
sonality gradually evolved from a private ritual of a magical
order designed to drive evil influences from the doors of dwell-
ings. "The very vagueness of this god, even with the Romans
themselves, indicates that their interest was rather in the con-
crete values associated with the doorway and in the practical
expedients necessary in guarding it." • As the state was simply
an enlarged domestic circle, it was not unnatural that lanus
should be connected with the ancient gates or arches in the
Forum which bore his name, and there, in the late Republican
period, stood an image of the god with two faces, one of which



 



 



298 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY

was turned toward the east and the other toward the west
This intimation that his domain lay both before and behind
him may have sprung from the very obvious fact that every
entrance has two sides. From being a god of entrances it was
not a far cry to become a deity of beginnings, and as such he
was invoked at the beginning of each year, each month, and
each day. The prominence of his name and of his epithet,
paUr^ in ancient ceremonial formulae attests his great age.

Vesta. — By reason of her fixed character Vesta had no
place in formal myth. She was the numen of the hearth, first
of the home and then of the state, and since the functions and
symbolism of the hearth never changed from century to cen-
tury, neither could Vesta vary a jot or a tittle from her original
conception — any alteration would have broken the thread
of continuity in the religious sentiment of the Roman as a
member of a family and as a citizen. In the home Vesta typi-
fied and protected the life of the family; the food in the larder,
destined to be subjected to the heat of the hearth-flame, was
under her care; the matron was her priestess. The Temple
(or, better, the House) of Vesta in the Forum was nothing
less than the home and fireside of the state, and on its hearth
the six Vestal Virgins prepared sacrificial offerings in behalf
of the state with food taken from the sacred larder, while the
inviolability of the home and the integrity of the state were
pictured in the purity of Vesta herself and of her Virgins. Her
title, matety was suggestive of her graciousness.

Di Penates; Lares. — Also closely connected with family
life were the Di Penates, the numerous divinities of the penuSy
or larder, though they were so dimly conceived that they were
endued with neither sex nor personality, their plurality being
doubtless derived from the variety and the changing character
of the stock of food-stuffs. From the time of Julius Caesar and
Augustus the mythical idea of the Trojan origin of the Penates
prevailed. The Lares are linked with the Penates in popular
phrase, jointly constituting a synonym for household property,



 



 



NATIVE ITALIC GODS 299

but at the outset, apparently, there was only one Lar to a
household, and that the protecting numen of the allotment of
land on which the actual building stood- At length its function
was broadened so as to include the house, and in Imperial
times the name became pluralized and acquired a character
as a synonym of house. When Ovid wrote that the Lares were
the children of the outraged Lara, or Dea Tacita, and Mercury,
he was indulging his fancy; as a matter of fact, they were some-
times held to be the Roman counterparts of the Kouretes, the
Korybantes, or the Daktyloi.

Minerva. — Any complexity there was in the personality of
the static divinity, Minerva (Menerva), was due to the in-
fluence of Athene, with whom she was identified, for in her
primitive estate she seems to have been merely the goddess of
the few and simple arts of an undeveloped rustic community.
The Romans probably got her from Falerii prior to its fall in
241 B.C. and after the institution of the so-called Calendar of
Numa, and established her in a temple in the Aventine as the
patroness of the crafts and the guilds. Her inclusion in the
Capitoline triad beside luppiter and luno may have resulted
from a conscious attempt to reproduce in Rome a group like
that of Zeus, Hera, and Athene.

(f) Abstract Gods

The inelastic character of the Roman's religious thinking
is nowhere more clearly brought out than in the circle of his
abstract divinities, for Pavor ("Panic")? Pax ("Peace''),
Concordia ("Harmony"), Spes ("Hope"), and the like, were
each fixed personalities of one trait and one trait only, a cir-
cumstance which naturally shut them out from narrative
myth. The field for which they were by nature suited was that
of stereotyped symbolism, and only so far as an accepted reli-
gious symbol is a myth may they be considered as mythological
personages. They and their several symbols are too numerous
for us to discuss here.



 



 



300 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY

(g) Momentary and Departmental Gods

The great host of the Roman's momentary and departmental
divinities, commonly known to scholars as Sondergotter^ seem
at first glance to be an argument which disproves the lack of
pliability in the Roman's habits of religious thought. As a
matter of fact, however, they confirm the reality of this char-
acteristic, for as a class they are nothing more than an aggre-
gate of the most simply conceived units which sustain to one
another the same immediate relations that exist between the
practical interests and activities of a primitive people. Some
of these divinities, such as Messor ("Harvester"), Convector
("Gamerer")> and Sari tor ("Weeder''), spiritualize human
acts, while others spiritualize certain processes of nature which
are conspicuous either in themselves or in their results. A
chosen few of this latter order will be ample for the purpose
of illustration: Seia, Segesta, Nodutus, Patelana, and Matura
are numina that preside successively over the sowing and sprout-
ing of the com, the formation of the joints on its stem, the un-
folding of leaf and flower, and, finally, the ripening of straw
and ear. Similarly each stage of a child's growth from concep-
tion to adult stature is guarded by a numen whose function is
transparent in its commonly accepted name. In brief, no nat-
ural process of moment to the Roman's well-being fails to
receive recognition as a divinity.

III. GODS OF FOREIGN ORIGIN

Apollo. — Apollo was from the beginning frankly a loan
from the Greek world. He was brought to Rome in the fifth
century by way of Cumae as a god of healing to put an end
to a great plague which threatened to exterminate the populace,
and in his train came the books of the Sibylline oracles. In the
Augustan age the average Roman knew him only as the god
of poetry and music, a role which was first assigned him in



 



 



 



 



PLATE LXII

Magna Mater

T^e image of Kybele, or, as known to the Romans,
Magna Mater, is seated on a throne placed in a car
drawn by lions. On her head is the so-called mural
crown, on the back of which an end of her bimaMn
has been so caught up as to hang behind her like a
veil In her lap she holds a tympanon on edge. This
group is commemorative of an annual Roman ritual in
which the image of the Great Mother was conveyed
in her car from her shrine in the city to a neighbour-
ing stream, where both were ceremonially bathed.
From a bronze of the second century a.d., found in
Rome and now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art,
New York {photograph). See pp. 273 ff., 303-04.



 



 




 



 



 



 



FOREIGN GODS 301

Rome, when translations of Greek literary works began to
attain popularity. Augustus chose him as the divine patron
of his regime and dedicated to him a beautiful temple on the
Palatine.

Aesculapius. — The outbreak of a pestilence at Rome in
292 B.C. turned the Romans to a consultation of the Sibylline
books, where they discovered directions enjoining them to
send a deputation of citizens to the healing shrine of Asklepios
at Epidauros, the envoys bringing back a serpent as a living
symbol of the god, and at the same time instructions for
establishing the new worship. It happened that when their
ship reached the city, the serpent leaped overboard and swam
to the island in the Tiber, where the new shrine was built,
the god's name being given the Latin form of Aesculapius.
When Salus, originally an abstract divinity of well-being in
general, became recognized as the same as Hygieia ("Health")*
the matter-of-fact Roman mind made her the oflScial consort
of the new god of healing.

Mercurius. — In the early fifth century, on the occasion of
a failure of crops which necessitated the importation of foreign
food-stuffs, the Romans borrowed one phase of the character
of Hermes, and, exalting it to the dignity of godhead, used it
to protect the maritime routes which the grain ships must fol-
low. Naturally, this phase was the favour which Hermes ac-
corded to trade and traders, and Mercurius, the name of the
new god, connected as it is with the Latin words merces ("mer-
chandise") and mercatOT ("tradesman"), served as a permanent
register of his function. While Mercurius always took the
place of Hermes in the Romanized Greek legends, his character
in cult remained unaltered through the centuries. In art he
was generally distinguished by the chief symbols of Hermes —
the caduceus, the pouch, and the winged hat.

Castor and Pollux. — The worship of Kastor and Polydeu-
kes, as Castor and Pollux, came to Italy at so early a date that
when the Romans accepted it, apparently from Tusculum, they



 



 



302



GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY



did so under the impression that it was of Italic origin; but the
outstanding features of these divinities at Rome — their asso-
ciation with horses and lakes,
and their power to give help in
time of need — were brought
with them from Greece. In
myth it is recorded that they
suddenly appeared at the bat-
tles of Lake Regillus, Pydna,
and Verona just in time to
bring victory to the Roman
cause. After the battle of
Lake Regillus they were seen
to water their horses in the
basin of the fountain of lu-
turna, and on this spot the
citizens erected a shrine known
as the Temple of the Castors,
or the Temple of Castor.

Hercules. — Under the name
of Hercules the Greek Herakles
was admitted into the Roman
family of gods as though he
were a native Italic divinity.
At his very ancient altar, the

Zeus, seated on an altar-like throne be- ^ t| *- . i. t?

tween luno and Hercules, draws the two -«^^ Moxxma^ near the TOHim

diyinities toward one another thus sancti- Boarium, or the Cattle-market,

tying their union. From the design incised i • t j

on the back of an Etruscan bronze mirror he WaS Worshipped aS a god

of the fourth century Bc now in the Met- powerful to aid Commerce and

ropolitan Museum of Art, New York. '^

Other practical pursuits,
whence, accordingly, tithes of profits in trade and of the booty
of war were dedicated to him.

The popularity which Herakles enjoyed in Greece, owing to
his unparalleled ability to bring things to pass, so inspired the
Roman imagination that almost out of whole cloth it manufac-




FiG. II. Marriage of Iuno and
Hercules



 



 



FOREIGN GODS 303

tured mythological forms to glorify the adopted Hercules.
Not only did he have an intrigue with a certain Acca Larentia,
but he was the husband now of luno, now of Evander's daugh-
ter, now of Rhea, now of Fauna; and by the last three in this
order he became the father of Pallas, Aventinus, and Latinus,
Among his mighty feats were numbered his retention of the
waters of Lake Avemus in their basin by means of a dam, and
his slaughter of some threatening giants at Cumae. When he
was returning eastward through Italy with the cattle of Geryo-
neus, we are told, some of his herd were stolen by a native
shepherd named Cacus (apparently an aboriginal fire-god) and
driven backward into a cave; but, although at first puzzled
by the inverted tracks, Hercules at length succeeded in locat-
ing and recovering the animals and in killing the thief. He
then naade himself known to Evander, an Arkadian refugee
ruling on the Palatine, who received him with unbounded hos-
pitality and dedicated to him the Ara Maxima^ the ceremonies
observed at this altar by Evander becoming the model of those
used in the worship of Hercules through succeeding centuries.

Dis Pater. — Dis Pater — also known as Orcus — and Pro-
serpina were both Greek, the name Dis being simply a trans-
lation of nXovTooi/ ("Wealthy") and that of Orcus a faulty
transliteration of ""Op^o?, the "oath" sworn in the name of
Hades, while Proserpina is obviously an adaptation of Per-
sephone. To the Roman Dis Pater was the chief god of the lower
world in his function as king of the departed, and Orcus was the
same deity in his role as the inexorable reaper, or, occasionally,
as that divinity who takes pity on suffering mortals and gently
bears them away to their long rest, the nature of Orcus being
so readily grasped by the Roman mind, in its slavery to fact,
that he was the more popular of the two forms.

Magna Mater. — In the midst of the Romans* despair of
receiving help against Hannibal from their accepted gods they
turned, in obedience to a Sibylline oracle, to the Asiatic Magna
Mater, the "Great Mother" of the gods. With the permission



 



 



304 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY

of Attalos of Pergamon they brought to Rome from Phrjrgia
the meteoric stone which embodied her and then established a
festival for the re-enactment of the rites which characterized
her worship in the east. She accomplished the purpose for which
she had been brought and drove Hannibal out of Italy, but m
spite of his gratitude to her, the sedate Roman never became
thoroughly accustomed to the wild abandon of her votaries.

IV. MYTHS OF THE EARLY DAYS OF ROME

The Aeneid of VergiL — In their national epics Naevius and
Ennius had made the glory of the city their central interest and
had popularized the idea that the founders of Rome were of
Trojan stock. Vergil took over these motives, and, by injecting
into them his own deep love of his land and his broodings on
the life and destiny of man, and by lavishing on them his
chastened poetical skill, produced the greatest of all Roman
epics, the Aeneidj which tells the story of the wanderings of
Trojan Aeneas.

Aeneas (Greek Aineias), as we have read, was the son of
Anchises and Venus (i. e. Aphrodite). Amid the confusion
attendant on the sack of Troy, he made his way with his father
and little son, lulus, to the shelter of the wooded heights near
the city, and there gathered about him a number of fugitives,
whom he led in making preparations to sail away to a strange
land and found a new home. After many busy weeks they set
out, first crossing to Thrace and then steering southward to
Delos, where, at the shrine of Apollo, they were bidden by
the oracle to seek the motherland of their ancestors and
there make their abode. Believing that this referred to Crete,
Aeneas led his followers thither, but after the little colony
had suffered many misfortunes he was warned in a dream to
establish it instead in the western land of Hesperia (i. e. Italy).
In the quest of this country he again set sail with his follow-
ers, and many were the vicissitudes of their long voyage. They



 



 



EARLY DAYS OF ROME 305

came successively to the island of the Harpies, to the home of
Helenus and Andromache on the coast of Epirus, and to the
land of the Cyclops, where they saw the blinded Polyphemus.
In an endeavour to avoid Scylla and Charybdis, they hugged
the southern shores of Sicily with the intention of doubling
the western extremity of the island, but luno espied them, and,
unable to forget that they belonged to the Trojan race which
she hated, roused a great storm that drove them on the coast
of Carthage.

At this time Carthage was ruled by a Tyrian queen named
Dido, who welcomed the fugitives into her court, entertaining
them for many months as though they were a company of
kings, and at her request Aeneas told the story of the fall of
his city and of his perilous voyage from land to land in his
search for a home. His personal charms won her love, and she
offered to share her kingdom with him, but when, weary of
wandering longer and despairing of finding his destined land,
Aeneas was on the point of yielding to her passionate impor-
tunities, luppiter, through Mercury, roused him from his
lethargy and turned his face once more toward the ships and
the sea.

Re-embarking, the Trojans sailed northward and under the
protection of Neptune reached the shores of Hesperia near
Cumae, the home of the Sibyl. Here, like Odysseus in Kim-
meria, Aeneas made the descent into Hades and saw many
dire monsters and the shadowy troops of the dead. After con-
versing with the shades of some whom he had known in life,
he turned to make his way upward to the light, his path
leading him through Elysium, where he found the shade of
his father, Anchises, who had died since the departure from
Troy. By him he was led into the spacious Vale of Forget-
fulness and was shown the vast assemblage of souls that were
waiting to be implanted in some human body and given life
upon earth, while Anchises also revealed to him the trials
which he had yet to experience in establishing his colony in



 



 

88
Greek Mythology / Re: Greek & Roman Mythology
« on: August 04, 2019, 11:01:54 PM »

In the dearth of Roman myth the Latin writers from Livius
Andronicus onward were forced to draw for their literary
material on the abundant store of Greek poetry, and with the
poetry naturally went the Greek gods and the Greek mythology,
although, in order to make the character of these beings in-
telligible to Roman readers, the authors had to equate or
identify them with those of the accepted gods of the land
whom they resembled most closely. In some instances they
made use of identifications ready made in the popular belief,
whence it came about that, for instance, Zeus was always repre-
sented by luppiter, Hera by luno, Artemis by Diana, and
Demeter by Ceres. Practically all the myths of pan-Hellenic
currency became common Roman property; only the narrowly
local ones were untouched. Assuming this, we can read the



 



 



NATIVE ITALIC GODS 289

Greek myths of our preceding pages as Roman, if only we take
the pains to change the names of the gods to those of their
Roman equivalents.^

I. ETRUSCAN MYTHOLOGY

Unhappily we are unable to distinguish with exactness the
Etruscan contribution to Roman religion, although Roman
writers definitely labelled a few myths as from this source.
According to an Etruscan cosmogony, the creator appointed
twelve millenniums for the acts of creation and assigned to them
severally the twelve signs of the zodiac. In the first millennium
he created heaven and earth; in the second the firmament; in
the third the land, sea, and lesser waters; in the fourth the
sun, moon, and stars; in the fifth the creatures of air, earth,
and water; and in the sixth man, whose race was to endure
for the remaining six millenniums and then perish. A myth
attributed the origin of the Etruscan religious system to a
child named Tages, who took human form from a clod thrown
up by a plough and in song delivered his holy message to a
wondering throng. The nymph Begoe was said to have re-
vealed the so-called sacred law of limitation to Arruns Vel-
tymnius, while Mantus is recorded as the name of the Etruscan
god of the underworld, and Volta as the appellation of a
mythical monster.

II. NATIVE ITALIC GODS

(a) Nature-Xiods: Of the Sky^ Atmosphere, and Time

luppiter. — luppiter (lovis, Diovis, Dius, Diespiter), the
chief god of all the Italic stocks, was a personification of the
sky and its phenomena, being, therefore, rightly identified
with Zeus. His control over the weather and light made him
of necessity the all-important divinity of a nation of shepherds
and husbandmen, and his might was manifested in the thun-



 



 



290 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY

der, lightning, and rain; in fact, legend reported him as coming
to earth in bodily form with the thunderbolt. This is the
origin of his epithets Fulgur (" Lightning ")> Fulmen ("Thun-
derbolt '*)> and, doubtless, also of Feretrius, while as the rain-
god he bears the names Pluvius, Pluvialis, and Elicius. From
his lofty seat in the heavens he could behold all that hap-
pened upon earth; hence, as Terminus, he became the guar-
dian of boundaries between properties, and, as Dius Fidius,
the witness of men's fidelity to their oaths. Only a few of the
Roman gods became thus moralized.

Mater Matuta. — Mater Matuta was the deity who, in
the words of Lucretius,* "at a certain hour brings down the
dawn through the tracts of air and diflFuses the light of day";
but she was also a divinity of birth, and in these two capacities
was likened by the Greeks to their Leukothea and Eileithyia
respectively. As the former she became a goddess of the sea
and of sailors, while Melikertes, or Palaimon, the son of Leu-
kothea, was likened to the Roman Portunus ("Protector of
Harbours").

The gods of the seasons were few. The explanations sug-
gested by the ancients to account for the significance of the
goddess Angerona are childish, and she seems really to have
been, like Anna Perenna, a divinity of the winter solstice.
As protector of plants through all their stages from blooming
to fruit-bearing Vertumnus was perhaps aboriginally a god of
the changing year. Ovid relates that, in the days of King Proca,
Vertumnus fell in love with Pomona, a shy nymph who with-
drew from the society of men to the retirement and duties of
her orchard and garden, and although in many disguises he
sought to make his way into her retreat, it was all in vain,
until he presented himself in the form of an old woman. He
then told her of his passion, but all his words could not avail
to soften her heart. Only when he showed himself to her in
his true likeness, as a youth of unblemished beauty, did she
relent; and from that time on they were never seen apart.



 



 



 



 



PLATE LX
Genius and Lares

In the centre stands the Genius, presumably of the
head of the household, in human form, while below he
appears in the guise of a serpent approaching an altar
to devour the offerings placed thereon. In his right
hand the Genius holds a sacrificial saucer and in his
left a box of incense, and on either side of him dance
two Lares, each holding a rbyton (drinking-horn) and
a small bronze pail. From a wall-painting in the
House of the Vettii, Pompeii (Hermann-Bruckmann,
Denkm&ler der Malerei dis Altertums^ No. 48). See
pp. 291, 298-99.



 



 




 



 



 



 



NATIVE ITALIC GODS 291

(b) Nature-Gods: Of Human Life^ Earthy Agriculturey
and Herding

Genius; luno. — If we adopt the Roman point of view, and
regard the Genius of man and the luno of woman as functional
powers originating outside of human life and employing men
and women merely as fields of operation, we must place these
two divinities among the nature-gods. Fundamentally Genius
was the procreative power of each man and luno that of each
woman, whence, finally, through a logical expansion the names
came to stand severally for the two sexes and their respective
life-interests. The ramifications of man's activities arrested
the development of Genius as an individual numeny while the
restricted sameness of woman's life intensified the individuality
of luno. In Genius, however, was latent the germ of the man-
worship of the Empire. luno presided over the conception of
children and their development up to birth, while her Samnite
epithet, Populona, marked her as the divinity who augmented
the population. Her union with luppiter and her identification
with Hera were late and greatly altered her personality.

Ceres. — Ceres and her male counterpart, Cerus (who was
snuflFed out early), were among the oldest of the Italic gods.
Ceres was closely associated with Tellus. The purpose of all
her festivals was to elicit her blessing on the crops in all their
stages from seeding until harvest, and the fact that the staple
grain foods were her gift to the people gave her a peculiarly
plebeian standing. Myth represented her as very susceptible
to oflFence and as prompt to punish the offender.

Tellus Mater. — Tellus, or Tellus Mater, seems to have be-
longed to the same ancient stratum as Ceres and to have been
primevally affiliated with her. As her name implies, she was
really Mother Earth, but in agriculture she was a personifica-
tion of the field which receives and cherishes the seed. In time,
however, she had to yield place to Ceres, as a double of the

Greek Demeter, only to reappear later under the name Terra
1—23



 



 



292 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY

Mater. In certain rites she was held to be a divinity of the
underworld, for when the bodies of the dead were entrusted,
like the seed-grain, to her care, she was simply taking back
what she herself had given. In myth, she stood, of course, for
Gaia (Ge).

Liber. — Liber first arose as an epithet of luppiter to desig-
nate the amplitude of his productive powers in the fertiliza-
tion of the seed of plants and animals, but later the adjective
became detached and invested with personality, the resulting
divinity being then identified as Dionysos and appointed as the
protector of the vine. Liber's female counterpart. Libera, was
equated with Kore and was thus drawn into the circle of Ceres.

Saturnus. — From the ancient prominence of Satumus ("the
Sower *'; cf. serere)^ or, in English, Saturn, Italy was often
known in myth as Satumia. The native function of Satumus
is transparent in his name, but this was gradually broadened
so as to include practically all agricultural operations, his
great December festival, the Saturnalia, having for its object
the germination of the seed just sown, while the sickle, as his
chief symbol, marked his intimate relation to harvesting.
For some reason unknown to us he was given a high place
in Italic myth, where he was the husband of Ops. Through
his association with her he assimilated some of her chthonic
traits, and, further, through her identification as Rhea, was in
his turn identified with Kronos, thus coming to be exalted as
the ruler of the Golden Age.

Consus and Ops. — The special province of Consus (cf .
conderey "to store *')> a purely Italic god, was the safe garner-
ing of the fruits of the field, and the underground location of
his altar at Rome is a sort of myth without words, symbolizing
as it did the common custom of storing the grain in pits. His
most intimate companion in cult was Ops, who seems prima-
rily to have been the personal embodiment of a bountiful har-
vest, though she assumed the secondary function of protecting
the private and public granaries against destruction by fire.



 



 



NATIVE ITALIC GODS 293

Mars. — The god Mars (Mavors, Marspiter, Maspiter)
was known to all the primitive stocks. In his later career he
was certainly the god of war, and in the Roman versions of
Greek legends his name regulariy replaced that of Ares, but
that war was his role from the beginning is not generally ad-
mitted, for he may have been a god of vegetation and of the
borderiands lying between the farmstead and the wild, and have
possessed the double function of fostering the crops and herds
and of defending them against the attacks of enemies from
without. Just as the Greeks associated the horse and the bull
with Poseidon, so the Italians variously connected the wood-
pecker, the ox, and the wolf with Mars.

Faunus. — No Roman god incorporated in his single per-
son more features of terrestrial nature than did Faunus
(cf. favere^ "to favour")- There is no doubt that he had
been established in the life of the people of the fold and the
hamlet from a very remote age, and so familiar were they
with him that they could take some of those liberties with his
personality such as mythology allows. He was, their legends
ran, the kindly spirit of out-of-doors who caused crop and
herd to flourish and who warded oflF wolves, being Lupercus
in this latter aspect. It was he who was the speaker of the
weird prophetic voices which men heard in the forest, and
late legend said that he cast his prophecies in the form
of verse, and thus became the inventor of poetry. Yet
there was a mischievous side to his nature as well as a seri-
ous, for he was the spirit who sent the Nightmare (Incubo).
Fauna, a divinity of fertility, passed now as his wife, now as
his sister.

Silvanus. — Silvanus seems to have sprung into being from
the detached and divinized epithet of either Mars or Faunus,
and his domain, true to his name, was the woodland. He
bestowed his favour on hunter and shepherd and on all the
interests of the husbandman who had won a title to his acres
through clearing away the wild timber. He was himself



 



 



294 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY

mythologically conceived as a hunter or as an ideal gardener,
and many stories of Pan were transferred to him.

Diana. — The earliest of the Italic divinities to be adopted
by Rome was Diana, and her cult on the Aventine Hill was
simply a transference of her cult at Aricia of Latium. The
common belief of a later period that she was the same as
Artemis obscured her original nature, but her affiliation at
Aricia with the spring-nymph Egeria, and with Virbius, both
divinities of child-birth, arouses the suspicion that her function
was a similar one.

Venus. — The process which converted the native Italian
Venus into a goddess of love and the Roman double of Aph-
rodite is very interesting. Her personality seems to have been
an efflorescence of her name, which first denoted the element of
attractiveness in general, then, as it narrowed, this quality
in nature, and, in the end, the goddess who elaborated it. To
the utilitarian Roman the chief field of her activity was the
market-gardens on which the city depended for a large pro-
portion of its food-stuflFs, and it was in this capacity, no doubt,
that she was recognized as the same as Aphrodite. With this
identification she took over Aphrodite's attribute of love,
but in so doing arrested her own development along its original
lines. At an early date in Rome she was accorded special
homage as the mother of Aeneas, and, later, as the divine an-
cestress of the Julian family, the temple of Venus Genetrix
built by Julius Caesar and that of Venus and Rome con-
structed by Hadrian being material evidences of her high
standing. Cupido became her companion in myth as Eros
was that of Aphrodite.

Flora. — Flora was an ancient goddess of springtime and
flowers, giving beauty and fragrance to the blossom, sweet-
ness to honey, aroma to wine, and charm to youth. Her
April festival was marked by the unstinted and varied use of
flowers, and by the practice of pursuing animals often ritually
associated with fertility.



 



 



 



 



PLATE LXI

I

Arbthousa

The head of Arethousa may be distinguished from
that of Persephone (see Plate IV, Fig. 4) in that it
lacks the diadem of stalks and ears of grain. The
dolphins indicate that the nymph dwells by the sea.
From a decadrachm of Syracuse of the fourth century
B.C. (enlarged two diameters). See p. 257.

2

Ianus Bifrons

This coin type delineates the Roman conception of
the two-faced god of entrances. Each face is that of
an old man with bushy hair and beard, and is in keep-
ing with the idea recorded in Ovid that Ianus was the
oldest of the gods. From a Roman bronze coin of
the fourth century B.C. (G. F. Hill, Historical Roman
Coins^ Plate I, Fig. i). See p. 297.



 



 





 



 



 



 



NATIVE ITALIC GODS 295

Fortuna. — If we follow the successive stages of Fortuna's
growth, we must rank her as a nature-god. As far back as we
can probe into her history, she was apparently the deification
of that incalculable element which shapes the conditions of
harvest, a time of great anxiety to an agricultural people, while
her votaries at Praeneste believed that she controlled the des-
tiny of women in child-birth. She was, in brief, a sort of in-
dependent predetermining force in nature. As Vergil repre-
sented her, however, she was the incorporate will of the gods,
and submission to her decisions was always a moral victory.
Her Greek counterpart was generally Tyche, rarely Moira.

(c) Nature-Gods: Of the Water

The importance of springs and streams in the life of the
Italian sufficiently accounts for his belief in their individual
numina. The numina of the springs appeared as kindly young
goddesses gifted with song and prophecy and with the power
of healing, but they were also, after a manner, sorceresses,
though they used their magic to good ends. The best known
of these at Rome was lutuma who, the legends said, was the
wife of lanus and the mother of Fons ("Fountain")- The
Camenae, nymphs of song and of child-birth, were known as the
Roman muses, one of their number, Carmentis (or Carmenta),
like a Greek Fate, singing to the new-born child its destiny.
Egeria, the nymph brought in from Aricia, had gifts like those
of the Camenae. The Romans imagined the numina of rivers
to be benevolent and indulgent old men.

Neptunus. — Neptunus, as the divinity of the element of
moisture, belonged to the oldest circle of the Roman gods,
and only through his likeness to Poseidon did he become the
lord of the sea. His nature confined the observance of his
worship to the rural population, and the persistence of his
festival, the Neptunalia, the purpose of which was to bring
moisture to the land, into the fourth century of our era is one



 



 



296 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY

evidence of the tenacious power of nature-religion over the
masses of the Roman people.

(d) Nature-Gods: Of Fire, of the Underworld^ and of Disease

Folcanus. — The fire-god Volcanus was far less conspicuous
than one would have expected him to be in the land of Vesu-
vius, and doubtless because the volcano had been quiescent
for many centuries prior to 79 a.d. Although the god wore
the mask of Hephaistos in the Latin renderings of Greek
myth, he was by nature only partially qualified to do so. In
the old Roman group of gods he was the spirit of destructive
rather than of useful fire, and was reputed to be of an irascible
disposition which always needed placation, whence the pres-
ence of many docks and valuable stores at Ostia led to the
wide extension of his worship in that place.

Vediovis. — Left to himself, and with his imagination un-
prodded by the Greek spirit of wonder, the Roman gave little
time to speculating on the lot of man after death. His chief
interest was in the living and those yet to be born, so that one
is not surprised to find his divinities of the underworld few
and only vaguely outlined. The chief one was Vediovis (Vei-
ovis, Vedius), who seems to have been given his place in the
lower world largely for the reason that the logic of the Roman
religious system called for a spiritual and physical opposite
to luppiter. Little is known of him beyond the fact that he
was invoked in oaths along with Tellus.

Febris. — The disease which the Romans feared the most
was, of course, malaria, which was the fever {febris) par ex-
cellence; and so concrete and uniform were its manifestations
that we utterly lose the Roman's point of view if we regard
Febris, the divinity, as born of an abstraction. This holds
equally true of the offshoots of Febris, Dea Tertiana and Dea
Quartana, the one standing for the malarial chills which,
according to our mode of reckoning, return every second day,
the other for those which recur every third day.



 



 


89
Greek Mythology / Re: Greek & Roman Mythology
« on: August 04, 2019, 11:01:17 PM »


 



THE LESSER GODS — UNDERWORLD 277

say, the Erinyes did not pursue every murderer; their vindic-
tive fury was reserved especially for him who had committed
the sin of sins, the slaughter of a kinsman, and herein lies the
significance of their pursuit of Orestes and Alkmaion — each
had slain his mother. Once established as defenders of the
family, to the Greek mind the mainstay of the social order,
their powers to enforce justice were broadened, and they now
became the champions of the right of the first-bom, and of
strangers, and of beggars. In Homer we find them depriving
Achilles' horses of the gift of speech in order to correct an
offence against the just laws of nature. They are generally,
but not always, represented as being three in number and
named respectively Alekto, Megaira, Tisiphone. In imagina-
tion men painted them as repulsive caricatures of women;
for hair they had a tangle of serpents; instead of running, they
flew about like birds of prey; in their hands they brandished
scourges with which they threatened the victim of their pur-
suit; and the Taurian herdsmen reported to Iphigenia Orestes*
description of the Erinys who assailed him:

^'A she-dragon of Hell, and all her head
Agape with fanged asps, to bite me dead.
She hath no face, but somewhere from her cloak
Bloweth a wind of fire and bloody smoke:
The wind's heat fans it: in her arms. Ah see!
My mother, dead grey stone, to cast on me
And crush." •

EumenideSj Semnai Theai, Maniai. — Small wonder that
the Greeks shrank from pronouncing the name of such dire
beings as the Erinyes. Since a name has a happy way of cloak-
ing realities, they called them in Athens Semnai Theai, " Re-
vered Goddesses," and at Kolonos, the Eumenides, "Benevo-
lent Ones," but in time they forgot that these epithets were
only substitutes and built up new divine characters to suit
them, such being the pliability of the myth-making mind.
The Maniai ("Madnesses") of Megalopolis seem to have
been of identical nature.



 



 



278 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY

Miscellaneous. — Besides the Erinyes, there was a host of
inferior hellish creatures popularly located in the underworld.
The Keres passed now as the souls of the dead, now as malevo-
lent death-dealing daemons of an independent origin and exist-
ence; the Stringes ("Vampires") were horrid winged creatures
in the form of night-birds who brought evil dreams and sucked
the life-blood of sleepers; and Empousa was a destructive
monster with one foot of brass and the other of an ass. Lamia,
who still lives in modern Greek superstition, was said to have
been a woman of Libya whose children, begotten by Zeus,
were slain by Hera, and who in revenge gave herself over to
the perpetual task of killing strange children.

In the underworld there also lived Hypnos ("Sleep*')
and Thanatos ("Death"), twin sons of Nyx ("Night")
and Erebos ("Darkness"). Hypnos spent his time now on
earth, now in the Island of Dreams, and now beneath the
earth, exercising his power over men and gods as he willed;
while Thanatos would come forth from below and clip a lock
from the head of the dying to hasten the last breath.



 



 



'-^



 



 



PLATE LVIII
Hypnos

Hypnot, a beautiful, soft-fleshed, dreamy youth,
seems originally to have held in his extended right
hand a horn from which to pour sleep on reposing
mortals; in his left he probably grasped a poppy-stem
with which he cast over them a spell of forgetfulness.
His appearance calls to mind the description of Sleep
which Ovid puts into the mouth of luno: ^Sleep,
mildest of all the gods, thou art thyself sweet peace of
mind, a soothing balm, an alien to care, and bringest
rest and strength to mortals worn and weary with
the toils of life" {Metamorphoses^ xi. 623-25). A
Roman marble copy of a bronze original (apparently
of the fourth century B.C.), in the Prado, Madrid
(Brunn-Bruckmann, DenknUtUr griecbiscbir und rom-^
ischer Sculptur^ No. 529). See p. 278.



 



 



'N






 



 



 



 



CHAPTER XIV

THE LESSER GODS — ASKLEPIOS,
ABSTRACT DIVINITIES

I. ASKLEPIOS

ALTHOUGH, as wc shall presendy see, Asklepios was not,
strictly speaking, an abstract divinity, yet the more
or less abstract character of his function of healing affords some
warrant for our present classification of him.

The Origin and the Name of Asklepios. — If the myths con-
cerning the parentage of Asklepios are at all significant, he
was the heir and successor of Apollo in the art of healing.
This mythical relationship doubtless became established in
some cult-shrine of Apollo, such as that in Epidauros or even
that in Cretan Gortyna, where the two were affiliated and
where, in the end, the younger divinity ousted the elder from
the first place. Whatever may have been the initial nature of
Asklepios, his mature form seems to reveal a combination of
two natures, chthonic and solar, and of this there are traces
in the myths that are to follow. Some scholars see in the first
part of his name a root which embodies the idea of brightness,
but, unfortunately, this is so uncertain that it is useless as a
confirmation of the partly solar nature of the god. It is pretty
generally agreed, on the other hand, that the second part of
the name, -lyTTto?, signifies "mild" or "soothing," a very ap-
propriate quality for a dispenser of healing.

Myths of Asklepios. — Asklepios sometimes passed as the
son of Arsinoc, the daughter of Leukippos, but generally as
the son of Koronis (" Sea-Gull"), the daughter of Thessalian
Phlegyas. Pausanias ^ tells the story of his birth and infancy



 



 



28o GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY

with an attractive simplicity. "When he [i. e. Phlegyas] came
to Peloponnese his daughter came with him, and she, all
unknown to her father, was with child by Apollo. In the land
of Epidauros she was delivered of a male child, whom she ex-
posed upon the mountain which is named Tltthion (* nipple*).
. . . But one of the goats that browsed on the mountain
gave suck to the forsaken babe; and a dog, the guardian of
the flock, watched over it. Now when Aresthanas — for that
was the name of the goatherd — perceived that the tale of the
goats was not full, and that the dog kept away from the flock,
he went up and down, they say, looking everywhere. At
last he found the babe and was fain to take it up in his arms.
But as he drew near he saw a bright light shining from the
child. So he turned away, 'For surely,' thought he, *the hand
of God is in this,* as indeed it was. And soon the fame of the
child went abroad over every land and sea, how that he had
all power to heal the sick and that he raised the dead.*' An-
other account relates that while Asklepios was still in the
womb of his mother, a raven came to Apollo with the tidings
that Koronis was unfaithful to him, whereupon Apollo straight-
way cursed the raven, which, in consequence, was changed
forever from white to black, and, hastening to Koronis, he
slew her and burned her body on a pyre. Snatching the child
from the midst of the flames, he took him to Cheiron, who
trained him in the chase and in the mysteries of healing,
whereby Asklepios became so skilful as a physician that he
not only kept many men from death, but even raised to life
some who had died, for instance, Kapaneus, Hippolytos,
Tyndareos, Glaukos the son of Minos, and others. Zeus, how-
ever, fearful lest men, too, might learn how to revive the dead,
slew Asklepios with the thunderbolt, whereupon, in reprisal,
Apollo killed the Kyklopes and for this act had to make ex-
piation by serving Admetos as a slave. The legend also tries
to explain the healing means employed by Asklepios, saying
that, through Athene, he secured blood from the veins of



 



 



THE LESSER GODS — ASKLEPIOS 281

Medousa. With that which came from her left side he destroyed
men, while with that which was derived from the right he
brought them back to life.

The people of Epidauros said that Asklepios was first known
as Epios, but after he had healed King Askles of a grievous
malady, he assumed the longer and traditional name. In
Epidauros his wife was Epione, but elsewhere she was Lam-
petie, a daughter of Helios. Machaon, the hero-physician, was
always held to be a son of Asklepios and sometimes Epione
and Hygieia ("Health'') were said to be his daughters.

The serpent is the constant symbol of Asklepios in both
legend and worship, the burghers of a certain Epidauros in
Lakonia claiming that their shrine of the god was built on a
spot where a snake had disappeared beneath the earth. In
his sacred precincts in the Argive Epidauros, and in those of
Athens and Kos, which were offshoots of the former, the ser-
pent was the living emblem of his presence and was thought
to communicate means of healing to sufferers from disease
as they slept in the holy place — the rite technically known as
"incubation." * Asklepios was invariably attended by groups
of priests who devoted themselves to surgery and other cura-
tive means, and many extant inscriptions tell of their wonderful
successes. In the island of Kos in particular the priests of As-
klepios laid the foundations of the modern scientific study and
practice of medicine.

Asklepios in Art. — Owing to the failure of poetry to at-
tribute any definite traits of face and form to Asklepios, the
artists were thrown back upon their own ingenuity. They chose
to represent him after the ideal of Zeus, but of milder counte-
nance and of less majestic manner. He is shown seated or
standing like the corresponding types of Zeus, though holding
the sceptre not as a mark of might but as a staff on which to
lean. The best representations of him are seen in the votive
offerings of his shrine where incubation (sleej>-cure) was prac-
tised.



 



 



282 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY

11. ABSTRACT DIVINITIES

The same habit of thought which could clothe the mysterious
operations of nature with all the features of personality could
consistently treat in like manner the inscrutable processes of
the mind and the qualities of things, whence we actually find
the Greeks making these abstract conceptions over into divine
beings. That this was not merely a late but a very early prac-
tice is demonstrated in the evident antiquity of Mnemosyne,
Eunomia, and certain others of their kind in Hesiod. This
entire class of divinities was treated in myth, when they were
given any place at all, in the same way as were the more highly
personalized nature-gods, although they were debarred from
frequent appearance in this field, for temperamentally the
Greek shrank from the bald literalness of their names, and some
of the divinities recorded below are by nature perilously near the
concrete. The list is of necessity far from complete and must
be regarded as supplying little more than mere illustrations.
It will be noticed that some of the names have been discussed
in earlier chapters, but here we see them from another angle.

Of time: Eos, Hemera, Nyx, Chronos ("Time"; cf. "Father
Time"), Hebe, Geras ("Old Age"), Kairos ("Opportunity,"
" Psychological Moment ") .

Of states of body: Hygieia, Hypnos, Thanatos, Limos ("Fam-
ine"), Laimos ("Pestilence"), Mania ("Madness").

Of states of mind: Phobos, Eleos ("Pity"), Aidos ("Mod-
esty"), Eros, Himeros ("Longing"), Euphrosyne.

Of the spiritual faculties: Metis, Mnemosyne, Pronoia ("Fore-
thought").

Of the virtues and vices: Arete ("Excellence" or "Virtue"),
Sophrosyne ("Temperance"), Dikaiosyne ("Righteousness"),
Hybris ("Offensive Presumption"), Anaideia ("Shameless-
ness").

Of sundry social institutions: Telete ("Rite of the Myster-
ies"), Litai ("Prayers"), Arai ("Curses"), Nomos ("Law"),



 



 



THE LESSER GODS — CHANCE 283

Dike ("Precedent "),Demo8 ("the People*'), Eirene ("Peace*'),
Homonoia ("Unanimity").

To the foregoing catalogue we may add the personifications
of the various phases of war and strife (e. g. Nike, "Victory")
and of the several types of poetry.



III. THE ELEMENT OF CHANCE

Owing to the importance of the element of chance in legend
and religious thought, it is well to treat this abstraction by
itself.

Tyche. — Tyche ("Chance") was frankly the deification of
the element of risk, and its relation to the plans and efforts
of men to earn their daily bread and to better their conditions
of life held it continually before the attention, so that men
had to admit its existence as a real force. In the early days,
when the Greeks had the self-reliant spirit of pioneers and a
strong faith in the ability of men to bring to pass things which
were not positively forbidden, Tyche received only meagre
recognition, but in the later days of their religious degeneracy
and enfeebled initiative they gratuitously endowed her with a
power in contrast with which their own dignity as free agents
entirely disappeared. Still more uncertain than the future of
individuals is that of associations of individuals, and thus, from
the sixth century onward, Tyche was exalted with gradually
increasing frequency to the position of the goddess of the luck
of the state, this development being doubtless aided in the
Roman period by the influence of Fortuna.

Moirdj Moiraij Ananke, Adrasteia. — Moira (or Aisa,
"Fate") and the Moirai ("Fates") represented the order of
chance, or, in other words, the determinative elements which
seem to operate amid the vicissitudes of human life. Ethically,
they imply a much healthier point of view than that implied
in Tyche. In Homer, it will be remembered, Moira was an
almost impersonal decree issuing from Zeus; that is, she was



 



 



284 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY

herself the will of Zeus, although the other gods limited her
scope of action according to their respective degrees of great-
ness. Somewhat later than Homer she was conceived as an
independent power to which gods as well as men must yield,
and in this aspect she is Ananke (" Necessity "), or Adrasteia

("Inevitable")-

In legend the Moirai, who were reckoned as three in number,
were, appropriately, the daughters of Zeus and Themis • and
bore the names Klotho, Lachesis, and Atropos. Plato may be
following an old tradition when he states that into the ears of
man Klotho sings of the present, Lachesis of the past, and
Atropos of the future; and a late belief ascribed to them sever-
ally, in the order in which they have just been named, control
over the birth, the life, and the death of mortals.

Nemesis. — The name of Nemesis* seems to have been first
employed as an epithet of Artemis, intended to convey the
idea that this goddess, as one who presided over birth, was also
a dispenser of human lots. By the times of Homer and Hesiod,
however, it had lost its character as a purely descriptive term
and had become the name of a vague personality; while later
it came to stand for the divinity who brought upon men ret-
ribution for their deeds and who was especially hostile to ex-
cessive human prosperity. "Pride breaks itself, and too much
gained is gone." * We read in a fragment of the Kypria that
Nemesis was a winged goddess who flew over land and sea
and assumed the forms of many animals in order to escape the
embraces of Zeus, but in the form of a swan he overtook her
at Rhamnous and by her became the mother of Helen.



 



 



 



 



PLATE LIX

NiKB

A winged Nike ("Victory"), clad in chiton and
himationj and wearing a tongued diadem, pours out
wine from an oinochoty held in her right hand, into a
saucer resting in the hand of an armed Greek warrior.
The kirykeion^ or caduceus^ in the left hand of the
goddess signifies that she is bringing a message of vic-
tory. From a red-figured Attic lekythos of the early
fifth century B.C., found at Gela {Monumtnti Jnticbi^
xvii, Plate XIII). Sec p. 283.



 



 




 



 



 



 



PART III
THE MYTHOLOGY OF ANCIENT ITALY



 



 



 



 



THE MYTHOLOGY OF ANCIENT ITALY

INTRODUCTION

FIR the very good reason that the Italic mind and religious
attitude were quite unlike the Greek, it is impossible to
treat the mythology of the Italic peoples as we have considered
that of the Greeks. Now, the mind of the Italian was not natu-
rally curious and speculative, whence, since speculation is the
motive power behind myth, the output of Italic myth was very
small, and at the same time well-nigh barren of lively fancy.
Furthermore, the Italian had not advanced to a stage of re-
ligious thought which would of itself favour the creation of
a group of divine personalities specially adapted even for such
imaginary genealogies and stories of marvellous achievement
as his type of mind might be able to construct under certain
circumstances. What, then, was the nature of his religion?
We shall endeavour to compact a description of it into a para-
graph or two.

Up to a point about midway between the animistic grade of
religious thought and the stage of belief in personal divinities
the Greek and the Roman seem to have developed in virtually
the same way. Beyond this point, however, the lines of their
progress diverged, for while the Greek mind easily and natu-
rally emerged from animism into deism, as the moth from the
chrysalis, the Roman found the utmost difficulty; and, indeed,
so awkward was the metamorphosis that the great majority of
the deities which it produced were and remained stunted and
deformed as compared with the Greek divinities. In brief, the
Roman seldom got farther than to regard the potency, or life-
power, as a living will, a numen, as he termed it. Only the barest
few of the numina did he endue with the many-coloured coat of



 



 



288 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY

personality; all others he left in the plain rustic garb of func-
tional spirits of nature. The assignment of names to the fa-
voured few and the establishment of their worships and priest-
hoods in definite localities added to the illusion of their per-
sonality in the popular mind. Although from the point of view
of our classification the numina were scarcely gods, yet for the
practical purposes of Roman private and public religion they
were as much deities as were, for instance, the nobler figures of
luppiter, luno, and Minerva.

By reason of the power of the gods to help or to harm it was
to the best interest of the Roman to keep on good terms with
them; in his own words, to secure and maintain a pax deorum;
and, accordingly, every act of his worship was directed to this
end. By rites, largely magical in character, by sacrifice, and
by supplication he strove daily to ensure for himself, his family,
his fields and flocks, and his state the favour of the benevo-
lent divinities, and to avert the displeasure of the evil; but the
fixed system of ritual which he evolved in a very early period
so mechanized his religious thinking that he became incapable
of imagining his gods as departing from the traditional con-
ception of them, and hence was equally unable to invent myths.

90
Greek Mythology / Re: Greek & Roman Mythology
« on: August 04, 2019, 11:00:23 PM »

PLATE LVI
Orbithyia and Boreas

Boreas, well characterized as a thick-set and
bristly-haired man of cruel countenance, has grasped
Oreithyia around the waist, and, lifting her off her
feet, is on the point of flying away with her through
the air. A sister of the maiden, Pandrosos, is hasten-
ing away in fear, while Herse, another sister, runs
forward to lend aid. From a red-figured amphora of
about 475 b.c, in Munich (Furtwangler-Reichhold,
Griechischi Fasenmalerei^ No. 94). See pp. 73-74^
265.



 



 




 



 



 



 



THE LESSER GODS — OF THE WILD 267

Typhon and the Kyklopes. — Apparently Typhon and all
the forms of the Kyklopes — the Homeric, the smiths of Zeus,
the spirits of the volcano, and the mythical builders of city
walls — were originally storm-daemons.*



OF THE WILD

Party Silenoiy and Satyroi (Satyrs). — Pan has about him the
unmistakable marks of a native of the hills and the grazing
lands of Arkadia, his name (a contraction of Hcuav) denoting
"the grazier." It was in the Arkadian mountain, Lykaion,
where he was born a son of Hermes and Dryope, or of Zeus and
Kallisto, and only among the pastoral Arkadians was his cult
of national importance. On his favour to flock and herd hung
the existence and the prosperity of the inhabitants, and with
the spread of the story that in the battle at Marathon he rein-
forced the Greek cause by driving the Persians into a mad rout,
his cult extended into every part of Greece. Nevertheless, with
the exception of his exaltation in certain philosophical circles
to the position of the All-God (a conception born partly from
the false derivation of his name from the adjective meaning
"all"), he had no contact with the spiritual life of the people
— he always remained, as he is portrayed in the Homeric
Hymn in his honour, the unconventional, if not wanton, divin-
ity of the wilderness and country-side.

As the "goat-footed, two-homed lover of the dance" he
haunts "the snowy height, the mountain peaks, and paths
amid the crags. Hither and thither he fares through the thick
copses, now enticed by the gentle streams, and now, climbing
an exceeding lofty height overlooking the herds, he makes his
way among the rocks. Often he runs over the long white ridges
of the mountains, and often, again, over the foot-hills, slaying
wild beasts and glancing sharply about him. Then at evening,
returning from the chase, he sings alone and plays a sweet song
upon the pipes. Not even the bird which pours forth her sweet



 



 



268 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY

lays amid the leaves of flowery spring can excel him in song.
With him then join in the melody the sweetly singing nymphs
of the highlands thronging round the darkling fountain, and
echo resounds about the summit of the mountain." *®

At the outset Pan was simply a generative daemon of the
flocks and herds, but the concept of his being a sort of ideal
shepherd and protector was a natural sequel of this function,
and in time his powers were so enlarged that he was held to
exert an influence on the growth of forage plants, although he
never became a full-fledged deity of vegetation. In the fore-
going spheres his emblem was the phallos. So far as wind and
weather affected the condition of the cattle, Pan was a weather-
god, and doubtless his fabled skill on the pipes is a reminiscence
of the primitive magical practice of endeavouring to control
the winds by whistling or by playing on wind-instruments.
As the chief divine inhabitant of the solitudes Pan contrived
the special perils that beset hunters, herdsmen, travellers,
and others who invaded his domains. The mirage was a de-
vice created by him to mislead and perplex, and panic, named
after himself, was his coup de maitre for suddenly dispersing
great hosts.

The Satyrs and the Silenoi can best be comprehended,
perhaps, in the statement that they are a plurality of Pans,
although in them this playful and lustful character stands out
in exaggerated relief. They combine the elements of human,
brute, and inanimate nature more successfully than any other
creatures of myth. By virtue of their connexion with fertility
they frequently appear in the circle of Dionysos as well as in
that of Pan.

The representations of Pan and his lesser congeners in
art are, in more than the ordinary sense, myths in pictorial or
graphic form. Two periods of their development may be ob-
served, the dividing line being drawn, roughly, at about 400
B.C. In the first the human element predominates, all of the
divinities being regularly shown as possessing the heads and



 



 



THE LESSER GODS — OF THE WILD



269



bodies of men and the members of animals, such as horns, tail,
pointed ears, shaggy hair, and the legs of goats or of horses.
Toward the end of this time types appear which represent
them as beautiful youths, bearing here and there upon their
persons mere hints of their semi-bestial nature. In the second
period the animal element becomes more prominent, but more
smoothly fused with the human, and the types of Pan, the
Satyrs, and the Silenoi now begin to diverge along their own




Fig. 10. Sattrs at Plat

In the centre of the lower band is a Maenad holding a tkyrsos (ritual wand) and look-
ing at a group of four Satyrs, two of whom, riding on the backs of the others, are waiting
to catch the ball about to be thrown by the old Satyr at the extreme left of the picture.
Between the old Satyr and the Maenad is a boy Satyr lightly leaning on a hoop which
he has just been trundling. The upper band shows a pantomimic dance of maidens
(JHS xi, Plate XII).

separate lines. Pan is now practically always seen with goat's
legs and has a leering, sensual countenance, while the flute
of reed, the goatherd's staff, and the goatskin are his common
attributes. All these characteristics are gradually taken over
by the Satyrs.

Maenads and Bacchantes. — The Maenads and Bacchantes
were the spirits of the wild conceived as feminine. Although
they were much less gross than their male companions whom
we have just described, in that they were devoid of the bodily
attributes of the animal kinds, nevertheless, they counted the
beasts of the wild among their chief associates, and, despite
their human form, they were distinctly unhuman in spirit.



 



 



270 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY

They had their birth in the belief, common to many primitive
peoples, that the storms of the latter part of the winter release
the daemons which put life into herb and tree; in fact, they
were these storms themselves, wanton, wild, and free. Their
natures brought them into an intimate alliance with Dionysos,
and the roU which they played in his rites has made their
names synonyms of unrestraint and revelry. Wrought to a
state of ecstasy by the shrill music of the flute and the clash
of cymbals, they would shout and sing as they ran wildly to
and fro, waving burning brands and thyrsoi (ritual wands).
As Agave tore her unbelieving son Pentheus asunder, so the
Maenads were said to rend the young of wild animals and then
to eat their flesh raw.

Dryads and Hamadryads. — The spirits which were thought
to inhabit trees were known as Dryads or Hamadryads, and
they became classed as nymphs, as we have previously pointed
out, by a very easy extension of terms. Under the name of
Dryad the Greeks seem to have comprehended a female spirit
dwelling among the trees, whereas a Hamadryad, on the other
hand, was the spirit of an individual tree whose life began and
ended with that of her host. Stories which bring out the indi-
viduality of Hamadryads — for example, that of Daphne and
Apollo — are simply the devices of mythology to explain the
marked peculiarities of single trees or of single species of trees.

Kentauroi {Centaurs). — Of all the monsters put together by
the Greek imagination the Centaurs constituted a class in
themselves. Despite a strong streak of sensuality in their
make-up, their normal behaviour was moral, and they took
a kindly thought of man's welfare. The attempted outrage of
Nessos on Deianeira, and that of the whole tribe of Centaurs
on the Lapith women, are more than offset by the hospitality
of Pholos and by the wisdom of Cheiron, physician, prophet,
lyrist, and the instructor of Achilles. Further, the Centaurs
were peculiar in that their nature, which united the body of
a horse with the trunk and head of a man, involved an unthink-



 



 



THE LESSER GODS — OF THE WILD 271

able duplication of vital organs and important members. So
grotesque a combination seems almost un-Greek. These strange
creatures were said to live in the caves and clefts of the moun-
tains, myth associating them especially with the hills of Thes-
saly and the range of Erymanthos.



 



 



I



CHAPTER XIII
THE LESSER GODS — OF THE EARTH

I. GAIA (GE)

F a poet of this utilitarian day and generation can sing,
with such happy fancy,

"The earth that is the sister of the sea,
The earth that is the daughter of the stars,
The mother of the myriad race of men," *



why should we wonder at the Greeks' imputation of person-
ality to the various features of the material world? This mod-
ern conception of Earth, i. e. Gaia or Ge, is almost textually,
we may safely say, that of the most ancient Greeks of whom
we have even the vaguest knowledge. At Dodona Zeus, the
sky-god, was coupled with the earth goddess, a union long
consummated even then. In Homer*s time she was held to be a
sentient being, although perhaps not quite personal enough to
be a goddess, but later, in Hesiod, we find her consciously
exercising the functions of parenthood. As we have seen in
the chapter on the beginning of things, she was the mother,
first of Ouranos, and afterward, by him, of the Titans, of the
Kyklopes, and of the Giants, and, by the indirect process of
descent, of gods and men; while in the local myths we learned
that men like Pelasgos, Kekrops, and Alalkomeneus sprang
straight from her bosom. When she had brought all these
into the world, she nourished them, enriched them, and gave
them the mysterious power to reproduce their kind, whence
at Athens she was venerated under the title "Nourisher of
Youths."



 



 



 



 



PLATE LVII

A Mabkad

This vigorously drawn figure represents a Maenad
at the height of her orgiastic frenzy. Her slightly
raised foot and the flutter of her garments show that
she is dancing wildly rather than moving swiftly for-
ward. She wears a girdle of fawn-skin, and is crowned
with a wreath of ivy from beneath which flow long
loose tresses of her hair. Behind her and to one side
her thyrsos (ritual wand) stands obliquely in the ground.
In each hand she holds a part of the fawn which in her
madness she has just rent asunder, as the blood still
dripping from the wounds testifies. From a red-
figured Ukythos of about 475 B.C., from Gela (Monu-
menti Jntichi^ xvii, Plate LVa). See pp. 269-70.



 



 




 



 



 



 



THE LESSER GODS — RHEA-KYBELE 273

Under the name of Gaia, however, the development of the
goddess stopped, for Gaia was too obvious a suggestion of the
material earth to stir the constructive .Greek fancy into ac-
tion, although certain of her epithets descriptive of different
concepts of the earth-power survived and took on attractive
forms. Thus, as Pandora ("All-Giver") she became the theme
of a significant myth, and as Pandrosos ("All-Bedewing")
she plays a role in early Athenian religious history, while,
partly from the righteousness of her oracles, as delivered, for
instance, from her pre-Apolline shrine at Delphoi, she became
Themis ("Justice"), although it was under the name of
Demeter that she attained her highest and loveliest attributes
of divinity.

Yet there is another side to the nature of Gaia, for after
death men were laid away in her deep bosom, whence they had
first come, so that she presided over the host of departed spirits,
and it was only natural that, under the name of Persephone,
she ultimately came to be known as the queen of the lower
world. She was associated with the Genesia, a festival in which
ancestors were honoured, and with the latter part of the An-
thesteria, while in public oaths that bound treaties and alli-
ances she was invoked, along with Zeus and Helios, as an ever-
present witness of the solenm obligation.

II. RHEA-KYBELE (GREAT MOTHER)

Beginning with the fifth century, the names Great Mother
or Mother of the Gods, Rhea, and Kybele were employed
indifferently to designate a single divine being, a great earth
goddess, and it is altogether probable that historically also
they represented only one being. At Athens her official title
was the first of the foregoing names, or its alternative form,
and there, as early as the sixth century, she was accorded a
shrine, known as the Metroon, which served as the depository
of the state archives, an honour which seems to have come to



 



 



274 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY

her through her likeness to Demeter, who had already been
naturalized. The name Rhea belonged rather to the circle of
myth, being seldom used as a formal religious designation,
while the mention of Kybele always called to mind the peculiar
manner of cult connected with the Asiatic form of the mother
goddess of earth.

Rhea was primarily the Cretan conception of the maternal
principle resident in the earth, and as with the other gods her
functions increased with her recognition, until many were in-
cluded which in reality had only a remote relation to her actual
nature. In some quarters her name is explained as being pos-
sibly a Cretan form of y4a (7^), "earth," while in others it
is connected with /Jciv, "to flow," a relation which seems to
put emphasis on her function as a producer of rain. In the
Orphic genealogy Rhea is the daughter of Okeanos and Tethys,
but in the Hesiodic the offspring of Ouranos and Gaia. Be-
coming the sister-wife of Kronos, she bears Hera, Zeus, Posei-
don, Hades, Demeter, and Hestia, and in this way she plays a
very important part in the early scenes of the world's history
as set forth in myth. The story of her giving birth to Zeus in
Crete is a mirror of her functions and cult, Zeus representing
the herbage of spring emerging from the fertile bosom of mother
earth, and the nymphs attending him being the countless
kindly spirits which cherish the tender plants of earth. The
Kouretes, who later become an organized priesthood, are none
other than the early Cretans engaged in the performance of
magical ceremonies designed to encourage the productivity of
earth, while the stone which Rhea gives Kronos to swallow
must surely be a rain-stone to bring rain upon earth. Finally,
the death of Zeus as reported in Crete is, in the language of
myth, the annual decline of vegetation, the fall of leaf and
flower upon the breast of earth.

In the fifth century the name and worship of Kybele were
introduced into Greece and spread abroad, largely through the
influence of freed Phrygian slaves. The personality of this god-



 



 



THE LESSER GODS — RHEA-KYBELE 275

dess included, without doubt, traits of many other local earth
goddesses whom she had assimilated from time to time, and,
as one may clearly observe in the legend which we are about to
relate, she and her youthful favourite, Attis, are parallel cult-
figures to Aphrodite and Adonis.

An almond-tree wedded to the Phrygian river Sangarios
became the mother of a handsome lad named Attis, who spent
his childhood in the wilds among the beasts and birds, and
became a herdsman when he grew to manhood. His beauty
attracted the attention both of Kybele and of the princess of
the realm, so that they became rivals for his love, but when his
marriage with the princess was about to be celebrated in the
presence of a large gathering, Kybele suddenly appeared and
smote the guests with madness. Attis, fleeing to the highlands,
killed himself, and though Kybele entreated Zeus to restore the
boy to life, all that she could obtain was the consent that
his body and hair were to remain as in life, and that he could
move his little finger.

The legend just narrated seems to be an attempt to follow
back to its sources the ritual in which the yearly death and re-
birth of the young god of wild vegetation were symbolized by
a fir-tree. But Kybele was also associated with the vegetation
of the tilled lands, this being suggested, first, by the legends
which make her the wife of Gordias, the first king of Phrygia,
and by him the mother of Midas, whom she generously blesses
with the wealth of the earth; and, secondly, by the myths where
the daughter whom she has borne to the river Sangarios is
joined in wedlock to Dionysos. The dependence of Phrygia
upon her bounty for its well-being made her the chief divinity
both of the separate cities and of the entire country.

Kybele was attended by the lion and other wild animals and

by bands of priests known as Korybantes and Daktyloi.

The former might be characterized as male Maenads, so wild

and abandoned were their rites, and, in fact, they surpassed

the Maenads in this respect, even going so far as to practice
I — 22



 



 



276 GREEK AND ROMAN MYTHOLOGY

mutilation of their bodies. The aim of their ritual was twofold
— to advance the growth of vegetation, and to free themselves
from eternal death by mystic union with the immortal god-
dess. Owing to the highly emotional and unreflective character
of this cult, it was never thoroughly acceptable to the Greek
temperament.

During the fifth and fourth centuries art did not succeed in
elaborating a strictly Greek type of Rhea-Kybele, who was
often portrayed in a manner which suggested the Artemis of
the wild beasts — a matronly figure seated, crowned, and ac-
companied by lions. Her later type was an amplification of the
earlier, although barbarian traits now predominated.

III. LESSER DIVINITIES OF THE UNDERWORLD

Erinyes (Latin Furiae). — After the murder of Abel, we are
told in Genesis,* God said to Cain: "The voice of thy brother's
blood crieth unto me from the ground," and from the same
idea of the appeal of murdered souls for vengeance the Erinyes
were bom. The Hebrew and the Greek differed, however, in
the extent to which they severally elaborated the idea, since
the former put the avenging power into the hands of God, and
the latter into the hands of the injured souls themselves. The
soul of the murdered man, according to Greek belief, could rise
from the ground and as a free agent hound the murderer night
and day until he made proper expiation for his crime, this aveng-
ing soul being an Erinys. In time, through the influence of
a common tendency to pluralize daemonic conceptions, it was
expanded into a number of beings of a like nature; and as these
became established in popular thought, they acquired an
ever-enlarging endowment of attributes, the most important
being those which they acquired from the earth out of which
they came. As Earth was generally conceived as feminine,
so were they, and at times men even entreated them, as they
would Earth, for the blessing of a good harvest. Strange to